Bank for International Settlements (Immunity) Act
S.C. 2007, c. 35, s. 140
.
Assented to 2007-12-14
.
An Act to provide immunity to the Bank for International Settlements from government measures and from civil judicial process
.
[Enacted by section 140 of chapter 35 of the Statutes of Canada, 2007, in force on assent December 14, 2007.]
.
Marginal note: Short title
.
1 This Act may be cited as the Bank for International Settlements (Immunity) Act.
.
Marginal note: Immunity — government measures
.
2 The Bank for International Settlements, its property and any property entrusted to it are exempt from the measures referred to in Article 1 of the Protocol regarding the immunities of the Bank for International Settlements that was ratified by Canada on January 20, 1938.
.
Marginal note: Immunity — judicial process
.
3 (1) The Bank is immune from the juris-diction of any court in respect of a civil proceeding.
.
Marginal note: Immunity — property
.
(2) The Bank’s property and any property entrusted to it are immune, in respect of any civil proceeding, from attachment and execution.
.
Marginal note: Binding on Her Majesty
.
(3) Subsections (1) and (2) are binding on Her Majesty in right of Canada.
.
Marginal note: Non-application of sections 2 and 3
.
4 For reasons of national security or for the purposes of the conduct of Canada’s international affairs or the implementation of Canada’s international obligations, the Governor in Council may determine that, to the extent specified by the Governor in Council,
.
(a) the Bank, its property and any property entrusted to it are not exempt under section 2;
.
(b) the Bank is not immune under subsection 3(1); and
.
(c) the Bank’s property and any property entrusted to it are not immune under subsection 3(2)
In short, the Bank for International Settlements is immune from any jurisdiction in Canada.
It’s true that there is a provision that allows the Governor in Council to waive some or all of that immunity. However, when politicians see no issue with turning control of Canadian finances over to foreign, private interests, one has to wonder what it would take to be in Canada’s national interests.
1. Budget & Econ Statement Impl Act, (2007)
For reference, the Bank of International Settlements Immunity Act was just one part, Part 6, of the Budget and Economic Statement Implementation Act, 2007 (S.C. 2007, c. 35).
Throughout the 1930s, various nations signed on to ensure the Bank for International Settlements had legal immunity from legal restrictions or orders in member states. This was almost a century ago.
Article 1
Legal personality
The Swiss Federal Council acknowledges the international legal personality and the legal capacity within Switzerland of the Bank for International Settlements (hereinafter referred to as “the Bank”).
Article 2
Freedom of action of the Bank
.
1. The Swiss Federal Council shall guarantee to the Bank the autonomy and freedom of action to which it is entitled as an international organisation.
.
2. In particular, it shall grant to the Bank, as well as to its member institutions in their relations with the Bank, absolute freedom to hold meetings, including freedom of discussion and decision.
Article 3
Inviolability
. 1. The buildings or parts of buildings and surrounding land which, whoever may be the owner thereof, are used for the purposes of the Bank shall be inviolable. No agent of the Swiss public authorities may enter therein without the express consent Headquarters Agreement with Switzerland 37 of the Bank. Only the President, the General Manager of the Bank, or their duly authorised representative shall be competent to waive such inviolability.
.
2. The archives of the Bank and, in general, all documents and any data media belonging to the Bank or in its possession, shall be inviolable at all times and in all places.
.
3. The Bank shall exercise supervision of and police power over its premises.
Article 4
Immunity from jurisdiction and execution
1. The Bank shall enjoy immunity from jurisdiction, save:
.
(a) to the extent that such immunity is formally waived in individual cases by the President, the General Manager of the Bank, or their duly authorised representatives;
.
(b) in civil or commercial suits, arising from banking or financial transactions, initiated by contractual counterparties of the Bank, except in those cases in which provision for arbitration has been or shall have been made;
.
(c) in the case of any civil action against the Bank for damage caused by any vehicle belonging to or operated on behalf of the Bank.
.
2. Disputes arising in matters of employment relations between the Bank and its Officials or former Officials, or persons claiming through them, shall be settled by the Administrative Tribunal of the Bank. The Board of Directors of the Bank shall determine the constitution of the Administrative Tribunal, which shall have exclusive and final jurisdiction. Matters of employment relations shall be deemed to include in particular all questions relating to the interpretation or application of contracts between the Bank and its Officials concerning their employment, of the regulations to which the said contracts refer, including the provisions governing the Bank’s pension scheme and other welfare arrangements provided by the Bank.
.
3. The Bank shall enjoy, in respect of its property and assets, wherever located and by whomsoever held, immunity from any measure of execution (including seizure, attachment, freeze or any other measure of execution, enforcement or sequestration, and in particular of attachment within the meaning of Swiss law), except:
.
(a) in cases where execution is claimed on the basis of a final
judgment rendered by a court which has jurisdiction over
the Bank in accordance with paragraph 1(a), (b) or (c)above;
.
(b) in cases of execution of an award made by an arbitral tribunal pursuant to Article 27 of this Agreement.
.
4. All deposits entrusted to the Bank, all claims against the Bank and the shares issued by the Bank shall, without the express prior agreement of the Bank, wherever located and by whomsoever held, be immune from any measure of execution (including seizure, attachment, freeze or any other measure of execution, enforcement or sequestration, and in particular of attachment within the meaning of Swiss law).
The Swiss Government recognizes the Bank for International Settlements as an international organization, and gives it full immunities and powers over its land.
To be clear, the BIS already had very high levels and immunity long before Canada’s BIS Immunity Act in 2007. That just further cemented that immunity from Canadians or Canadian Officials.
It’s also worth pointing out that the property rights enshrined to this “international organization” far exceed the rights awarded to individuals in most nations.
The pandemic is therefore a stark reminder that preventing climate change from inflicting permanent harm on the global economy requires a fundamental structural change to our economy, inducing systematic changes in the way energy is generated and consumed.
With brutal clarity, the current crisis has exposed two major risks to the global economy: first, the farreaching damages imposed on our society by a lack of prevention and early action, fostered by disbelief in science, in the face of a global shock that threatens not only the economy but our lives.
And, second, the repercussions of a failure to act collectively in a globalised world where inaction in one part of the globe can lead to highly disruptive and long-lasting spillover effects in other parts, hitting the poorest and most vulnerable in our societies most severely.
In this sense, the pandemic has been a warning shot with regard to the much greater challenge arising from climate change. In his famous speech, Mark Carney, then Governor of the Bank of England, has argued that “the catastrophic impacts of climate change will be felt beyond the traditional horizons of most actors – imposing a cost on future generations that the current generation has no direct incentive to fix”.[3] Moreover, studies have uncovered a significant lag in discerning the benefits of mitigation measures,[4] which makes it much harder to impose costs on society today if measurable results are available much later.
By making the costs of a major, truly global crisis more tangible, the pandemic may help to remove the “tragedy” from Mark Carney’s horizon: after COVID-19, the dramatic consequences of a global climate crisis may be much easier to imagine. And given the need for fundamental structural change after this crisis, the willingness to use this chance to take precautions against the even bigger risk of a climate crisis may have increased.
In order to achieve the European Union’s target of net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, our response to the growing risks of climate change has to start with the way we rebuild our economies after the pandemic.
In my remarks this morning, I will argue that three complementary pillars are needed to accelerate the transition towards a low-carbon economy: an effective carbon price, a strong investment programme and a greener financial market.
I will also argue that central banks have a role to play in mitigating climate-related risks, even within their
traditional mandates, because global warming poses severe risks to price stability.
These comments come from the European Central Bank, on July 17, 2020. They argue for using this so-called crisis for other purposes.
What a coincidence, that this “pandemic” gives these people the opportunity to impose a larger social agenda that they would never otherwise have been able to get away with.
5. BIS, UN, Carney Pushing “Climate Finance”
This was addressed in Part 7. Mark Carney was head of both the Bank of Canada, and the Bank of England. Now he’s in charge of “climate finance” at the UN, and openly threatens to make companies go bankrupt if they don’t play along with the climate change scam.
6. BIS Arguing For Bigger Change
It should be alarming to people that an organization that is not accountable to the public, (in any country), is using its powers to argue for larger societal changes. However, our politicians are puppets who simply do as they are told.
The climate change industry isn’t merely hyped up or exaggerated. It is built entirely on fraud and deceit. Time to expose some major lies.
1. Debunking The Climate Change Scam
The entire climate change industry, (and yes, it is an industry) is a hoax perpetrated by the people in power. See the other articles on the scam, the propaganda machine in action, and some of the court documents in Canada. It’s a much bigger picture than what is presented by the mainstream media, or even the alternative media.
2. Nothing To Do With A Clean Environment
To make this clear, the carbon taxes and regulations Westerners are forced to endure have nothing to do with making a cleaner atmosphere, environment, or preventing climate change. These are lies that politicians and media figures tell in order to justify the massive wealth transfer. So where does the money actually go? Here are a few areas:
Climate bonds, self-enrichment
Predatory loans to the 3rd World
Funding immigration schemes
3. Carbon Dioxide Is Necessary For Life
(A Children’s Video Explaining Photosynthesis, Peekaboo Kidz, 2015)
Carbon Dioxide, CO2, is touted as a “greenhouse gas” which contributes to all kinds of environmental disasters
“Global warming” is a term not used as much anymore, since “climate change” is more vague, and can be more easily adapted.
However, carbon dioxide occurs naturally, just from breathing.
The human body converts carbohydrates, fatty acids, and proteins into smaller “waste products” such as water and carbon dioxide in order to extract energy from them.
