FCLT Global; World Economic Forum; CPPIB; Ontario Teachers

The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario supporting forcing masks on kindergarten students. It’s interesting, since their pension fund is partnered with the World Economic Forum. It’s also part of the group Focus on Capital Long Term Global. How deep does this rabbit hole go?

1. More On The International Banking Cartel

For more on the banking cartel, check this page. See who is really controlling things, and the common lies that politicians and media figures tell. The bankers work with the climate mafia and pandemic pushers to promote mutual goals of control and debt slavery. Many pension funds also seem tied to this agenda.

2. Important Links

https://twitter.com/ETFOeducators/status/1371865858046365704
https://www.otpp.com/
https://www.weforum.org/organizations/ontario-teachers-pension-plan
https://www.fcltglobal.org/
https://www.fcltglobal.org/mission/
https://www.fcltglobal.org/team-member/lady-lynn-forester-de-rothschild/
https://www.fcltglobal.org/team-member/larry-fink/
https://www.weforum.org/partners
https://www.baincapital.com/about-us
https://www.blackrock.com/us/individual/about-us/sustainability-resilience-research
https://www.weforum.org/people/mark-wiseman
https://www.blackstone.com/
https://www.cppinvestments.com/
https://www.otpp.com/
https://www.weforum.org/agenda/authors/jo-taylor

3. Focus On Capital Long Term Group

Millions of people around the world are saving money to meet personal goals – funding a comfortable retirement, saving for someone’s education, or buying a home, to name a few.

The funds to support these goals are safeguarded by institutional investors – pension funds, sovereign wealth funds, insurers, and asset managers – who invest in companies for the prospect of growth and security. These savers, their communities, and the institutions that support them make up the global investment value chain, and each benefit from long-term decisions in different ways:

Data shows that long-term-oriented investors deliver superior performance, and long-term-oriented companies outperform in terms of revenue, earnings, and job creation. But despite overwhelming evidence of the superiority of long-term investments, short-term pressures are hard to avoid. A majority of corporate executives agree that longer time horizons for business decisions would improve performance, and yet half say they would delay value-creating projects if it would mean missing quarterly earnings targets.

  • Aberdeen Asset Management
  • APG Asset Management
  • Baillie Gifford
  • Bain Capital
  • Barclays
  • BlackRock
  • Blackstone
  • Bloomberg
  • BP
  • Bridgewater Associates
  • Brookfield Asset Management
  • CPP Investments
  • Carlyle Group
  • Cisco
  • De Brauw Blackstone Westbroek
  • Dow
  • Edelman
  • EQT
  • EY
  • Federated Hermes
  • Fidelity Investments
  • Future Fund
  • Generation Investment Management
  • GIC
  • GlaxoSmithKline
  • Goldman Sachs
  • Hillhouse Capital
  • Hong Kong Monetary Authority
  • IFM Investors
  • Inclusive Capital Partners
  • Kempen Capital Management
  • KPMG
  • La Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec
  • Mastercard
  • McKinsey & Company
  • MFS Investment Management
  • MSCI
  • Nasdaq
  • Natixis Investment Managers
  • Neuberger Berman
  • New Zealand Super Fund
  • Norges Bank Investment Management
  • Nuveen Asset Management
  • Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan
  • PSP Investments
  • Royal DSM
  • Russell Reynolds Associates
  • Schroders
  • Snow Lake Capital
  • State Street Corporation
  • Sullivan & Cromwell
  • Syngenta Group
  • Tata Sons
  • Temasek
  • TPG Capital
  • Unilever
  • Vista Equity Partners
  • Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz
  • Walmart
  • Washington State Investment Board
  • Wellington Management

Not only are these organizations part of FCLT Group, but most are also partners of the World Economic Forum. It seems that asset management and social justice are joining forces. Ideologically, FCLT Group and WEK seem to align.

As a side note: Lady Lynn Forester de Rothschild is one of the Strategic Advisors of FCLT Group. She also sits on the Trilateral Commission.

Let’s take a look at some of the companies in this group. These reviews hardly cover everything, but are to show some of the more interesting details of those involved. While nothing presented here proves anything underhanded is going on, the extensive connections are too great to ignore.

4. Bain Capital

Guidelines For Responsible Investment
With approximately $120 billion in assets under management, Bain Capital and its business units utilize a strategic, fact-based and diligence-driven investment approach that by definition includes a multitude of environmental, social and governance (ESG) considerations.

Bain Capital believes that these ESG practices lead to better investment outcomes while considering the firm’s broader impacts on the environment and society. The firm takes its responsibility seriously and continually monitors the broad consequences of every investment to ensure we are taking all of our stakeholders’ needs into account. By living these values, we create lasting impact for our investors, teams, businesses and communities where we live and work.

Bain Capital is an American, multinational investment firm. It was co-founded by Mitt Romney, the ex-Massachusetts Governor, 2-time Presidential Candidate, and current Utah Senator. Like other firms, Bain is moving more and more into the en

Romney’s business history is interesting, and it includes start up money from Robert Maxwell, father of accused sex trafficker Ghislaine Maxwell.

5. Blackrock

Blackrock is a large, multinational investment firm. Lately, it has adopted the mantra of sustainable investing, and bringing that ideology into everything that it does.

Larry Fink is a Strategic Advisor for FCLT, and is the head of Blackrock, which he cofounded with several others. According to his profile:

“Mr. Fink serves as a member of the Board of Trustees of New York University and is Co-Chairman of the NYU Langone Medical Center Board of Trustees. Mr. Fink also serves on the Boards of The Museum of Modern Art (MoMA), the Council on Foreign Relations and Robin Hood, the poverty-fighting charitable organization. He is also an Executive Committee member of The Partnership for New York City, the economic development organization.”

Blackrock also owns SNC Lavalin. That Quebec based firm has been involved in serious corruption scandals in recent years. However, thanks to its vast political connections, and lobbying everyone in Parliament, it has been able to get away from most of it.

Lavalin owes much of its success in lobbying for a deferred prosecution agreement to Bruce Hartley, and William Pristanski. Hartley worked in the Liberal Government of Jean Chretien, and Pristanski worked for the Conservative Government of Brian Mulroney. They influence both major parties at the Federal level.

6. Blackstone

Building on more than a decade of sustainability efforts, we are launching a program to reduce carbon emissions by 15% across all new investments where we control energy usage.

Over the last decade, Blackstone has helped its portfolio companies and properties improve their energy efficiency—generating meaningful savings while positively impacting the environment. Today, we are expanding these sustainability efforts by setting a goal of 15% carbon emissions reduction across all new investments where we control energy usage. We will support them in achieving this goal with a set of tools and resources to reduce their carbon footprint.

Another investment firm supporting ESG. This is unique in that it has former Prime Minister Brian Mulroney sitting on the Board of Directors

Rochelle B. Lazarus is a Board Member, and also sits on the Board of Merck (a pharmaceutical company), and on the Council on Foreign Relations. Director Ruth Porat also is part of the CFR. Former U.S Senator Kelly A. Ayotte was an advisor for Microsoft.