Carbon dioxide is not a “waste product” to be eliminated. It is a necessary resource plants use for photosynthesis
While only plants engage in photosynthesis, both plants and animals respire
C6H1206 (sugar) + 6 02 (oxygen) ===> 6 CO2 (carbon dioxide) + 6 H20 (water) + usable energy
The photosynthesis and respiration cycles are not some big mystery. They have been taught in grade schools for many years. See here, see here, and see here
4. Paris Accord Is All About Money
The Paris Accord is all about taxation, and “financial flow” from the 1st World to the 3rd World. To say otherwise is disingenuous. Read article #9:
1. Developed country Parties shall provide financial resources to assist developing country Parties with respect to both mitigation and adaptation in continuation of their existing obligations under the Convention.
2. Other Parties are encouraged to provide or continue to provide such support voluntarily.
3. As part of a global effort, developed country Parties should continue to take the lead in mobilizing climate finance from a wide variety of sources, instruments and channels, noting the significant role of public funds, through a variety of actions, including supporting country-driven strategies, and taking into account the needs and priorities of developing country Parties. Such mobilization of climate finance should represent a progression beyond previous efforts.
4. The provision of scaled-up financial resources should aim to achieve a balance between adaptation and mitigation, taking into account country-driven strategies, and the priorities and needs of developing country Parties, especially those that are particularly vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change and have significant capacity constraints, such as the least developed countries and small island developing States, considering the need for public and grant-based resources for adaptation.
5. Developed country Parties shall biennially communicate indicative quantitative and qualitative information related to paragraphs 1 and 3 of this Article, as applicable, including, as available, projected levels of public financial resources to be provided to developing country Parties. Other Parties providing resources are encouraged to communicate biennially such information on a voluntary basis.
6. The global stock take referred to in Article 14 shall take into account the relevant information provided by developed country Parties and/or Agreement bodies on efforts related to climate finance.
7. Developed country Parties shall provide transparent and consistent information on support for developing country Parties provided and mobilized through public interventions biennially in accordance with the modalities, procedures and guidelines to be adopted by the Conference of the Parties serving as the meeting of the Parties to this Agreement, at its first session, as stipulated in Article 13, paragraph 13. Other Parties are encouraged to do so.
8. The Financial Mechanism of the Convention, including its operating entities, shall serve as the financial mechanism of this Agreement.
9. The institutions serving this Agreement, including the operating entities of the Financial Mechanism of the Convention, shall aim to ensure efficient access to financial resources through simplified approval procedures and enhanced readiness support for developing country Parties, in particular for the least developed countries and small island developing States, in the context of their national climate strategies and plans.
To summarize Article #9
1/ Developed nations “will” support financially
2/ Other nations “encouraged” to support financially
3/ Developed nations shall be innovative in how they finance
4/ Small/island nations shall get more money
5/ Make public how much money is available
6/ This will be reviewed in 5 years time
7/ Guidelines to be adopted (mandatory?)
8/ Funding mechanism of convention to be used in agreement
9/ Cut the red tape for how/when to send money
5. Various Global Taxation Schemes
This is not limited to a simple carbon tax. Indeed, the United Nations and their allies have many ideas for raising money (with or without consent), from working people across the globe. Here are some of their recent ones. The one about global efforts to catch tax-evaders raised a few eyebrows, surely.
6. Our Contributions Are Debt Financed
(An old video circulating). Elizabeth May and Jack Layton knew full well about the private banking system since 1974, but have strategically chosen to remain silent when it mattered. All major parties are complicit in keeping the banking system out of public discussion.
In 1974, Pierre Trudeau decided that Canada shall be borrowing from private interests rather than using the Bank of Canada. Now, money is always artificially created. However, since we own the Bank of Canada, it means effectively paying interest to ourselves. Furthermore, the debt can simply be cancelled by a Prime Minister’s signature. That’s not the case with private loans.
The relevance here is that the payments that Canada hands out are debt financed. That is, we will be adding to our national debt, to hand out money to the 3rd World. Large parts of that money will be used for predatory lending to other nations (see Section #9).
7. Mark Carney & UN Climate Finance
Remember Mark Carney? He was in charge of the Bank of Canada, and then went to run the Bank of England. Anyway, he has a new position, being in charge on the UN’s climate finance agenda. His repeated threats about businesses going bankrupt if they don’t play ball comes across as extortion.
However, they are far from the only players on the scene. And Canadian politicians are completely on board with this new “industry”. Does this help make the air cleaner or prevent climate change? No, but then, that was never the goal.
(Page 86) Debt-conversion mechanisms Debt conversion entails the cancellation by one or more creditors of part of a country’s debt in order to enable the release of funds which would otherwise have been used for debt-servicing, for use instead in social or environmental projects. Where debt is converted at a discount with respect to its face value, only part of the proceeds fund the projects, the remainder reducing the external debt burden, typically as part of a broader debt restructuring.
Debt to developing nations can be “forgiven”, at least partly, if certain conditions are met. However, the obvious question must be asked:
Can nations be loaned money they could never realistically pay back, in order to ensure their compliance in UN or other global agenda, by agreeing to “forgive” part of it?
(Page 86) Debt conversion first emerged, in the guise of debt-for-nature swaps, during the 1980s debt crisis, following an opinion article by Thomas Lovejoy, then Executive Vice-President of the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), in the New York Times in 1984. Lovejoy argued that a developing country’s external debt could be reduced (also providing tax relief to participating creditor banks) in exchange for the country’s taking measures to address environmental challenges. Estimates based on Sheikh (2010) and Buckley, ed. (2011) suggest that between $1.1 billion and $1.5 billion of debt has been exchanged through debt-for-nature swaps since the mid–1980s, although it is not possible to assess how much of this constitutes IDF, for the reasons discussed in box III.1.
If debt can be forgiven in return for environmental measures, then why not simply fund these environmental measures from the beginning? Is it to pressure or coerce otherwise unwilling nations into agreeing with such measures?
(Page 88)
There have been two basic forms of debt-for-nature exchanges (Buckley and Freeland, 2011). In the first, part of a country’s external debt is purchased by an environmental non-governmental organization and offered to the debtor for cancellation in exchange for a commitment to protect a particular area of land. Such transactions occurred mainly in the late 1980s and 1990s and were generally relatively small-scale. An early example was a 1987 deal under which Conservation International, a Washington, D.C.-based environmental non-governmental organization, bought $650,000 of the commercial bank debt of Bolivia (now Plurinational State of Bolivia) in the secondary market for $100,000, and exchanged this for shares in a company established to preserve 3.7 million acres of forest and grassland surrounding the Beni Biosphere Reserve in the north-east part of the country.
. In the second form, debt is exchanged for local currency (often at a discount), which is then used by local conservation groups or government agencies to fund projects in the debtor country. Swaps of this kind are generally much larger, and have predominated since the 1990s. The largest such swap came in 1991, when a group of bilateral creditors agreed to channel principal and interest payments of $473 million (in local currency) into Poland’s Ecofund set up to finance projects designed to counter environmental deterioration. The EcoFund financed 1,500 programmes between 1992 and 2007, providing grants for conservation projects relating to cross-border air pollution, climate change, biological diversity and the clean-up of the Baltic Sea (Buckley and Freeland, 2011).
We will “forgive” your debt if:
(1) A portion of your land is off limits; or
(2) Debt converted to currency to fund “projects”
It seems those “loans” weren’t really free after all. Debt is forgiven, but for a high price. Also, read further on, where it talks about forgiveness-for-health and some forgiveness-for-education options. This is usury by any other name.
10. Money Finances Immigration Schemes
Ever notice how it seems like immigration in Canada is much larger than what our leaders tell us? Ever wonder about those UN treaties that we keep signing? Canadians are subsidizing their own replacement with:
bringing large numbers of refugees year after year
grants which will be used to finance future students on visas
subsidizing temporary workers who will work for less than Canadians
enriching others who can use the money to immigrate to Canada
enriching others who can buy up parts of Canada
Of course, some of the money we send will just be kept by dictators who will do little to improve the lives of their citizens (think UN oil-for-food for a bad example). But again, none of this helps the environment in any way, which is what we are told was the purpose.
11. Green New Deal, Great Reset
Many of these manufactured “crises” are just pretexts to bring about larger social change. The coronavirus hoax is one, to launch the GREAT RESET. Another was the Green New Deal, designed to bring about larger changes. It was never really about the climate.
12. Climate Propaganda In Academia
There is a growing body of work in Academia, which is little more than climate propaganda. See here and here, for a few examples.
13. Climate Huckster Joel Wood (Fraser Inst)
Joel Wood, of the Koch-funded Fraser Institute, is also an economics professor at Thompson Rivers University in Kamloops, BC. In 2019, he gave a talk on various “pricing options”. Attached is the audio.
14. Controlled Opposition Court Challenges
Most people are aware that several “conservative” Premiers filed a variety of court challenges against the Federal Carbon tax. However, things are not as they appear. These Premiers fully endorse the climate change scam, and only object to Trudeau imposing a FEDERAL Carbon tax. There is nothing stopping them from later adding a PROVINCIAL tax.
From paragraph 4 in the Saskatchewan COA ruling:
[4] The factual record presented to the Court confirms that climate change caused by anthropogenic greenhouse gas [GHG] emissions is one of the great existential issues of our time. The pressing importance of limiting such emissions is accepted by all of the participants in these proceedings.
From paragraph 25 in Alberta COA ruling:
[25] Alberta contended that the Act was wholly unconstitutional and does not fall within the national concern branch of Parliament’s POGG power. Ontario, New Brunswick, Saskatchewan, Saskatchewan Power Corporation and SaskEnergy Incorporated all intervened in support of Alberta’s position. In short, in their view, the “matter” of the Act, what is often called its “pith and substance”, is the “regulation of GHG emissions” and to give the federal government exclusive authority over such a matter under the national concern doctrine would unduly intrude into the provinces’ jurisdiction to regulate their own natural resources. Alberta stressed, however, that the result would be the same even if the Act were characterized more narrowly.
From paragraph 6 in Ontario’s ONCA submissions:
6. Ontario agrees with Canada that climate change is real and that human activities are a major cause. Ontario also acknowledges that climate change is already having a disruptive effect across Canada, and that, left unchecked, its potential impact will be even more severe. Ontario agrees that proactive action to address climate change is required. That is why Ontario has put forward for consultation a made-in-Ontario plan to protect the environment, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, and fight climate change.
From paragraph 1 in New Brunswick’s ONCA submissions:
1. The Intervenor, Attorney General of New Brunswick (“New Brunswick”) agrees with the factum of the Attorney General of Ontario (“Ontario”) regarding the nature of this reference and agrees with Ontario’s conclusions in every respect. New Brunswick also agrees with the climate data submitted by the Attorney General of Canada (“Canada”). This reference should not be a forum for those who deny climate change; nor should it be a showcase about the risks posed by greenhouse gas emissions (“GHG emissions”). The supporting data is relevant only to the extent that it is meaningfully connected to the constitutional question at issue.
Does any of this look like these so-called conservatives actually oppose the climate change scam? Or are they just going through the motions. The Supreme Court submissions are no better:
1. This case is not about whether action needs to be taken to reduce greenhouse gas emissions or the relative effectiveness of particular policy alternatives. It is about (1) whether the federal Greenhouse Gas Pollution Pricing Act (the “Act”) can be supported under the national concern branch of the POGG power; and (2) whether the “charges” imposed by the Act are valid as regulatory charges or as taxes. The answer to both questions should be no.
.
2. The provinces are fully capable of regulating greenhouse gas emissions themselves, have already done so, and continue to do so. Ontario has already decreased its greenhouse gas emissions by 22% below 2005 levels and has committed to a 30% reduction below 2005 levels by 2030 – the same target to which Canada has committed itself in the Paris Agreement.
12. Saskatchewan has adopted its own industrial emission standards under The Management and Reduction of Greenhouse Gases Act, which is more stringent than Part 2 of the GGPPA. However, the provincial regime does not apply to Crown corporations engaged in the businesses of electricity generation (SaskPower) and the distribution of natural gas (SaskEnergy). Instead, under Saskatchewan’s strategy, these Crown corporations have plans to reduce emissions, including expanding renewable sources to provide up to 50% of Saskatchewan’s electrical generating capacity by 2030. Saskatchewan previously made significant investment in GHG emissions reduction by retrofitting one of SaskPower’s coal-fired electrical generation units with post-combustion carbon capture use and storage. This technology allows emissions from Boundary Dam Unit 3 to be permanently sequestered underground.
Once more, the Provinces are not arguing that climate change is a hoax. Instead, they are only complaining about Ottawa imposing a Federal tax.
Many “conservative” supporters claim the party didn’t really support the Paris Accord in 2016/2017, and only voted for it out of being pressured. A few problems with that.
(a) First, Stephen Harper signed Agenda 2030 in September 2015. It also implemented Agenda 21, which had been signed by Brian Mulroney in 1992. Had he been re-elected, he almost certainly would have signed this as well.
(b) Second, given the bogus court challenges (see previous section), it’s clear conservatives don’t really oppose the hoax. They just want to be SEEN as opposing it.
(c) Third, peer pressure is not a valid excuse to justify doing the wrong thing.
16. Giant Wealth Transfer Scheme
Don’t be deceived by what is being said in the media. These carbon taxes, and other “fees” have nothing to do with global warming, climate change, or clean air. These are just false pretenses to go about a wealth transfer scheme that is worth trillions of dollars. There is nothing altruistic about this, although many are duped into believing that it is.
That’s the reaction I got from watching the CPC debate. Real issues were shoved aside in favour of extremely superficial discussion. Granted, political debates are rarely meant to be engaging and in depth, and this was no exception.
This could be easily forgiven if official platforms and discussions were in depth on the important matters. However, that doesn’t appear to be the case.
If this group represents the future of the Conservative Party of Canada, then it’s probably best to just let the party collapse, and focus on other alternatives. It is every bit as globalist as the Liberal Party, and meaningful differences are few and far between.
2. Border Security & Enforcement
While Conservatives used to brag about how they would close the loophole in the Safe Third Country Agreement, that talking point seems to have dropped from their agendas. True, the agreement was modified, but many of the same issues still exist.
Of course they don’t mentioned that they never implemented a proper entry/exit system either, despite a recent decade in power. They never brought up that S3CA was drafted in such a way that the United Nations was a party to it, and consultations were required. They didn’t ever address the NGOs (many Jewish) who have been fighting in court for decades to keep the Canada/U.S. border open. Conservatives also downplayed the expediting of work permits to illegals, and amnesty for illegals.
It would be nice for conservatives to address abominations like Sanctuary Cities, which encourage and reward people for being in the country illegally. However, few seem to care.
In fact, conservatives have been, and remain, complicit, in ensuring that there isn’t any real border security in Canada. Closing the Safe 3rd Country Agreement is just a tiny piece of it. There is silence on so much else.
3. True Scale Of Immigration Into Canada
This has been brought up repeatedly on this site, but the “official” immigration numbers in no way reflect the number of people actually entering Canada with some pathway to stay longer. Each year, hundreds of thousands of students and “temporary” workers enter Canada. But this is noticeably absent from the discussion. Remittances drain our national coffers, pilot programs are varied and numerous, immigration is pushed even during times of high unemployment, and rich people can simply purchase a pathway to permanent residence. These are just a few examples of the mess that is the Canadian immigration system.
This also should be noted: every year thousands of “inadmissibles” are denied entry originally, but then allowed in LEGALLY anyway. What’s even the point?
This also ties back to the last section. Since Canada doesn’t actually have a proper entry/exit system in place, how can he ensure that students and temporary workers, (and the inadmissibles) are actually leaving the country afterwards?
Sloan (to his credit), made a few vague references to reducing immigration, but has never addressed the true size of the problem.
4. Lack Of Transparency On CANZUK
O’Toole repeatedly brought up CANZUK as a free trade agreement between Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom. What he left out was that CANZUK also has a free movement provision, which allows citizens to freely move between countries. O’Toole deliberately omits as well that he fully intends to expand CANZUK to other nations as well. Watch 2:00 in the video.
5. Continued Population Replacement
(Page 18 of the 2004 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 24 of the 2005 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 18, 19 of the 2006 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 19, 20 of the 2007 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 21, 22 of the 2008 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 16 of the 2009 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 14 of the 2010 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 18 of the 2011 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 15 of the 2012 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 19 of the 2013 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 16 of the 2014 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 16 of the 2015 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 10 of the 2016 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 14 of the 2017 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 28 of the 2018 Annual Report to Parliament)
(Page 36 of the 2019 Annual Report to Parliament)
This is by no means everyone entering Canada, but does demonstrate a point. In recent decades, immigration to Canada has overwhelmingly been from the 3rd world. This has resulted in irreversible demographic changes, to balkanization, and to a society where many feel no need to integrate.
Instead of addressing this, the candidates all cucked hard at the issue of “systemic racism. Instead of calling out the farce being played out live, they all submitted. Candidates all, to various degrees, played along with the horrors that people of colour experience on a daily basis.
Never mind that the only group that it’s legal to discriminate against is whites. In particular this means white men. This display was truly revolting to watch.
6. Silence On “Gladue Rights” Hypocrisy
If conservatives really wanted to address inequality in the criminal justice system, they could have brought up “Gladue rights”, which entrench special rights and considerations for Aboriginals and blacks. This abomination has been upheld as legal by the Supreme Court of Canada, and is now commonplace in criminal courts. Yes, we actually have race-based-discounts in criminal courts, even in sentencing. If this isn’t systematic racism, then what is?
Critics have claimed this is necessary, given the overrepresentation in prisons. While there is overrepresentation, these same critics try to avoid the key issue: CRIME RATES. They will look to any other reason to explain this disparity, other than actual criminal behaviour.
It was Gladue rights that allowed Terri McClintic to go to a healing lodge, for a brief period at least. This has been the law since the 1990s, but yet no one in power talks about that systemic racism.
7. International Banking Cartel
While Conservatives do whine about the debt, they deliberately avoid discussing WHY the situation is so bad. Specifically, since 1974, Canada has been borrowing primarily from private sources. Money is always artificially created, but when it’s owed to – say the Bank of Canada – the debt stays in Canadian hands. It can be paid off or cancelled at any time. Not the case when it is private institutions doing this.
In fact, over 90% of Canada’s national debt has been from accumulated interest. Liberals and Conservatives alike play along with this fraud, ensuring the balance grows.
Canada currently owes about 30% to foreign interests, which give them great leverage over us. Despite vague talking points, supporters have never been able to explain how private loans reduce inflation, and even if true, why this is better than simply using the Bank of Canada. Worse, Conservatives were in power when this was challenged in court by COMER, so they can’t claim ignorance on the issue.
Fiscal conservatives will always focus on a symptom (the debt), and not on the disease (the international banking cartel). They are complicit in helping this scheme along.
8. Silence On Climate Change Scam
I can’t even be happy about the approach here, and this is why. It’s another case of the Conservatives focusing on symptoms (Paris Accord, Carbon tax), while ignoring the underlying disease (the climate change industry). The candidates repeatedly say that the Carbon tax is an ineffective means for implementing a climate plan. The point to Provincial court challenges, while omitting that they are really just a form of controlled opposition.