Blackstone also owns G4S, the private security firm that Brian Pallister brought into Manitoba as “extra help”. G4S runs detention services, and is involved in surveillance and intelligence gathering.

7. CPP Investments

At CPP Investments we consider responsible investing simply as intelligent long-term investing. Over the exceptionally long investment-horizon over which we invest, ESG factors have the potential to be significant drivers – or barriers – to profitability and shareholder value. For these reasons we refer to what many call ‘Responsible Investing’ activities simply as Sustainable Investing.

Given our legislative objective, we consider and integrate both ESG risks and opportunities into our investment analysis, rather than eliminating investments based on ESG factors alone.

As an owner, we monitor ESG factors and actively engage with companies to promote improved management of ESG, ultimately leading to enhanced long-term outcomes in the companies and assets in which more than 20 million CPP contributors and beneficiaries have a stake.

CPP Investments has established governing policies, approved by our Board of Directors, to guide our ESG activities. Our Policy on Sustainable Investing establishes how CPP Investments approaches ESG factors which aligns with our legislative objective to maximize long-term investment returns without undue risk of loss. Our Proxy Voting Principles and Guidelines provide guidance on how CPP Investments is likely to vote on matters put to shareholders and communicate CPP Investments’ views on governance matters.

The Canada Pension Plan Investment Board (CPPIB), is supposed to manage the national pension plan of Canadians.

There are several things to mention. First, in an honest accounting of the pension plan, there would be over $1 trillion in unfunded liabilities. It is propped up through ever increasing amounts of contributions. Second, this can only be propped up by an increasing contribution base — such as importing the 3rd World. Third, the overwhelming majority is invested outside of Canada. Fourth, the plan has thoroughly embraced the ESG doctrine (environment, social, governance).

Canadian pension funds shouldn’t be involved in social engineering, especially abroad. It should be used domestically in ways that put Canadians to work.

8. Goldman Sachs

Goldman Sachs has long been a stepping stone for bankers to eventually land positions in the U.S. Government. Indeed, many such people have ended up in the Treasury Department, under both Democrat and Republican Administrations. It’s too extensive to properly list here.

Another ex-Goldman employee is Mark Carney. He formerly headed both the Bank of Canada, and the Bank of England. He is now in charge of the UN Climate Action Finance, and has openly threatened to bankrupt firms that don’t play along with the climate change agenda.

9. La Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec

Quebec is not part of the Canada Pension Plan, and instead, operate their own version of it. Both are pumping money into the eco-agenda. It seems that not much is really that different.

10. Mastercard

Some of the important things were included in an earlier piece. This is still relevant even now. Mastercard has been involved in facilitating mass migration from the 3rd World to the 1st. As a major payment processor, they stand to make enormous amounts of money from increasing their customer base. As cashless societies and digital currencies become more of a reality, credit card companies stand to benefit. They have also used their influence to cause significant financial headaches to people and organizations that don’t ideologically align.

11. Ontario Teachers Pension Plan

Mark [Weissman] is a Senior Managing Director at BlackRock, Global Head of Active Equities, Chairman of its Alternatives business, and Chairman of BlackRock’s Global Investment Committee. He also serves on BlackRock’s Global Executive Committee. Prior to joining BlackRock in 2016, Mark was President & CEO of the Canada Pension Plan Investment Board (CPPIB). Mark joined CPPIB in June, 2005 as the organization’s Senior Vice-President, Private Investments. He was later named Executive Vice-President, Investments, responsible for managing all of the investment activities of CPPIB. He was named President & CEO in 2012. Prior to joining the CPPIB, Mark was responsible for the private equity fund and co-investment program at the Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan. Previously, Mark was an officer with Harrowston Inc., a publicly traded Canadian merchant bank and a lawyer with Sullivan & Cromwell, practicing in New York and Paris. He also served as a law clerk to Madam Justice Beverley McLachlin at the Supreme Court of Canada.

Mark Weissman is a managing Director at Blackrock. He also used to work for both the Ontario Teachers Pension Plan, and the CPPIB.

Bill Chinery is currently a Director at OTPP, and until 2013, he was the CEO of Blackrock Asset Management.

Jo Taylor, the President and CEO of the Ontario Teachers Pension Plan, is featured prominently by the World Economic Forum. Just a few days ago, he penned an article for WEF, promoting the “net zero” carbon agenda. OTPP has fully embraced the climate agenda, and is pouring more of members’ money into it.

The OTPP seems to support what’s going on with this “pandemic”. Seems that it filters down to the schools, and to classrooms themselves. And why are schools so willing to use remote learning? Could be partly because Zoom is also a partner with the World Economic Forum.

12. Walmart

This was addressed earlier, but Walmart has actually done quite well lately. It certainly helps that their small business competitors in places like Ontario have been all but crushed. It seems that the rampant lobbying has paid for itself, many times over.

Bruce Hartley and William Pristanski are certainly busy.

13. Some Thoughts On The Matter

These connections are nowhere near the entire story. However, a deep dive needs to be done into the various pension funds and asset management companies who are now fully aligned with the climate change agenda, and with the Great Reset.

Corporations venturing into new areas isn’t anything new, and isn’t (on its own) any reason to be alarmed. However, when everyone seems to be on board with the same things, it does raise the concerns about collusion.

Back to the initial photo: the Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario supports forcing kindergarten students to wear masks. Most people would consider this to be child abuse. Could it be out of concern for the students? Or, is ETFO acting on behalf of a much, MUCH larger agenda?

These aren’t just partners making a profit. They are helping to prop up and promote the World Economic Forum, and their agenda. WEF openly supported — and facilitated — lockdowns and shutting down of society in order to crash economies globally. Now, the idea is to “build back better”.

IBC #8(C): World Bank Gets Production Order Dismissed In 2013 SNC Lavalin Case

This is a case from several years ago. The World Bank Group (WBG) went to the Supreme Court to get an Order overturned, which compelled the organization to turn over documents in a criminal case. WBG itself was not being tried, but they had information that was potentially valuable to the accused defendants. They were charged under the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act, and some were employees of SNC Lavalin.

1. More On The International Banking Cartel

For more on the banking cartel, check this page. The Canadian Government, like so many others, has sold out the independence and sovereignty of its monetary system to foreign interests. BIS, like its central banks, exceed their agenda and try to influence other social agendas. See who is really controlling things, and the common lies that politicians and media figures tell. The bankers work with the climate mafia and pandemic pushers to promote mutual goals of control and debt slavery.