The problem is that the entire climate change industry is built on lies and deception. Carbon Dioxide is plant food, and playing along with this hoax does not serve Canadians’ interests in the slightest. Broadly speaking, money which Western nations provide (with debt of course), are used for climate bonds, and predatory loans to the 3rd world.
None of this benefits Canadians, nor helps the environment in any way. Yet conservatives are quite willing to play along with the agenda, even if they claim to oppose the Carbon tax.
9. Support For Internationalist Agenda
Throughout the “debate”, candidates were criticizing Trudeau for how he handles affairs internationally.
Problem is, they criticize his handing of it only. They have no problem with the agendas themselves. Conservatives have no issue with being in bed with the U.N., or groups like the Trilateral Commission, the Bank for International Settlements, the World Trade Organization, CANZUK, or supporting agreements like the USMCA or the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
To reiterate: conservatives are only being critical for how Trudeau handles the globalism agenda. They have no problem with the agenda itself.
10. Two-Faced On Trade Protectionism
This was amusing to see the mental gymnastics at play. The Conservatives support the globalized trade agenda: NAFTA; (it’s successor USMCA); CANZUK; Trans-Pacific Partnership; FIPA, and countless more deals.
Problem is, as long as a part supports the offshoring agenda, they will never believe in protectionist policies. While all candidates gave lip service to wanting to be self sufficient, the reality is that they don’t. Keeping control over the production of essential goods necessitates protectionist policies — and an anti-free trade mentality. Conservative policies over the years have directly contributed to the dependence on foreign powers that are hostile to us.
11. Social Conservatives Thrown Under Bus
There was some talk from all candidates about the need for a “bigger tent”, and for bringing social conservatives in.
The problem is: there’s no sincerity behind this movement. Social conservatives are nothing more than a voting base to be tapped into. This party supports diversity, multiculturalism, gay “marriage”, the gender agenda, widespread abortion, and other non-traditional beliefs. In fact, the more diverse a country becomes, the less there is to conserve socially.
Read between the lines here. Soc-Cons are to be used as a vote supplement, nothing more.
12. Shift From Identity To “Values”
A major problem with conservatives is that they don’t believe that national identity is worth protecting. Whether it be demographics, culture, language, heritage, customs, traditions, religion, etc… As such, they don’t make any effort (other than platitudes), to preserve the makeup of the country.
Instead, they go with the much more vague and malleable notion of “values”. These are simply ideas that can be changed or watered down to suit political purposes.
13. Miscellaneous Points To Add
(Peter Mackay pledges – in writing – no merger with Alliance if he wins)
(Peter MacKay sticking the knife in again?)
MacKay has been around for a long time, and was involved in Harper’s globalist agenda all along. He and Maxime Bernier helped with the 2007 endorsement of the UN Parliamentary Assembly vote. There’s also his history of stabbing his colleagues in the back, from David Orchard to Andrew Scheer. MacKay is also connected to the Desmarais family, having previously dated Paul Desmarais Jr.’s daughter.
Aside from pandering constantly, O’Toole has tweeted out that he is a shill for foreign interests, or one in particular. Makes ones reasonably question his loyalty and commitment to Canada. Also noteworthy is that he spent a few years at the (now defunct) law firm of Heenan Blaikie. This is the same firm Jean Chretien and Pierre Trudeau worked at. It had also been infiltrated heavily by the Desmarais Family.
Dr. Lewis graduated magna cum laude from the University of Toronto (Trinity College). Thereafter, she obtained a Juris Doctorate from Osgoode Hall Law School, a Masters in Environmental Studies from York University, with a Concentration in Business and the Environment from the Schulich School of Business, and completed a PhD from Osgoode Hall Law School, York University. Dr. Lewis is the Managing Partner of Lewis Law Professional Corporation and has developed a specialized commercial litigation and international contract trade practice which focuses on energy policy. She has two decades of strong litigation experience beginning with some of the strongest Bay Street law firms, prior to starting this firm. She has published numerous articles in peer reviewed journals on international law, contracts, climate change and the feed-in-tariff system in renewable energy projects. Her local practice focuses on corporate commercial, real estate and estates, while her international practice is concentrated in the area of cross-border services including immigration, energy law.
While career politicians are distasteful as a rule, Leslyn seems to have come out of nowhere. She finished her PhD dissertation in 2019, at the age of 48. She seems professionally invested in the climate change scam and to have a globalist/internationalist mindset. Not sure this is the best choice for a party that desperately needs to ditch its globalist ties.
14. Forced VS Optional Vaccines
It was nice to hear the candidates say that no vaccines would ever be forced on Canadians — an obvious reference to the CV planned-emic. However, a point has to be made about that.
WHY are they so okay with vaccines in the first place? Given the deception and lies behind the reporting and the overblown nature, why aren’t they questioning the vaxx agenda itself? Why aren’t they questioning the rampant lobbying and conflict of interest here? Instead, the “opposition” seems limited as to whether vaccines should be made mandatory.
15. Just Let It Implode
This is some random tweet referring to the Republican Party in the United States. However, the exact same reasoning applies to “conservative” parties in Canada. They co-opt and corrupt nationalist and populist movements in order to incorporate (or appear to incorporate) them into their platform.
The result is that an extremely watered down — or non-existent — version of populist sentiment gets put into the mainstream. This is where puppet journalists obediently parrot the talking points and deceive the public.
The Conservative Party of Canada is not worth saving, or reforming, or overhauling. It needs to die. With it out of the way, more nationalist leaning alternatives can flourish and grow.
Justin Trudeau’s election in 2015 was due to a few things: nepotism, foreign money, a cooing media, and decent looks. By any objective measure, he has been a disaster.
To be fair, having a “conservative” in office would have led to most of the same harmful and destructive policies. Trudeau, to his credit, is openly a globalist, while conservatives are more stealthy about it. Nonetheless, we need people asking the right questions before they vote.
1. Previous Solutions Offered
A response that frequently comes up is for people to ask what to do about it. Instead of just constantly pointing out what is wrong, some constructive suggestions should be offered. This section contains a list of proposals that, if implemented, would benefit society. While the details may be difficult to implement, at least they are a starting point.
2. Views/Bias Of The Author
Everyone has their own political slant. To get this out of the way: the views of the author more generally reflect the views and content that are addressed on the site. The site is nationalist leaning, and rejects conservatism and libertarianism, which are really just globalism.
Modern “leftism” (if that if even a proper term) is a globalist ideology. Although not a complete list, here are some of the things they support
Population replacement of Europeans
Erasure of traditional culture and heritage
Languages other than English and French
Identity politics for certain groups
Foreigners in the government
Foreigners in the military
Forced multiculturalism
Replacement of Christianity in the West
Globohomo agenda world wide
Mutilation of trans-children
Abortion becoming normalised and mainstream
Destruction of families
Pro climate change scam, carbon tax
UN and other “multilateral” institutions
Islamification of the West
Foreign aid handed out everywhere
Foreign interventions (but somehow not war)
Won’t discuss cause of foreign debt (Banking Cartel)
Government control over all major aspects of business
Limiting ability to send jobs overseas
Restricting free speech rights
Strong gun control, seizures
Modern conservatism (or “Conservative Inc.”) supports many of the same globalist ideologies and principles as the left, or liberals. Although the tone and rhetoric vary, a lot of the content is the same.
LEGAL population replacement of Europeans
LEGAL erasure of traditional culture and heritage
Languages other than English and French
Identity politics for certain groups
Foreigners in the government
Foreigners in the military
Globohomo agenda world wide
Mutilation of trans-ADULTS
LEGAL forced multiculturalism
Abortion becoming normalised and mainstream
Destruction of families
Pro climate change scam, but against carbon tax
UN, while claiming it won’t erode sovereignty
Islamification of the West (just not radicals)
Foreign aid for some places (like Israel)
Foreign wars that aren’t in Canadians’ interests
Won’t discuss cause of foreign debt (Banking Cartel)
Business interests topping interests of people
Offshoring/Outsourcing jobs overseas
“Monitoring” the situation of free speech violations
Sometimes stand on the side of gun owners
From the listings, it doesn’t seem like Liberalism or Conservative Inc. are all that different. Now that the views and biases are disclosed, let’s look at ways you can help make informed choices about who to vote for
3. Candidates Asking The Right Questions?
To be an effective representative, candidates must be addressing the right topics, and asking the right questions. However, far too many deflect. Here are some examples of topics that serious candidates should discuss if they really represent the interests of Canadians.
(a) Illegal border crossings into Canada: This should be a no-brainer to be against illegal aliens entering the country, but it’s not for many. Even those who call for closing the loophole in the Safe Third Country Agreement are in favour of work permits for illegals. There is tepid opposition to using taxpayer funded social services. If a candidate is serious about stopping illegal crossings, why wouldn’t they support stripping away the financial benefits for doing so? And why aren’t they talking about the people fighting in court to rewrite laws, and those facilitating the illegal entries into Canada?
(b) True scale of immigration into Canada: Politicians typically mislead about the true scale of people entering the country LEGALLY. They mention the number of permanent residencies handed out (if that is even accurate), but deflect from the true scale of people entering. They don’t discuss the problems that multiculturalism and population replacement bring, nor the balkanization of communities.
(c) Outsourcing/offshoring Canadian industries: There is a lot of talk about the benefits of free trade (also called globalization or offshoring), but little about the harmful effects. Who cares about corporate profits when entire communities are gutted, when it becomes cheaper to ship their jobs and industries overseas? Sure, it lowers prices at Walmart, but there are larger social costs. These costs involve: trade deficits; job losses; outsourcing; wage stagnation; wage depression; increased foreign competition; higher unemployment; loss of control for critical industries, and more. Immigration and free trade (think CANZUK), are linked, in that it creates an INCREASED demand for work, but with a REDUCED supply of jobs available. Candidates who care about their people should address this openly and honestly
(d) International Banking Cartel: Politicians often play a sleight-of-hand with deficit/debt. They will talk about “eliminating the deficit”, without mentioning that it still doesn’t deal with the already accumulated debt. Even worse, if that they won’t address the banking cartel, which Canada has been part of since 1974. Yes, money is artificially created, but instead of borrowing from the Bank of Canada (borrowing from ourselves), subsequent governments borrow artificially created money from private banks, meaning we have to pay for it. Even left-wing politicians act as controlled opposition in avoiding the topic.
(e) Corruption behind corporate welfare: While some politicians lament the fact that Provincially and Federally, we still hand out tax-payer subsidies (corporate welfare), few will address the fraud, corruption, and cronyism that is essential to these handouts. The focus is on a symptom, not the disease. Theft is a crime, and it shouldn’t be considered less of one just because one of the thieves is an elected official.
(f) Climate Change Scam: Talk among major politicians seems to be over whether a carbon tax is needed, or what type or pricing is needed. What’s missing from the discussion is that the Paris Accord is a total hoax, a fraud meant to enrich a few. Talk about controlled opposition. No one mentions the climate bonds industry, or the predatory loans which carbon taxes finance. In relation to point “D”, we are going into debt — to private companies — to borrow money which we then give away, yet this isn’t addressed. And how does paying taxes improve the weather anyway?
This is by no means a complete list, just a few major points that potential voters need to think about when asking their candidates for information.
4. Arguing Over Trivial Matters
People running for various offices will disagree on many things. Often they will argue over DIFFERENT POLICIES. However, when one argues over different ways to implement the SAME POLICIES, it becomes a fair question as to how different they really are. Fierce debate over essentially the same positions is a dog-and-pony show, which doesn’t offer a real alternative to voters.
5. Opposition By Scandal
Don’t get the wrong idea. Governments in power do often have scandals, such as corruption, gross incompetence. While holding a government to account is important, it should not be the MAIN SOURCE of opposition. If someone seeks office, and their main points all have to do with pointing out current administration incompetence, then they likely have little to offer as a platform.
6. Check Who Really Funds Candidates
There are several ways to do this. Check them out to see if they have rich relatives. Check work history to see if there is a particular company or industry they will be pushing. See who lobbies them or donates to their campaign accounts. Effectively, do a background check on your candidates. At times, the candidate will shove it in your face. Take note.
To be fair however, Canadian politicians are influenced by a variety of foreign interests. The Prime Minister is (allegedly) the bastard son of the late Cuban dictator, Fidel Castro. The Deputy Prime Minister is the granddaughter of a Nazi collaborator. The Defence Minister is an Indian National, so is our Industry Minister. The former Immigration Minister is a Somali refugee who funnels tax payer money there. The Status-Of-Women Minister is a fake refugee and illegal alien from Iran. M103 was passed by a Pakistani Muslim who hates free speech. The Conservative Leader and (just departed) Green Party Leader are both Americans. The Bloc is a party that opposes Canada, and the People’s Party is headed by a former Quebec separatist. The NDP leader is a Khalistani separatist banned from entering India. There are plenty more.
Beyond national and ethnic loyalties, it’s also worth inquiring who finances their campaigns, and who is donating gifts. It will tell you far more than any brochure of platform.
7. Deflect With Personal Attacks
A person serious about running for office should be able to defend their ideas from criticism. However, when the person resorts to name calling, or continuously brings up the record of others — instead of answering direct questions — ask yourself if the person really believes in what they say. Also be aware of strawman arguments
8. Take The Time To Self-Educate
Unfortunately, it is true that the bulk of successful politicians are working for someone other than their constituents. It’s not fair, and it’s not something to be condoned. It’s quite understandable, the sentiment that voting is a waste.
There are a host of serious issues that either get downplayed, or ignored altogether. The media is complicit in helping this happen, and the public gets screwed.
However, this is (for now) the system of government we have. Learning more about the people who want to rule over you gives power. It creates awareness.
Elizabeth May joined the Trudeau Foundation in 2005. Could that be part of why the Liberal party has always been so friendly towards her?
May is also a supporter of the (still hypothetical concept) of a world government run by the United Nations. She’s one of many globalist Canadian politicians.
In terms of globalist politicians in Canada, Elizabeth May largely gets a pass. A significant part of it is that the Green party of Canada has only 3 seats, and is not a prominent party. It’s growing, yes, but it still relatively small.
Another reason may be that May might be ignored, and no actual digging into her past, is who she is connected to. Shining some more sunlight onto her may serve the public interest well.
Sierra Club
International Institute for Sustainable Development
Various groups lobbying her as an MP
Trudeau Foundation
Eco demonstrating
While May seems like just a typical environmental supporter, her various associations and affiliations should give people cause for concern. She is not who she appears to be.
3. May Ex-Executive Director, Sierra Club
Between April 1997, and February 2006, there are 17 communications reports between Elizabeth May and the Federal Government. She is a prior eco-lobbyist, and spent nearly a decade trying to influence policies in Canada.
Also noteworthy: now a Member of Parliament, May is frequently lobbied by various groups. Guess it has come full circle. In total, Elizabeth May’s name is attached to 525 communications reports, on a wide variety of topics.
May’s lobbying as head of the Sierra Club seems to be all environment related, but it does raise an interesting question: When she sits as a Member of Parliament, is she acting as the representative of the riding, or as a member of the ideology?
Sierra Today
.
Today, the Sierra Club Canada Foundation (SCCF) is a national registered charity that includes four chapters: Atlantic, Québec, Ontario, and Prairie, plus the Sierra Youth Coalition, a group whose mandate is to empower young people to become community leaders.
.
On the national level, we have earned an excellent reputation for our thoroughly researched positions and our ability to serve as a spokesperson for environmental issues Canada wide. On a regional level, the commitment of our volunteers makes us an effective advocate on the environmental issues affecting Canadians in their communities.
Following in the footsteps of John Muir, we sponsor programs that help to bring nature into the lives of children and adults.
From it’s HISTORY page, Sierra claims to be an advocacy organization devoted to environmental causes, and bringing awareness to the general public. Elizabeth May used to be the head of this organization.
Interesting side note: The Sierra Club (not just in Canada), used to be against having high levels of immigration. The main reason being that increased numbers of people put more strain on the environment. However, for a $100 million donation from David Gelbaum, the Sierra Club was completely willing to flip its stance. It seems anything is negotiable. More information on Gelbaum is available.
Reporting Period Ending December 31, 2014
Receipted donations $284,311.00 (36.48%)
Non-receipted donations $37,392.00 (4.80%)
Gifts from other registered charities $314,732.00 (40.39%)
Government funding $34,287.00 (4.40%)
All other revenue $108,567.00 (13.93%)
Total revenue: $779,289.00
Charitable programs $625,543.00 (69.95%)
Management and administration $177,577.00 (19.86%)
Fundraising $24,599.00 (2.75%)
Political activities $6,563.00 (0.73%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $60,041.00 (6.71%)
Total expenses: $894,323.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$474,307.00
Full-time employees (7)
Part-time employees (13)
Professional and consulting fees
$22,677.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$1 to $39,999
$40,000 to $79,999 (4)
Reporting Period Ending December 31, 2015
Receipted donations $294,471.00 (46.34%)
Non-receipted donations $8,124.00 (1.28%)
Gifts from other registered charities $242,348.00 (38.14%)
Government funding $13,862.00 (2.18%)
All other revenue $76,647.00 (12.06%)
Total revenue: $635,452.00
Charitable programs $295,412.00 (52.37%)
Management and administration $189,330.00 (33.57%)
Fundraising $59,347.00 (10.52%)
Political activities $19,962.00 (3.54%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $564,051.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$271,281.00
Full-time employees (5)
Part-time employees (13)
Professional and consulting fees
$87,031.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$1 to $39,999 (4)
$40,000 to $79,999 (2)
Reporting Period Ending December 31, 2016
Receipted donations $269,907.00 (60.64%)
Non-receipted donations $7,471.00 (1.68%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $26,251.00 (5.90%)
All other revenue $141,474.00 (31.78%)
Total revenue: $445,103.00
The Sierra Club claimed $434,604.00 in expenses in its T3010 filings
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$200,693.00
Full-time employees (6)
Part-time employees (9)
Professional and consulting fees
$128,893.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$1 to $39,999 (5)
$40,000 to $79,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending December 31, 2017
Receipted donations $319,801.00 (58.98%)
Non-receipted donations $28,410.00 (5.24%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $88,471.00 (16.32%)
All other revenue $105,526.00 (19.46%)
Total revenue: $542,208.00
The Sierra Club also claimed $551,737.00 in expenses that year — line 4950 in it’s T3010 for that year.