2. Court Rulings On World Bank

Kevin Wallace v. H.M.Q., 2014 ONSC 7449 (CanLII)
https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onsc/doc/2014/2014onsc7449/2014onsc7449.html

World Bank Group v. Kevin Wallace, et al., 2015 CanLII 38342 (SCC)
https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc-l/doc/2015/2015canlii38342/2015canlii38342.html

World Bank Group v. Wallace, 2016 SCC 15 (CanLII), [2016] 1 SCR 207
https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/2016/2016scc15/2016scc15.html

3. Ontario Superior Court Ruling

NORDHEIMER J.:
.
[1] The applicants are all charged with an offence under the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act, S.C. 1998, c. 34. They bring this application for an order requiring a third party, the World Bank Group, to produce various documents. In furtherance of that application, the applicants had subpoenas issued to two employees of the World Bank Group requiring them to appear before this court and bring with them various documents that were detailed in an appendix to the subpoenas. Neither of those individuals appeared in response to the subpoenas. I will address certain issues regarding these subpoenas later.

Background
.
[2] Some degree of factual background is necessary to understand the reason for this application. The applicants are jointly charged with one count of bribing foreign public officials, namely, officials within the government of The People’s Republic of Bangladesh. Three of the accused persons are former employees of SNC-Lavalin. Mohammad Ismail was Director, International Projects. Mr. Ismail reported to Ramesh Shah who was Vice-President of the International Division. Mr. Shah reported to Kevin Wallace who was Vice-President, Energy and Infrastructure, and was the senior SNC-Lavalin executive assigned to the Padma Project. Zulfiquar Ali Bhuiyan is a Bangladeshi and Canadian Citizen. It is alleged that Mr. Bhuiyan was the representative of Abul Chowdhury, a senior Bangladeshi official, who was alleged to also be involved in this matter.

[3] The background to this matter dates back to 2010 when the World Bank began receiving information suggesting that there might be corruption involving foreign public officials and company representatives in respect of a bid by SNC-Lavalin for a construction supervision contract related to the planned construction of the Padma Bridge in Bangladesh. The World Bank Group was a primary lender in relation to the Padma Bridge project.

[4] The Word Bank Group has a unit that is charged with the investigation of allegations of fraud, corruption, collusion and other improper activities in relation to World Bank financed projects. It is called the Vice Presidency for Integrity (“the INT”). In March, 2011, an officer with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police was approached by an INT investigator concerning allegations that had come to the INT’s attention regarding possible corruption involving SNC-Lavalin and the Padma Bridge project.

Conclusion
.
[67] In summary, I conclude that:
(i) the subpoenas for Christopher Kim and Paul Haynes were validly served;
.
(ii) the World Bank Group has, on the particular facts of this case, waived their immunity such that this court has jurisdiction to order production of documents in their possession;
.
(iii) the applicants have satisfied the first stage for the production of records in the hands of a third party as set out in R. v. O’Connor;
.
(iv) the World Bank Group must produce to this court the documents set out in paragraphs a, b, c and e of the Appendix to the subpoenas so that the review contemplated in the second stage of the R. v. O’Connor procedure can take place;
.
(v) if the applicants still wish to pursue the documents referred to in paragaraphs d and f of the Appendix to the subpoenas, a further hearing should be arranged to address the relevance of those documents.

The details of the criminal fraud itself isn’t what’s so interesting here. It’s the fact that the Defendants attempted to force the WBG to produce documents which they claimed was relevant to their defense. Was this really about privacy, and exerting their immunities privilege? Or, was there some other, more basic reason WBG wouldn’t want this information to be public record?

4. Supreme Court Motion For Leave

The motion to expedite the application for leave to appeal is granted. The application for leave to appeal from the judgment of the Ontario Superior Court of Justice, Number CR-13-90000727, 2014 ONSC 7449, dated December 23, 2014, is granted.

The Supreme Court of Canada granted the application to appeal and expedite the challenge from the Ontario Superior Court. Rather than comply, WBG decided to get the Order thrown out instead.

5. Supreme Court Overturns ONSC Ruling

Two issues were raised on the application: (1) whether the World Bank Group could be subject to a production order issued by a Canadian court given the immunities accorded to the IBRD and the IDA, and (2) if so, whether in the context of a challenge to the wiretap authorizations pursuant to Garofoli, the documents sought met the test for relevance.

With respect to the first issue, the trial judge found that the immunities and privileges claimed were prima facie applicable to the archives and personnel of the INT. However, he determined that the World Bank Group had waived these immunities by participating in the RCMP investigation. In any event, he was not persuaded that the documents at issue were “archives”. Moreover, in his view, the term “inviolable” in the Articles of Agreement connoted protection from search and seizure or confiscation, but not from production for inspection. On the second issue, the trial judge concluded that the documents were likely relevant to issues that would arise on a Garofoli application. Accordingly, he ordered that the documents be produced for review by the court.
.
Held: The appeal should be allowed and the production order set aside.

The trial judge erred in assessing the accused’s arguments. Although he correctly placed the burden on the accused, he did not properly assess the relevance of the documents being sought. In particular, he blurred the distinction in a Garofoli application between the affiant’s knowledge and the knowledge of others involved in the investigation. In this case, that distinction is crucial. While the documents sought may be relevant to the ultimate truth of the allegations in the affidavits, they are not reasonably likely to be of probative value to what Sgt. D knew or ought to have known since he did not consult them. The accused have not shown that it was unreasonable for him to rely on the information he received from the INT and other officers. Furthermore, accepting the argument that the INT’s records should be presumed relevant because first party documents were lost or not created would require a significant change to the O’Connor framework. Such a change is not necessary. Any loss of information must be addressed through the remedial framework set forth in R. v. La, 1997 CanLII 309 (SCC), [1997] 2 S.C.R. 680, which may well be the appropriate framework for addressing any prejudice resulting from the World Bank Group’s assertion of its immunities. The accused did not argue these issues on this appeal, and they are best left to the trial judge.

[6] First, the World Bank Group submits that the Schedules of the Bretton Woods and Related Agreements Act, R.S.C. 1985, c. B-7 (“Bretton Woods Act”), grant immunity to the archives and personnel of certain constituent organizations of the World Bank Group, including the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (“IBRD”) and the International Development Association (“IDA”). Under Schedules II and III of the Bretton Woods Act, the IBRD’s and the IDA’s “archives . . . shall be inviolable” (“archival immunity”), and “[a]ll [g]overnors, [e]xecutive [d]irectors, [a]lternates, officers and employees . . . (i) shall be immune from legal process with respect to acts performed by them in their official capacity except when the [IBRD or IDA] waives this immunity” (“personnel immunity”) (Sch. II, art. VII, ss. 5 and 8; Sch. III, art. VIII, ss. 5 and 8).

[7] Accordingly, the World Bank Group submits that the documents ordered produced by the trial judge are immune from production.

[12] SNC-Lavalin was one of several companies bidding for a contract to supervise the construction of the bridge (the “Supervision Contract”). A committee of Bangladeshi officials evaluated the bids. The respondents allegedly conspired to bribe the committee to award the contract to SNC-Lavalin. Three of the respondents are former employees of SNC-Lavalin: Kevin Wallace, Ramesh Shah and Mohammad Ismail. The fourth, Zulfiquar Bhuiyan, was allegedly a representative of Abul Chowdhury, a Bangladeshi official alleged to be involved in this matter. They are all charged with an offence under the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act.