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$315,747.00
Full-time employees (5)
Part-time employees (17)
Professional and consulting fees
$128,912.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$1 to $39,999 (3)
$40,000 to $79,999 (2)
Reporting Period Ending December 31, 2018
Receipted donations $250,400.00 (43.92%)
Non-receipted donations $7,977.00 (1.40%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $78,217.00 (13.72%)
All other revenue $233,593.00 (40.97%)
Total revenue: $570,187.00
Charitable programs $387,583.00 (61.61%)
Management and administration $114,807.00 (18.25%)
Fundraising $61,351.00 (9.75%)
Political activities $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $65,327.00 (10.38%)
Total expenses: $629,068.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$337,381.00
Full-time employees (6)
Part-time employees (15)
Professional and consulting fees
$62,104.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$1 to $39,999 (3)
$40,000 to $79,999 (3)
The Sierra Club doesn’t take in anywhere near as much money as the Trudeau Foundation. Still, interesting to see how much it does get. The next one however, is swimming in money
Our big-picture view allows us to address the root causes of some of the greatest challenges facing our planet today—ecological destruction, social exclusion, unfair laws and economic rules, a changing climate. Through research, analysis and knowledge sharing, we identify and champion sustainable solutions that make a difference. We report on international negotiations, conduct rigorous research, and engage citizens, businesses and policy-makers on the shared goal of developing sustainably.
.
With offices in Winnipeg, Geneva, Ottawa and Toronto, our work impacts lives in nearly 100 countries. IISD is a registered charitable organization in Canada and has 501(c)(3) status in the United States.
.
IISD receives core and project funding support from numerous governments inside and outside Canada, United Nations agencies, foundations and the private sector. For more detail, view our annual report.
.
IISD’s work is organized around six programs and a core set of strategic goals. Our brochure provides a snapshot of our strategy and programs.
That is from the ABOUT section in the International Institute for Sustainable Development website. Much more information is available.
Reporting Period Ending March 31, 2015
Receipted donations $30,150.00 (0.17%)
Non-receipted donations $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $2,695,846.00 (15.39%)
All other revenue $14,791,567.00 (84.44%)
Total revenue: $17,517,563.00
Charitable programs $15,178,878.00 (80.70%)
Management and administration $932,920.00 (4.96%)
Fundraising $1,398,027.00 (7.43%)
Political activities $969,206.00 (5.15%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $330,272.00 (1.76%)
Total expenses: $18,809,303.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$7,550,002.00
Full-time employees (55)
Part-time employees (10)
Professional and consulting fees
$6,609,852.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$80,000 to $119,999 (1)
$120,000 to $159,999 (4)
$160,000 to $199,999 (1)
$200,000 to $249,999 (1)
$350,000 and over (1)
Reporting Period Ending March 31, 2016
Receipted donations $58,330.00 (0.27%)
Non-receipted donations $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $4,096,046.00 (19.09%)
All other revenue $17,303,126.00 (80.64%)
Total revenue: $21,457,502.00
Charitable programs $18,176,377.00 (88.66%)
Management and administration $868,967.00 (4.24%)
Fundraising $757,087.00 (3.69%)
Political activities $295,296.00 (1.44%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $403,270.00 (1.97%)
Total expenses: $20,500,997.00
Total compensation for all positions
$7,894,255.00
Full-time employees (55)
Part-time employees (9)
Professional and consulting fees
$7,051,688.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$80,000 to $119,999 (3)
$120,000 to $159,999 (4)
$160,000 to $199,999 (1)
$200,000 to $249,999 (1)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending March 31, 2017
Receipted donations $58,313.00 (0.27%)
Non-receipted donations $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $5,392,587.00 (25.14%)
All other revenue $15,996,324.00 (74.58%)
Total revenue: $21,447,224.00
Charitable programs $17,713,128.00 (84.06%)
Management and administration $1,318,103.00 (6.26%)
Fundraising $1,043,767.00 (4.95%)
Political activities $611,182.00 (2.90%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $385,607.00 (1.83%)
Total expenses: $21,071,787.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$8,488,461.00
Full-time employees (62)
Part-time employees (6)
Professional and consulting fees
$6,699,377.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$80,000 to $119,999 (4)
$120,000 to $159,999 (3)
$160,000 to $199,999 (1)
$200,000 to $249,999 (1)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending March 31, 2018
Receipted donations $108,522.00 (0.45%)
Non-receipted donations $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts from other registered charities $369,353.00 (1.54%)
Government funding $8,278,278.00 (34.59%)
All other revenue $15,173,667.00 (63.41%)
Total revenue: $23,929,820.00
Charitable programs $20,661,401.00 (90.39%)
Management and administration $2,135,148.00 (9.34%)
Fundraising $58,686.00 (0.26%)
Political activities $2,450.00 (0.01%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $22,857,685.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$9,025,983.00
Full-time employees (75)
Part-time employees (6)
Professional and consulting fees
$7,462,609.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$120,000 to $159,999 (5)
$160,000 to $199,999 (3)
$200,000 to $249,999 (1)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending March 31, 2019 Operations Outside Canada
10 countries
Other countries in Africa
Other countries in Europe
UGANDA
INDONESIA
CHINA
Other counties in North America
KENYA
JAMAICA
VIET NAM
Other countries in Central and South America
Receipted donations $168,502.00 (0.65%)
Non-receipted donations $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts from other registered charities $65,000.00 (0.25%)
Government funding $5,458,098.00 (21.17%)
All other revenue $20,088,179.00 (77.92%)
Total revenue: $25,779,779.00
Charitable programs $22,511,518.00 (90.91%)
Management and administration $2,133,829.00 (8.62%)
Fundraising $115,844.00 (0.47%)
Political activities $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$9,945,650.00
Full-time employees (79)
Part-time employees (8)
Professional and consulting fees
$8,501,328.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$120,000 to $159,999 (5)
$160,000 to $199,999 (3)
$200,000 to $249,999 (2)
Should we be concerned that Elizabeth May’s former institution accepts money from the World Health Organization, and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation?
Side note: The Azrieli Foundation is named after David Azrieli, the late Israeli media baron and billionaire. His grandson, Matthew Azrieli, owns the Post Millennial.
5. Lobbying Elizabeth May As An MP
The above examples are just a sample of the information that is available when searching “ELIZABETH MAY” in the lobbying registry. It seems that many eco-groups see an “in” for their cause with May in office. Of course May is being lobbied by other types of groups, but this bunch seems particularly prominent.
6. May Is Member Of Trudeau Foundation
Elizabeth May is an environmentalist, writer, activist and lawyer. She is a graduate of Dalhousie Law School and was admitted to the Bar in both Nova Scotia and Ontario. She has held the position of Associate General Council for the Public Interest Advocacy Centre, representing consumer, poverty and environment groups in her work. In 1986, she became Senior Policy Advisor to then federal Environment Minister, Tom McMillan.
Ms. May is the author of seven books, BudwormBattles (1982), Paradise Won: The Struggle to Save South Moresby (1990), At the Cutting Edge: The Crisis in Canada’s Forests (Key Porter Books, 1998), Frederick Street; Life and Death on Canada’s Love Canal (Harper Collins, 2000, co-authored with Maude Barlow,) How to Save the World in Your Spare Time (Key Porter, 2006), Losing Confidence: Power, Politics and the Crisis in Canadian Democracy (McClelland and Stewart, 2009), and, with Zoe Caron, Global Warming for Dummies (John Wiley and Sons, 2008). Recipient of many awards and honours, she became in 1998 the first chair-holder of the “Elizabeth May Chair in Women’s Health and Environment” at Dalhousie University. She holds honourary doctorates from Mount Saint Vincent University and the University of New Brunswick. In 2005, she became an officer of the Order of Canada.
Formerly the Executive Director of the Sierra Club of Canada, Ms. May is a past member of the board of directors of the International Institute for Sustainable Development, and a member of the advisory board to the Environmental Commissioner, Office of the Auditor General of Canada. She is leader of the Green Party of Canada.
Talk about controlled opposition. The (now former) leader of the Green Party is also a member of the Trudeau Foundation, which is named after Pierre Elliot Trudeau. Guess there isn’t really much ideological differences between the parties.
Justin Trudeau pushed for Elizabeth May to be included in the 2011 debates, despite the Greens not holding a seat at the time. The Liberal Party and Green Party also previously agreed to not run candidates in the ridings of the other’s leader. May has always seemed friendly with Trudeau and the Liberals, and her membership here offers another explanation as to why that is.
This isn’t all of them, of course, but a few that are available publicly.
The Trudeau Foundation comprises Justices, and many high ranking officials from across parties. Elizabeth May is just one of the people in this organization. So why isn’t this heavily reported by the media? Also, how much money does the Foundation take in annually?
From a search on Revenue Canada’s website, we are able to see that the Trudeau Foundation takes in millions annually. It is a registered charity, so the information is publicly available. Here is data from recent years.
Reporting Period Ending August 31, 2015
Here are the Directors at the time.
Receipted donations $617,210.00 (7.17%)
Non-receipted donations $16,251.00 (0.19%)
Gifts from other registered charities $1,000.00 (0.01%)
Government funding $0.00 (0.00%)
All other revenue $7,977,622.00 (92.63%)
Total revenue: $8,612,083.00
Charitable programs $5,891,783.00 (89.40%)
Management and administration $683,008.00 (10.36%)
Fundraising $0.00 (0.00%)
Political activities $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $15,521.00 (0.24%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $6,590,312.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$971,144.00
Full-time employees (9)
Part-time employees (2)
Professional and consulting fees
$376,636.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$40,000 to $79,999 (5)
$80,000 to $119,999 (3)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending August 31, 2016
Here are the Directors at that time.
Receipted donations $122,066.00 (2.72%)
Non-receipted donations $122,798.00 (2.74%)
Gifts from other registered charities $52,500.00 (1.17%)
Government funding $0.00 (0.00%)
All other revenue $4,191,679.00 (93.38%)
Total revenue: $4,489,043.00
Charitable programs $6,551,877.00 (88.80%)
Management and administration $686,611.00 (9.31%)
Fundraising $124,183.00 (1.68%)
Political activities $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $15,250.00 (0.21%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $7,377,921.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$1,186,681.00
Full-time employees (9)
Part-time employees (3)
Professional and consulting fees
$349,738.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$40,000 to $79,999 (5)
$80,000 to $119,999 (2)
$120,000 to $159,999 (1)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending August 31, 2017
Charitable programs $5,189,590.00 (85.03%)
Management and administration $733,680.00 (12.02%)
Fundraising $164,533.00 (2.70%)
Political activities $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $15,200.00 (0.25%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $6,103,003.00
Strangely, very strangely, there is no REVENUE being reported here. Did they not take any in, or is it just missing from the filings that are available?