[13] The INT is responsible for investigating allegations of fraud, corruption and collusion in relation to projects financed by the World Bank Group. The INT is an independent unit within the World Bank Group, reporting directly to its President. Mr. Haynes and Mr. Kim were senior investigators with the INT. Mr. Haynes was the primary investigator in this matter.

V. Conclusion
.
[148] The World Bank Group’s immunities cover the records sought and its personnel, and they have not been waived. Moreover, the INT’s records were not disclosable under Canadian law. In the result, we would dismiss the respondents’ motion to strike, allow the appeal and set aside the production order.

[149] In the circumstances, given the issues raised, we would make no order as to costs. In doing so, we wish to make it clear that we do not accept Mr. Bhuiyan’s submission as to the World Bank Group’s conduct in this case.

The Supreme Court of Canada ultimately found that the World Bank Group hadn’t waived its immunities, and was within its rights to refuse a request for production in a criminal case. The claim was that Canada’s membership with WBG came with certain conditions, and that this was still intact.

6. Relevance To What’s Happening Today

Considering that the World Bank Group is heavily involved in promoting the “pandemic” narrative, getting them to turn over material in any potential litigation will be very tricky. There are many, MANY things that real journalists and the public as a whole would want to see. This organization has power over Canadians, yet, we are not allowed to see the inner workings of how it operates.

This unfortunately is a very bad precedent, in terms of getting some transparency. And given the political connections Lavalin has, one has to wonder if there was interference in these proceedings.

SNC-Lavalin: Lobbying The Entire Legislature For Deferred Prosecution

1. Important Links

Previous Coverage:
CLICK HERE, for deferred prosecution agreement, Bill C-74.
CLICK HERE, for SNC Lavalin’s political connections.
CLICK HERE, for David Lametti, the AG who freed SNC-Lavalin, in return for a $200M kickback to McGill University.

CLICK HERE, for the Office of the Commissioner of Lobbying in Canada.

2. SNC-Lavalin Lobbied David Lametti Personally

CLICK HERE, for the report associated with the meeting between David Lametti and SNC Lavalin.That’s right. On May 30, 2017, almost 2 years before becoming Attorney General of Canada, David Lametti met with SNC-Lavalin over exactly this issue. The company was looking to have the laws changed regarding so-called “white collar crime”.

3. SNC-Lavalin Lobbied Gerald Butts

CLICK HERE, for the report. On February 23, 2017, Trudeau’s Chief of Staff, Gerald Butts, met with SNC-Lavalin to discuss the possibility of a deferred prosecution agreement, which would have allowed SNC to keep getting Canadian Government contracts.

4. SNC-Lavalin Lobbied Finance Minister Bill Morneau

CLICK HERE, for the report. On October 16, 2018, SNC-Lavalin lobbied the sitting Finance Minister, Bill Morneau. One of the topics discussed was the creation of alternatives for white collar crime, or the DPA.

5. Privy Council Clerk Michael Wernick Lobbied

CLICK HERE, for the report. Lavalin actually lobbied the Clerk of the Privy Council, Michael Wernick, in the hopes of getting the DPA.

Also worth noting is that there is a HUGE conflict of interest here. Kevin Lynch, Chairman of SNC-Lavalin, among other roles, was Clerk of the Privy Council. He clearly still has access to the Council. (Taken from his BMO profile.)

6. SNC-Lavalin Lobbied Group Of MPs

CLICK HERE, for the report of the meeting. As before, one common item keeps coming up: changes to policies regarding white collar crime (a.k.a. the deferred prosecution agreement).

One thing that needs to be mentioned: Peter Van Loan is a CONSERVATIVE Member of Parliament. So much for this being a Liberal-only problem.

7. CONSERVATIVE Senator Larry Smith Lobbied

CLICK HERE, for the report. Lavalin has actually taken to lobbying at least one Conservative Senator.

8. List Of Public Figures Lobbied (DPA)

(Source is here.)
Dean Allison, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Omar Alghabra, Parliamentary Secretary | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Navdeep Bains, Minister | Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada (ISED)
Simon Beauchemin, Advisor | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Stefanie Beck, Assistant Deputy Minister | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Karl Belanger, Chief of Staff | Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC)
Mathieu Belanger, Director of Policy | Infrastructure Canada (INFC)
Susan Bincoletto, Assistant Deputy Minister and Chief Trade Commissioner | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Michael Binder, President and Chief Executive Officer | Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission (CNSC)
Richard Botham, Assistant Deputy Minister | Finance Canada (FIN)
Mathieu Bouchard, Senior Advisor | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Scott Brison, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Gianluca Cairo, Chief of Staff | Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada (ISED)
Rebecca Caldwell, Chief of Staff | Status of Women Canada (SWC)
Zoe Caron, Chief of Staff | Natural Resources Canada (NRCan)
Celina Cesar-Chavannes, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Francois-Philippe Champagne, Minister of Infrastructure and Communities | Infrastructure Canada (INFC)
Jim Carr, Minister | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Ben Chin, Chief of Staff | Finance Canada (FIN)
Brian Clow, Director | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Martin Crevier, Legislative Assistant to Peter Schiefke | House of Commons
Roger Cuzner, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Kathleen Davis, Special Assistant | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Bernie Derible, Senior Policy Advisor | Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC)
Rebecca Dixon, Advisor | Senate of Canada
Percy Downe, Senator | Senate of Canada
Scott Driscoll, Vice President and Chief Compliance and Ethics | Export Development Canada (EDC)
Pierre-Luc Dusseault, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Mark Eyking, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Greg Fergus, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Marc Fortin, Assistant Deputy Minister | Infrastructure Canada (INFC)
Kelly Gillis, Deputy Minister | Infrastructure Canada (INFC)
Mark Glauser, Director General | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Pamela Goldsmith-Jones, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Paul Halucha, Assistant Secretary to the Cabinet | Privy Council Office (PCO)
Tasha Hanes, Chief of Staff | Finance Canada (FIN)
Jamie Innes, Director of Parliamentary Affairs | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Diamond Isinger, Special Assistant | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Phil Jennings, Associate Deputy Minister | Natural Resources Canada (NRCan)
Stephen Kelly, Chief of Staff | Senate of Canada
Jay Khosla, Assistant Deputy Minister | Natural Resources Canada (NRCan)
Jean-Frederique Lafaille, Assistant Secretary to the Cabinet | Privy Council Office (PCO)
Paul Lefebvre, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Natural Resources | Natural Resources Canada (NRCan)
Andrew Leslie, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Foreign Affairs | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Gavin Liddy, Associate Deputy Minister | Public Services and Procurement Canada (PSPC)
Stephen Lucas, Deputy Minister | Environment and Climate Change Canada (ECCC)
Steve MacKinnon, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
David Maloney, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Elder Marques, Senior Advisor | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Brian Masse, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Remi Masse, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
John McCallum, Ambassador of Canada to the People’s Republic of China | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
David McGovern, Associate Deputy Minister | Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada (ISED)
Duane McMullen, Director General | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Michael McNair, Executive Director | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
David McNaughton, Ambassador of Canada to the United States | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Marc Miller, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Grant Mitchell, Senator | Senate of Canada
Martin Moen, Director General | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Renze Nauta, Director of Policy and Planning | House of Commons
Kyle Nicholson, Special Assistant, Policy | Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC)
Julian Ovens, Chief of Staff | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Tracey Ramsey, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Phil Rheault, Senior Policy Advisor | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Paul Rochon, Deputy Minister | Finance Canada (FIN)
Kim Rudd, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Tim Sargent, Deputy Minister | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Dev Saxena, Policy Advisor | Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada (ISED)
Sandra Schwartz, Senior Policy Advisor | House of Commons
Andrew Scheer, Leader of the Official Opposition | House of Commons
Richard Sexton, President and CEO | Atomic Energy of Canada Limited (AECL)
Judy Sgro, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Miguel Simard, General Counsel | Export Development Canada (EDC)
Jagmeet Singh, Leader of the New Democratic Party of Canada | House of Commons
Rick Stewart, Assistant Deputy Minister | Finance Canada (FIN)
Catrina Tapley, Secretary to the Cabinet (Operations) | Privy Council Office (PCO)
Owen Teo, Director of Policy | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Justin To, Director of Policy and Policy Advisor | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Chrystine Tremblay, Deputy Minister | Natural Resources Canada (NRCan)
Shawn Tupper, Associate Deputy Minister | Natural Resources Canada (NRCan)
David Usher, Ambassador of Canada to Argentina | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Michael Wernick, Clerk of the Privy Council and Secretary to the Cabinet | Privy Council Office (PCO)
Steve Verheul, Assistant Deputy Minister | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Howard Wetston, Senator | Senate of Canada
Yuen Pau Woo, Senator | Senate of Canada
Ava Yaskiel, Associate Deputy Minister | Finance Canada (FIN)
Martin Zablocki, President and CEO | Canadian Commercial Corporation (CCC)

I might have missed a few, but this is still pretty extensive.

To reiterate, all of these meetings took place during the period when SNC-Lavalin was lobbying for a DPA.

8. Opposition Leader Andrew Scheer Lobbied

CLICK HERE, for report. On May 29, 2018, Andrew Scheer, Opposition Leader, and supposedly a “Conservative” was also lobbied by SNC-Lavalin. This could explain why he is so open to giving Lavalin the deferred prosecution, in spite of the corruption. He’s controlled as well.

9. NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh Lobbied By SNC

CLICK HERE, for the report. Jagmeet Singh, yes the NDP leader, was “also” lobbied by SNC-Lavalin. One of the topics was “changes related to white collar crime”. Of course, this is a euphemism for the DPA (deferred prosecution agreement). Is the entire legislature in on this? Might be, from the number of Senators and MPs involved.

10. Lobbyists Bruce Hartley & William Pristanski

Also worth noting, SNC-Lavalin has two professional shills (I mean lobbyists), Bruce Hartley and William Pristanski. Both are lobbying specifically in relation to obtaining a DPA for SNC-Lavalin.

11. Is This Why Opposition So Tepid?

It seems that all parties are in on it.

Is all the bickering in the House of Commons just for show? Does SNC-Lavalin have the entire legislature in their pockets?

Attorney General David Lametti, SNC-Lavalin, McGill University & $200M Kickback

(then Parliamentary Secretary to Minister for ISED, David Lametti, met with SNC Lavalin President Neil Bruce)

(McGill University Law Professor, David Lametti, Who is on leave while he sits as the Attorney General of Canada)

(February 13, 2019, McGill University is “gifted” $200M)

(The $200M gift to McGill came from John McCall MacBain, European Climate Foundation founder, and Chairman of the Board of the Trudeau Foundation).

1. Important Links

CLICK HERE, for previous article on Bill C-74, deferred prosecution agreements, and anti-corruption laws.
CLICK HERE, for previous article on who SNC Lavalin is connected to.

CLICK HERE, for David Lametti’s McGill Law Faculty page.
CLICK HERE, for the Canadian bar Association’s announcement of David Lametti becoming Attorney General on January 14, 2019.
CLICK HERE, for McGill’s $200 million “gift”.
rel=”noopener” target=”_blank”CLICK HERE, for David Lametti saying no decision is ever final, and justifying decision to allow SNC-Lavalin access to the DPA.
CLICK HERE, for JWR shuffled out as Attorney General.
CLICK HERE, for Jody Wilson Raybould resigns from Cabinet.

CLICK HERE, for John McCall MacBain is Chairman of Trudeau Foundation.
CLICK HERE, for the McCall MacBain Foundation.
CLICK HERE, for the European Climate Foundation.
CLICK HERE, for the McCall MacBain $928,000 bribe to Trudeau.

2. Timeline of SNC-Lavalin Events

  • May 30, 2017, SNC-Lavalin lobbies David Lametti
  • January 14, 2019, Jody Wilson Raybould removed as Attorney General
  • January 14, 2019, David Lametti becomes Attorney General
  • February 9, 2019, Lametti sees nothing wrong with SNC-Lavalin getting the deferred prosecution, to allow it to keep accepting Canadian Government contracts
  • February 12, 2019, JWR resigns from Cabinet altogether
  • February 13, 2019, McGill is gifted $200 million
  • March 3, 2019, Lametti says no decision (SNC implied) is ever final and can always be reviewed

The implication is obvious here. Jody Wilson Raybould wasn’t willing to grant a deferred prosecution agreement to SNC-Lavalin. This would have allowed the company to still be granted Canadian contracts. So she was replaced by someone more “willing”.

Note: See the first link for more information on the DPA, or deferred prosecution agreement. This was created by an amendment to bill C-74.

3. Lametti Whitewashed Interference Scandal

“Interference is perhaps the wrong word in that it implies something illegal is going on,” he said.

Lametti, who became attorney general after Wilson-Raybould was removed from the post six weeks ago, acknowledged in the same interview he had not known when he took over the role and got briefed on the matters facing him that she had already made the decision not to offer a remediation agreement.

Such a deal would have allowed SNC-Lavalin to admit wrongdoing and pay a fine, but avoid the ban on bidding for government contracts that comes with a conviction for the corruption and fraud charges it currently faces.

“You do have an ongoing obligation as attorney general in terms of your relationship to prosecutions and the prosecution service to be open to new facts,” he said. “I can’t speak to the actual facts [of the SNC-Lavalin affair] but I know that in principle, an attorney general has to remain open so, in that sense, no decision is ever final.”

(Source is here.)

No interference. No pressure. Everything is just a point of view. The new Attorney General shrugs off very serious accusations of attempting to interfere with criminal prosecutions.

4. John McCall MacBain Directly Connected To McGill U

Taking a quick look at the McCall MacBain page, for “our people”, we quickly spot two items:

John McCall MacBain not only has an undergraduate degree in economics from McGill, but he chairs the International Advisory Board as well.

Although McGill is a decent sized university, the obvious question must be asked: Does John McCall MacBain know David Lametti personally?