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$1,204,006.00
Full-time employees (11)
Part-time employees (2)
Professional and consulting fees
$409,860.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$40,000 to $79,999 (7)
$80,000 to $119,999 (2)
$120,000 to $159,999 (1)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending August 31, 2018
Here are the Directors listed at that time.
Receipted donations $25,374.00 (0.42%)
Non-receipted donations $39,503.00 (0.65%)
Gifts from other registered charities $50,000.00 (0.82%)
Government funding $0.00 (0.00%)
All other revenue $5,996,497.00 (98.12%)
Total revenue: $6,111,374.00
Charitable programs $3,996,014.00 (72.03%)
Management and administration $1,124,793.00 (20.27%)
Fundraising $412,005.00 (7.43%)
Political activities $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $15,000.00 (0.27%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $5,547,812.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$1,418,973.00
Full-time employees (10)
Part-time employees (8)
Professional and consulting fees
$801,966.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$40,000 to $79,999 (6)
$80,000 to $119,999 (2)
$120,000 to $159,999 (1)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting period ending August 31, 2019
Here are the Directors listed on the T3010
Receipted donations $7,917.00 (0.13%)
Non-receipted donations $135,618.00 (2.23%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $0.00 (0.00%)
All other revenue $5,936,983.00 (97.64%)
Total revenue: $6,080,518.00
Charitable programs $5,560,040.00 (86.25%)
Management and administration $739,268.00 (11.47%)
Fundraising $135,708.00 (2.11%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $11,350.00 (0.18%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $6,446,366.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$1,361,701.00
Full-time employees (11)
Part-time employees (5)
Professional and consulting fees
$607,970.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$1 to $39,999 (1)
$40,000 to $79,999 (5)
$80,000 to $119,999 (4)
$250,000 to $299,999
As the data shows (and it’s all freely available on the CRA website), the Foundation takes in millions annually. Why isn’t the group and its donors more carefully probed by the media?
It could be that several members of the mainstream media in Canada are also part of the Trudeau Foundation. Can’t exactly hold these people to account when they are part of the swamp as well
Yes, this could very well be why the Canadian media seems to have little interest in digging into Elizabeth May, or into the Trudeau Foundation more broadly. Huge conflict of interest here.
There is a ton of information on the Trudeau Foundation that needs to be public. That will be the focus of a separate article. But since many members of the Canadian media are also affiliated with the Trudeau Foundation, they won’t do meaningful reporting into the organization.
Nor will they report of the huge conflict of interest that Elizabeth May has, in leading the Green Party of Canada, but being part of a group named after a Liberal ex-Prime Minister.
7. Trans Mountain Pipeline Protests
[1] THE COURT: Ms. May’s circumstances and her conduct do not fit the pattern of others who have pleaded guilty to criminal contempt in these proceedings and who have been subject to $500 fines or community work service orders. Ms. May is not only a member of parliament, she is also the leader of a political party whose purpose is to have increasing influence on public opinion on matters of importance in Canada. In this instance Ms. May has sought to influence others to disobey the injunction.
[2] The rule of law is not a guaranteed feature of Canadian life. It needs constant vigilance to be sustained. It is not only judges who have that obligation; so does everyone else, most particularly those members of parliament who lead political parties. We can easily look to other places in the world to see where the rule of law has never existed or has been lost. The dire consequences are on the daily news that we all see. The law applies to everyone. Nobody is entitled to pick and choose the laws or the court orders they will obey because they believe they have a higher obligation. If they choose to do so and offer public defiance of a court order, the judges of this Court have a duty to respond to that defiance.
[3] As well as being a member of parliament, Ms. May is a lawyer. Lawyers enjoy privileges in our society such as that of professional advocates in the courts. With privilege comes responsibility. In this case Ms. May had a responsibility to obey the injunction and to persuade others to do so.
[4] I note that no law or order has prevented Ms. May or any other persons from protesting the building of the Trans Mountain Pipeline even near to the worksites. The injunction expressly preserves the right to peaceful, lawful and safe protest.
On March 23, 2018, May violated a court order and staged a protest against the Trans Mountain Pipeline. She was arrested, and ultimately fined $1,500.
May has no problem with the illegal demonstration, even as she is a sitting Member of Parliament. How exactly does this help out her constituents?
8. Greens Support Wet’suwet’en Protests
The Official policy of the Green party is to support the protests against the Coastal GasLink Pipeline. However, even as the protests appear to be foreign funded, the Greens still support it. Included is a very interesting video by Rebel Media, exposing money coming in from the Tides Foundation, and other eco groups.
About Our Organization
The Office of the Wet’suwet’en was created as a central office for the Wet’suwet’en Nation. The Office offers many services throughout the traditional territories focusing on the main areas of Lands and Resources, Fisheries & Wildlife, Human and Social Services and Governance.
.
The Office of the Wet’suwet’en is located in Smithers, BC. Our office has been in its operation since 1994 however was affiliated with the Gitxsan Nation for many years. Our office is not an Indian band or tribal council. The Office of the Wet’suwet’en does not receive core funding (continuous funding from one year to the next) from any form of Government.
.
Based on the priorities set by the Board of Directors, staff must negotiate program funding through various sources from; federal and provincial governments and foundations. This situation creates added responsibility for management to ensure that programs meet goals to illustrate successes and generate support for continued funding. Accessing new monies requires proactive and persistent leadership while ensuring program goals are being met and growth is effective.
.
Our office is governed by the Wet’suwet’en Hereditary Chiefs residing throughout the traditional territories. The Chiefs meet at least monthly and often weekly to address specific issues that management needs direction for. Meetings are held throughout the territories in various locations.
.
As a non-profit society, the Office of the Wet’suwet’en does not provide donations due to shortage of funds.
The Office is not an Indian band or tribal council? So it is just a group of people masquerading as Band members. It is an open admission that the group is a total fake.
It relies on funding from Federal and Provincial Governments, and Foundations? Would be interesting to see which foundations are vested in seeing this group through, especially since it isn’t actually the people with land rights.
9. May Is Member Of CAAPD
Elizabeth May is part of CAPPD, the Canadian Association of Parliamentarians on Population and Development. Among other things, it is a heavily pro-abortion group.
10. May & International Banking Cartel
Both Green Party Leader Elizabeth May, and ex-NDP leader Jack Layton knew full well about the international banking cartel, but never used it as a serious issue. See original video here. Both were, in fact, a form of controlled opposition.
11. May Isn’t Who She Claims To Be
Elizabeth May is a “Mentor” at the Trudeau Foundation, named after Liberal PM Pierre Elliot Trudeau. It partially explains why the Liberal Party is so friendly towards her, as she is part of that same organization. If the media weren’t in bed with the Trudeau Foundation, they would have reported on just how deep this runs.
May is a former Executive Director with the Sierra Club of Canada, a charity which takes in about half a million a year from various sources. She’s silent about the donations received in order for Sierra to become neutral on the topic of immigration. While acting as the Director, she lobbied the Federal Government on at least 17 occasions for various environmental issues. Now, a sitting Member of Parliament, she is lobbied herself by a host of various special interest groups.
May also was with the International Institute for Sustainable Development, which receives many millions a year. The IISD gets money from places like the World Health Organization, and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.
She has been arrested for criminal contempt for violating a court order, and her party supports the obviously fraudulent protests in BC.
These items are not an exhaustive list, but should provide some insight into the interests who are really controlling May and the environmental movement as a whole.
CLICK HERE, for an intro to the climate change scam. CLICK HERE, for Disruptive Innovation Framework. CLICK HERE, for humanizing transitions, energy justice.
CLICK HERE, for Max Boykoff’s article in Scientific American. CLICK HERE, for Boykoff’s war on science, part I. CLICK HERE, for Boykoff’s war on science, part II.
2. A Shoutout To Uppity Peasants
It’s only fair to cite the source of these articles, as in the person who shared them. They came from a Prairie Nationalist who’s frequently busy sharpening her pitchfork. Go check out Uppity Peasants for this and other topics.
3. Context For This Article
The topic of climate propaganda has been covered on this site several times (see links in Section #1). However, rather than doing a complete review for each of the remaining articles, a brief commentary will be added.
It’s downright creepy how the emotional manipulation and shameless hucksterism of climate change are treated seriously in academia. Rather than admitting there “may” be something wrong with climate research, the idea is to double down and look for alternative ways to sell the scheme.
Still, if plunging into the messed up world of climate propaganda appeals to you, then you have two options:
(a) Get professional help; or
(b) Keep reading more.
4. Heuristic Of Creative Destruction
Moving beyond the heuristic of creative destruction: Targeting exnovation with policy mixes for energy transitions Martin David Helmholtz Centre for Environmental Research – UFZ, Germany.
Scholars looking at policy mixes for the energy transition and seeking to facilitate a move away from fossil-based structures are increasingly addressing the opposite side of innovation. To describe this, the article introduces the concept of exnovation, referring to attempts to end fossil-based technological trajectories in a deliberate fashion. It applies a framework that encompasses innovation and exnovation alike in order to investigate the policy mix of the German energy transition. Beside finding that energy transition policy mixes need to emphasize regulatory instruments more in order to bring about decarbonization, the article also describes some general aspects of the policy mix design required to govern the innovation-exnovation nexus.