5. Connections To Trudeau Foundation

(Jacques Bougie, Member of the Governance and Ethics Committee for SNC Lavalin, also is part of the Trudeau Foundation)

From the National Post article, of December 12, 2016:

Last Monday, interim Conservative leader Rona Ambrose wrote to the conflict of interest and ethics commissioner and to the lobbying commissioner, asking them to investigate Liberal fundraising practices — and in particular, whether people might be using donations to the charitable Trudeau Foundation to gain influence with the government.

“Given that Prime Minister Trudeau is a former member of the Trudeau Foundation,” she wrote, “that his brother Alexandre Trudeau is a current member of the board of directors of the foundation, that the Minister of Industry appoints two directors of the Trudeau Foundation, and that the Foundation has two representatives of the Trudeau family, any efforts by Mr. Trudeau to use his position as Prime Minister to encourage donations may be a violation of the definition of a conflict of interest.”

A National Post analysis of the Trudeau Foundation’s public disclosures has found that gifts to the foundation have increased significantly since Justin Trudeau’s April 2013 election as leader of the Liberal Party of Canada. The amount of money contributed to the foundation by foreign donors has grown each year since Trudeau claimed the party’s leadership. Moreover, a significant proportion of the charity’s donors, directors and members have ties to companies and organizations that are actively lobbying the federal government.

Whether or not the foundation violates conflict-of-interest laws, its operations represent another challenge to the high ethical standard Trudeau has established for his government. The Open and Accountable Government guide, codified after Trudeau became prime minister in October 2015, specifies that when fundraising or dealing with lobbyists, “Ministers and Parliamentary Secretaries must avoid conflict of interest, the appearance of conflict of interest and situations that have the potential to involve conflicts of interest.”

Would the Trudeau Government try to do an end run around Jody Wilson-Raybould’s refusal to grant SNC-Lavalin a deferred prosecution agreement? Would replacing her with the more “easily swayed” David Lametti work? Was the “gift” to McGill University 4 days after the announcement really just a form of payment?

It seems on the surface a conspiracy theory. However, given all the things the Trudeau Foundation has been involved with, it’s no much of a stretch.

It wasn’t the Canadian Government that gave McGill University the $200 million. Instead, it was a member of the Trudeau Foundation, who has been illegally lobbying Justin Trudeau.

That hardly makes it better.

Also when searching, out came this little gem here:

This is Philippe Couillard, the former Premier of Quebec. He has some very interesting connections:

  • Member of Privy Council
  • Teaching health care governance at McGill University
  • Long time Liberal
  • Member of Trudeau Foundation

But hey, it’s probably all unrelated.

6. Not Likely To Be Prosecuted

Bribery of judicial officers, etc.
.
119 (1) Every one is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding fourteen years who
(a) being the holder of a judicial office, or being a member of Parliament or of the legislature of a province, directly or indirectly, corruptly accepts, obtains, agrees to accept or attempts to obtain, for themselves or another person, any money, valuable consideration, office, place or employment in respect of anything done or omitted or to be done or omitted by them in their official capacity, or
(b) directly or indirectly, corruptly gives or offers to a person mentioned in paragraph (a), or to anyone for the benefit of that person, any money, valuable consideration, office, place or employment in respect of anything done or omitted or to be done or omitted by that person in their official capacity.
Marginal note: Consent of Attorney General(2) No proceedings against a person who holds a judicial office shall be instituted under this section without the consent in writing of the Attorney General of Canada.

Considering that the sitting Attorney General is a full fledged PARTICIPANT in this corruption, it is extremely unlikely he will agree to a prosecution.

This reeks of corruption, unfortunately, it’s kind of a rigged game.

Theoretically, Lametti could be removed, and a new Attorney General could open up a case. That is also unlikely, since Trudeau would have to do it. Perhaps his successor will.

7. Is This Flat Out Corruption?

Consider the facts:

  1. SNC-Lavalin has at least two lobbyists: (a) Bruce Hartley; and (b) William Pristanski, who have been actively lobbying on SNC’s behalf in order to get a DPA for its criminal activity
  2. David Lametti has previously been lobbied at least once by SNC-Lavalin.
  3. Jody Wilson Raybould opposed allowing SNC-Lavalin access to a DPA (deferred prosecution agreement), as she felt it was inappropriate.
  4. JWR is replaced by David Lametti, a law professor from McGill University, currently on leave.
  5. 4 days after announcing that Lavalin will be reconsidered for the DPA, McGill receives a $200M “gift” from John McCall MacBain.
  6. John McCall MacBain sits on the Trudeau Foundation, as does Jacques Bougie (also on the Board of Directors for SNC-Lavalin).
  7. McCall MacBain has also been investigated for illegal donations to Justin Trudeau.

Perhaps I’m missing something, but it looks pretty corrupt to me.

Who Is SNC-Lavalin Really Connected To?

1. Important Links

CLICK HERE, for SNC-Lavalin homepage.
CLICK HERE, for the SNC Board of Directors.
CLICK HERE, for Jacques Bougie, who is part of the Trudeau Foundation, and also sits on SNC-Lavalin Board of Directors.
CLICK HERE, for Canada’s Infrastructure Banks, and Liberal connections.
CLICK HERE, for Kevin Lynch call to Michael Wernick.

CLICK HERE, for a previous piece on Canadian Infrastructure Bank.
CLICK HERE, for Canadian Infrastructure Bank Act
CLICK HERE, for previous piece on “Deferred Prosecution Agreement”.
CLICK HERE, for the Fall 2018 Economic Update (Pgs 37-42)
CLICK HERE, for previous Unifor article, and $595 media buyoff.
CLICK HERE, for Steering Committee (Social Finance) biographies.

CLICK HERE, for World Bank, list of debarred firms.
CLICK HERE, for Act Respecting the Director of Public Prosecutions.
CLICK HERE, for Office of the Commissioner of Lobbying in Canada.
CLICK HERE, for Bruce Hartley, Liberal donor.
CLICK HERE, for Bruce Hartley, Liberal donor.
CLICK HERE, for William Pristanski, SNC-Lavalin lobbyist.
CLICK HERE, for SNC Lavalin and Libya corruption.

2. Who Are The Board Members Of SNC-Lavalin?

  • Ian L. Edwards is the interim President and CEO. Prior to joining Lavalin, he worked at Leighton Asia, which had its own corruption scandal.
  • Kevin Lynch is the Chairman of SNC-Lavalin, but he has also held other interesting roles:
    (1) former Clerk of Privy Council;
    (2) former Secretary to the Cabinet;
    (3) former Deputy Minister of Finance;
    (4) former Deputy Minister of Industry;
    (5) former Executive Director for Canada at the IMF;
    (6) current Vice-Chairman of BMO Financial Group
  • Jacques Bougie, O.C., is member of Governance & Ethics Committee, with some connections of his own:
    (1) Director of CSL Group Inc.;
    (2) Director at McCain Foods Limited;
    (3) former Board member at RBC;
    (4) former Board Member at Bell Canada;
    (5) former member of Trilateral Commission;
    (6) Member of Trudeau Foundation
  • Isabelle Courville, Chair of the Human Resources Committee
    (1) Chair of the board of directors of the Laurentian Bank of Canada;
    (2) President of Bell Canada’s Enterprise segment from 2003 to 2006;
    (3) Director of Canadian Pacific Railway Limited;
    (4) director of the Institute for Governance of Private and Public Organizations;
    (5) former member of APEC Business Advisory Council
  • Catherine J. Hughes, Member of the Audit Committee
  • Steven L. Newman, Chair of the Governance and Ethics Committee
    (1) non-executive director of Tidewater, Inc.;
    (2) Dril-Quip, Inc.;
    (3) Rubicon Oilfield International Holdings GP Ltd;
    (4) limited partner of Rubicon Oilfield International Holdings
  • Jean Raby, Member of the Audit Committee
    (1) former adviser to the CFO of Nokia;
    (2) member of the board of Fiera Capital Corporation;
    (3) Co-CEO of Goldman Sachs (France, then Russia);
    (4) Chief Financial and Legal Officer of Alcatel-Lucent S.A
  • Alain Rhéaume, Member of the Audit Committee
    (1) Ministry of Finance of the Québec Government, 1974 to 1996;
    (2) former public director of the Canadian Public Accountability Board;
    (3) former Executive Vice-President of Rogers Wireless
  • Eric D. Siegel, ICD.D, Member of the Audit Committee
    (1) former President and CEO of Export Development Canada (EDC);
    (2) Director of Citibank Canada
  • Zin Smati,, Chair of the Safety, Workplace and Project Risk Committee
  • Benita M. Warmbold, Chair of the Audit Committee, has been in finance for decades. Here are some of her connections.
    (1) Senior VP and COO of CPPIB from 2008 to 2013;
    (2) Senior Managing Director and CFO of CPPIB from 2013-2017;
    (3) Director at Bank of Nova Scotia;
    (4) former CFO for Northwater Capital Management Inc

Kevin Lynch is Vice-Chairman of BMO Financial Group.
Jacques Bougie is a former Board Member at RBC.
Benita M. Warmbold is a former Director at Scotia Bank.
Eric D. Siegel is Director at Citibank Canada.
Isabelle Courville is Chair of BOD at Laurentian Bank.
Jean Raby is former Co-CEO of Goldman Sachs.

Alain Rhéaume is former Executive VP of Rogers.
Jean Raby is former advisor to CFP of Nokia.
Jacques Bougie is a former Director at Bell.

3. Access To Privy Council Via Kevin Lynch

(Kevin Lynch, Chairman of SNC Lavalin, among other roles, was Clerk of the Privy Council. He clearly still has access to the Council. Taken from his BMO profile.)

From the Buffalo Chronicle article:

SNC Lavalin Chairman Kevin G. Lynch, who also serves as Bank of Montreal‘s Vice Chairman, placed a call on October 15th to Michael Wernick, during which he repeatedly threatened the Clerk of the Privy Council of a potential loss of 9,000 Canadian jobs — ominously suggesting that the decision was to be made at a looming board meeting. Lynch feared that his firm could be implicated in the widespread bribery of First Nations officials in British Columbia.

Wernick, who holds a bachelors degree in economics from the University of Toronto, did not apply scrutiny to that assertion, despite his training, before repeating the threat to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and others in the PMO.

Although Lynch had left the Privy Council a decade ago, he clearly still has some clout. A single phone call was enough to get Michael Wernick to attempt to get SNC Lavalin off the hook via the DPA (deferred prosecution agreement). Wernick doesn’t seem to see problem with SNC-L having such easy access to the Privy Council. However, the majority of Canadians do.

4. Jacques Bougie Sits On Trudeau Foundation

(Jacques Bougie, Member of the Governance and Ethics Committee for SNC Lavalin, also is part of the Trudeau Foundation)

Yet another obvious conflict of interest case. A board member of Lavalin also sitting on the board of the Trudeau foundation. Not that these two roles would ever get Goudie to lean on Trudeau for favourable treatment towards Lavalin.

5. Jacques Bougie Also Sits On McCain’s B.O.D.

(Finance Minister Bill Morneau is married to Nancy McCain, heiress to McCain’s Food’s Ltd. Jacques Bougie from SNC-Lavalin “also” sits as a Director for McCain’s.)

6. Bruce Hartley: SNC Lobbyist & Liberal Donor

(Bruce Hartley is a regular Liberal donor, according to Elections Canada.)

(Hartley is also a registered lobbyist for SNC-Lavalin)

Bruce Hartley, now a lobbyist for SNC-Lavalin, has donated 124 times since 2005 to the Liberal Party and its members. But now that he acts as a lobbyist, he certainly won’t get the Liberals (whom he supports financially) to do anything nefarious, would he?

Actually, he did. Hartley, in his capacity as an SNC-Lavalin employee, lobbied the Federal Government to introduce the “Deferred Prosecution Agreement” (or DPA). This DPA would allow companies like Lavalin to avoid a 10 year ban on receiving government contracts if found guilty of criminal activity

That’s right. A long time Liberal supporter gets a job as a lobbyist. He then turns around and uses that position to get the law changed to allow his new employer to get off the hook for what would have been a 10 year ban on Canadian contracts.

And here is another lobbyist, William Pristanski, who also lobbied to get the deferred prosecution agreement (DPA) for Lavalin.

Reading through his profile with the Lobbying Commissioner of Canada, it seems Pristanski’s role was basically the same as Hartley’s.

7. SNC Lobbied Current Attorney General David Lametti

(then Parliamentary Secretary to Minister for ISED, David Lametti, met with SNC Lavalin President Neil Bruce)

(McGill University Law Professor, David Lametti, Who is on leave while he sits as the Attorney General of Canada)

(February 13, 2019, McGill University is “gifted” $200M)

(The people who “donated” $200M to McGill University were also caught “donating” almost $1M to Trudeau)

David Lametti is now the Attorney General of Canada, after Jody Wilson-Raybould resigned. Interesting to note that Wilson-Raybould thought that SNC-Lavalin “didn’t” deserve the deferred prosecution. Her successor, Lametti did. Could it be because of Lavalin lobbying him?

Within days of Lametti deciding that SNC-Lavalin was not worth prosecuting, McGill University (where Lametti teaches law), received a $200M “gift” from European Climate Founder McCall MacBain.

Note: Trudeau had also received 2 donations from them.

  • $500,000 in 2015 as a candidate
  • $428,000 IN 2016 as sitting Prime Minister

8. Lavalin & Libya Connections

The case against SNC and two of its subsidiaries stems from the company’s dealings in Libya between 2001 and 2011, when a senior executive established close ties with Saadi Gaddafi, son of dictator Muammar Gaddafi.

Court documents allege the company offered bribes worth $47.7 million “to one or several public officials of the ‘Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya,’” as Gaddafi called the nation he ruled until he was overthrown and killed in 2011.