Typically, most people want to ADVANCE their societies, but this one considers doing the opposite: leading the public down a less developed lifestyle in order to combat climate change.
5. Bringing About Disruptive Change
A heuristic for conceptualizing and uncovering the determinants of agency in socio-technical transitions Mert Duygana, Michael Stauffachera, Grégoire Meylanb
There has been a growing interest in transition studies on the role of agency in bringing about disruptive change. Previous studies have examined how actors perform institutional work to create legitimacy and transform institutions. In doing so, they have provided insights into specific practices and strategies that actors follow. This paper seeks to complement existing studies by elucidating the foundations of agency that transforms institutions through institutional work. Drawing on institutional sociology and organizational studies, resources, discourses and networks of actors are identified as key elements enabling institutional work practices. The agency of each actor is conceived of as dependent on the configurations it possesses with respect to these elements. A heuristic is presented that helps to determine the configurations associated with a strong agency in empirical settings and use Swiss waste management as an illustrative case example. The heuristic enables a systematic analysis of agency across different organizational fields.
Some research into methods and techniques for bringing about serious and disruptive changes in Western society deemed necessary for environmental protections.
6. Disruption & System Transformation
Disruption and low-carbon system transformation: Progress and new challenges in socio-technical transitions research and the Multi-Level Perspective Frank W. Geels
This paper firstly assesses the usefulness of Christensen’s disruptive innovation framework for low-carbon system change, identifying three conceptual limitations with regard to the unit of analysis (products rather than systems), limited multi-dimensionality, and a simplistic (‘point source’) conception of change. Secondly, it shows that the Multi-Level Perspective (MLP) offers a more comprehensive framework on all three dimensions. Thirdly, it reviews progress in socio-technical transition research and the MLP on these three dimensions and identifies new challenges, including ‘whole system’ reconfiguration, multi-dimensional struggles, bi-directional niche-regime interactions, and an alignment conception of change. To address these challenges, transition research should further deepen and broaden its engagement with the social sciences.
This gem takes the BUSINESS concept of disruptive innovative framework which is meant to introduce new products and technologies into the market. It then tries to apply it to the CLIMATE CHANGE industry in getting changes made.
7. Fighting Opposing “Regime” Against Change
Regime Resistance against Low-Carbon Transitions: Introducing Politics and Power into the Multi-Level Perspective
Frank W Geels University of Manchester and King Abdulaziz Universit
Abstract
While most studies of low-carbon transitions focus on green niche-innovations, this paper shifts attention to the resistance by incumbent regime actors to fundamental change. Drawing on insights from political economy, the paper introduces politics and power into the multi-level perspective. Instrumental, discursive, material and institutional forms of power and resistance are distinguished and illustrated with examples from the UK electricity system. The paper concludes that the resistance and resilience of coal, gas and nuclear production regimes currently negates the benefits from increasing renewables deployment. It further suggests that policymakers and many transition-scholars have too high hopes that ‘green’ innovation will be sufficient to bring about low-carbon transitions. Future agendas in research and policy should therefore pay much more attention to the destabilization and decline of existing fossil fuel regimes.
This paper views political and media types who are skeptical of the climate change industry as “resistance” and studies way around them. No real sense that they may bring up valid points. Instead, they are an obstacle to progress.
8. Humanizing And “Energy Justice”
Humanizing sociotechnical transitions through energy justice: An ethical framework for global transformative change
Kirsten Jenkins, Benjamin K. Sovacoolb, Darren McCaule
Poverty, climate change and energy security demand awareness about the interlinkages between energy systems and social justice. Amidst these challenges, energy justice has emerged to conceptualize a world where all individuals, across all areas, have safe, affordable and sustainable energy that is, essentially, socially just. Simultaneously, new social and technological solutions to energy problems continually evolve, and interest in the concept of sociotechnical transitions has grown. However, an element often missing from such transitions frameworks is explicit engagement with energy justice frameworks. Despite the development of an embryonic set of literature around these themes, an obvious research gap has emerged: can energy justice and transitions frameworks be combined? This paper argues that they can. It does so through an exploration of the multi-level perspective on sociotechnical systems and an integration of energy justice at the model’s niche, regime and landscape level. It presents the argument that it is within the overarching process of sociotechnical change that issues of energy justice emerge. Here, inattention to social justice issues can cause injustices, whereas attention to them can provide a means to examine and potential resolve them.
The social justice nonsense which universities push is about to get a new member, so-called “energy justice”. Consider this a bastardized child of cultural Marxism and the climate change scam.
9. Regime Destabilization, Pulp & Paper
Explaining regime destabilisation in the pulp and paper industry
Kersti Karltorp, Björn A. Sandén
abstract
.
A transition to a carbon neutral society will require a shift from fossil to renewable resources. This will affect the conversion of biomass and related industries such as the pulp and paper industry. The purpose of this paper is two-fold: first, to describe and analyse the transformation processes in the Swedish pulp and paper industry and the adoption of biorefinery options, and second, to demonstrate how conceptualisations from strategic management can be used to describe regime destabilisation. The industry’s adoption of biorefinery options has been modest so far, but there is development along two trajectories. The first centres on gasification and the second on separation and refining. Such diverging strategies in response to external pressure can be explained by differences that exist between firms. Signs of increasing firm divergence, or ‘regime fragmentation’, might indicate the entry into a phase of regime destabilisation, and a critical point in a transition.
Sure, let’s make the pulp and paper industry completely unprofitable and put all of those workers out on the street. Rather than finding better solutions, let’s sabotage what already exists. While it is true you can’t make an omelette without breaking a few eggs, this seems excessive.
10. Apply Pressure To Destabilize Industries
Sequence and alignment of external pressures in industry destabilisation: Understanding the downfall of incumbent utilities in the German energy transition (1998–2015) Gregor Kungla, Frank W. Geels
ABSTRACT
This article makes two contributions to the emerging research stream on regime and industry destabilisation in the transition literature. First, we replicate the multi-dimensional framework developed by Turnheim and Geels with a more contemporary study that has closer links to sustainability transitions. Drawing on a wide range of primary and secondary sources, we analyse the destabilisation of the German electricity industry, which faced multiple external pressures: renewable energy technologies, nuclear phase-out policy, the financial-economic crisis, and negative public debates. Second, we elaborate the role of multiple pressures in industry destabilisation, focusing in particular on their sequence and alignment. We inductively identify patterns such as the ‘masking effect’ of highly visible macro-shocks, ‘perfect storm’ pattern, a ‘killer blow’ effect, and spillover dynamics between external environments.
Not sure what to add to this. If industries are considered to be environmentally unsound, let’s apply various pressures in order to destabilize and destroy them.
11. Politically Accelerated Transitions
Conditions for politically accelerated transitions: Historical institutionalism, the multi-level perspective, and two historical case studies in transport and agriculture Cameron Roberts, Frank W. Geels
ABSTRACT
This article investigates the conditions under which policymakers are likely to decisively accelerate sociotechnical transitions. We develop a conceptual framework that combines insights from historical institutionalism and the Multi-Level Perspective to better understand the political dimension in transitions, focusing particularly on the mechanisms of political defection from incumbent regime to niche-innovation. We distinguish two ideal type patterns, one where external (landscape) shocks create a ‘critical juncture’ and one where gradual feedbacks change the balance of power between niche-innovation and regime. We also identify more proximate conditions such as external pressures on policymakers (from business interests, mass publics, and technologies) and policy internal developments (changes in problem definitions and access to institutional arrangements). We apply this framework to two historical case studies in which UK policymakers deliberately accelerated transitions: the transition from rail to road transport (1920–1970); and the transition from traditional mixed agriculture to specialised wheat agriculture (1920–1970). We analyse the conditions for major policy change in each case and draw more general conclusions. We also discuss implications for contemporary low-carbon transitions, observing that while some favourable conditions are in place, they do not yet meet all the prerequisites for political acceleration.
This is basically the same concept as before: gutting and destroying various industries. However, this one involves using political pressure in order to achieve it.
12. Plant Based Milk?
Rage against the regime: Niche-regime interactions in the societal embedding of plant-based milk
Josephine Mylana, Carol Morris, Emma Beech, Frank W. Geel
This paper engages with the debate on niche-regime interactions in sustainability transitions, using a study of plant-based milk and its struggles against the entrenched liquid dairy-milk regime, which has various sustainability problems. Plant-based milk isunder-studied, so our empirical contribution consists of an exploration of its diffusion in the UK. We make three conceptual contributions. The first calls for a bidirectional analysis that addresses niche-orientedactivities by incumbent actors, in addition to the outward-oriented activities by niche advocates presented in most studies of niche-regime interaction.The second contribution nuances Smith and Raven’s fit-and-conform and stretch-and-transform typology: using a societal embedding framework which distinguishes four environments, we suggest that hybrid patterns are possible in which innovations follow a ‘fit’ pattern in one environment but ‘stretch’ in another. The third contribution highlights th epotential role of cultural meanings in galvanizing transitions by eroding positive associations that support theregime and stabilise consumer purchasing.
Plant based milk?
Okay, hello unemployed dairy farmers.
13. Destructiveness Of This Agenda
Under the guise of “protecting the environment”, these academics conduct research in how to undermine and destabilize existing industries. There seems to be no concern for the workers and families who will be impacted if these efforts are successful.
Of course, there are many more authors doing this sort of work, but this is a fairly accurate representation of what is going on. Ways to impose their agenda on others.
These people are serious about it.
They really want to bring about the end of Western society.