SNC and its subsidiaries SNC-Lavalin Construction Inc. and SNC-Lavalin International Inc. are also alleged to have defrauded various Libyan public agencies of approximately $129.8 million.

Corruption of foreign officials undermines good governance and sustainable economic development,” RCMP Assistant Commissioner Gilles Michaud said Thursday. “The charges laid today demonstrate how the RCMP continues to support Canada’s international commitments and safeguard its integrity and reputation.”

(See source.)

Lavalin denies all the allegations, but interesting to see just how deep this runs. There are also allegations that Canadian taxpayers are on the hook for $30,000 for prostitution services for Saadi Gaddafi. He is the son of former dictator Mummar Gaddafi.

9. Fall 2018 Economic Update Social Finance Fund, A Potential Slush Fund?

While the $595 million media bailout received much attention in the media, far less was paid to the slush fund that was also announced to the Social Finance Program that was also launched.

In June 2017, the Government created a Social Innovation and Social Finance Strategy Co-Creation Steering Group, primarily comprised of experts from the charitable and non-profit sector, to provide recommendations on the development of a social innovation and social finance strategy. The Steering Group delivered its final report, Inclusive innovation: New Ideas and New Partnerships for Stronger Communities, in August 2018. One of the report’s key recommendations was to create a Social Finance Fund to help close the capital financing gap faced by organizations that deliver positive social outcomes, and to help accelerate the growth of the existing social finance market in Canada.

To help charitable, non-profit and other social purpose organizations access new financing, and to help connect them with private investors looking to invest in projects that will drive positive social change, the Government proposes to make available up to $755 million on a cash basis over the next 10 years to establish a Social Finance Fund. Additionally, the Government proposes to invest $50 million over two years in an Investment and Readiness stream, for social purpose organizations to improve their ability to successfully participate in the social finance market. It is expected that a Social Finance Fund like the one the Government is proposing could generate up to $2 billion in economic activity, and help create and maintain as many as 100,000 jobs over the next decade.

The Steering Committee consists of 16 members, who will doll out the cash.

10. Last thoughts on Lavalin

Will SNC Lavalin be getting any of this cash? Hard to say, but there are two things to point out:

(1) Lavalin is know to be corrupt and is losing business. One such example is getting debarred from the World Bank for corrupt business practices.

(2) The other item is that the connections between Lavalin and the Government are immense.

  • Director of Lavalin also a former Privy Council Clerk
  • Director of Lavalin also Director of Trudeau Foundation on
  • Director of Lavalin also a Director or McCain Foods
  • Lobbyist for Lavalin also frequent Liberal donor
  • President of Lavalin lobbied current Attorney General

Yes, this is entirely speculative. However, I wouldn’t be at all surprised if grants flowed to Lavalin from this social fund.

After all, if you are connected enough to have laws written to excuse your criminal conduct, this should be no problem.

By no means is this a complete listing of the tentacles that SNC Lavalin has. Rather, it should show some of the obvious connections to Government officials.

Canada’s Bill C-74, Deferred Prosecution Agreement, and OECD Anti-Bribery Agreement


Check toolbar on right for globalism links (under counter). Also view the MASTERLIST.


1. Important Links

CLICK HERE, for the version of the Bill which received Royal Assent, June 21, 2018.
http://archive.is/wip/14Scd
CLICK HERE, for an interesting article about Bill C-74.
rel=”noopener” target=”_blank”http://archive.is/wip/q6KsR
CLICK HERE, for AG Jody Wilson-Raybould resigning over pressure for her to enact DPA with SNC Lavalin.
http://archive.is/wip/BxmzN
CLICK HERE, for David Lametti becoming new AG.
CLICK HERE, for former Attorney General Jody Wilson-Raybould appearing to testify.
CLICK HERE, for OECD getting involved.
CLICK HERE, for the OEDC Convention on Combatting Bribery of Public Officials.
CLICK HERE, for the Convention text.

CLICK HERE, for Bruce Hartley, registered lobbyist for SNC Lavalin.
CLICK HERE, for Bruce Hartley, regular Liberal donor.

2. Some Context

This is supposedly a budget bill, but is in fact an omnibus bill (a bloated bill with many unrelated provisions), At the very end is Part 6, Division 20. Presumably it was tacked on as an afterthought.

The “Deferred Prosecution Agreement” (or DPA), is a mechanism which corporations can avoid criminal penalties in Canada. Under Canadian law, a company found guilty in criminal court would be prohibited from bidding on government contracts for a period of 10 years. Obviously, this would hurt the company.

Of course, if it looks like Government influence helped a company avoid criminal penalties, it would stink of corruption, as seems to be the case with Quebec engineering firm SNC Lavalin.

Former Attorney General Jody Wilson-Raybould resigned from her post after being pressured by the Trudeau Government to cut such a deal for SNC Lavalin, and help the company avoid criminal penalties.

If that didn’t stink enough, her successor, David Lametti, claimed he knew nothing, about the deal when he took over. He also took Trudeau’s word that nothing inappropriate happened. It doesn’t help that Lametti is from Montreal (as is SNC Lavalin).

Worse still, is that Lametti seems content with letting SNC Lavalin get its DPA anyway, which is what Wilson-Raybould had been pressured to do.

The Organization for Economic Development & Cooperation (OEDC), would also consider such actions to violate the multi-nation Anti-Bribery Agreement. So the fallout seems to be spreading, not being contained.

3. Content Of Deferred Prosecution Agreement

Summary, Part 6, Division 20
Division 20 of Part 6 amends the Criminal Code to establish a remediation agreement regime. Under this regime, the prosecutor may negotiate a remediation agreement with an organization that is alleged to have committed an offence of an economic character referred to in the schedule to Part XXII.‍1 of that Act and the proceedings related to that offence are stayed if the organization complies with the terms of the agreement.
.
Text Of Bill
PART XXII.‍1 
.
Remediation Agreements
.
Definitions
.
715.‍3 (1) The following definitions apply in this Part.
court means a superior court of criminal jurisdiction but does not include a court of appeal.‍ (tribunal)
offence means any offence listed in the schedule to this Part.‍ (infraction)
organization has the same meaning as in section 2 but does not include a public body, trade union or municipality.‍ (organisation)
remediation agreement means an agreement, between an organization accused of having committed an offence and a prosecutor, to stay any proceedings related to that offence if the organization complies with the terms of the agreement. (accord de réparation)
victim has the same meaning as in section 2 but, with respect to an offence under section 3 or 4 of the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act, it includes any person outside Canada.‍ (victime)
.
Acting on victim’s behalf
.
(2) For the purposes of this Part, a third party not referred to in section 2.‍2 may also act on a victim’s behalf when authorized to do so by the court, if the victim requests it or the prosecutor deems it appropriate.
.
Purpose
.
715.‍31 The purpose of this Part is to establish a remediation agreement regime that is applicable to organizations alleged to have committed an offence and that has the following objectives:
(a) to denounce an organization’s wrongdoing and the harm that the wrongdoing has caused to victims or to the community;
(b) to hold the organization accountable for its wrongdoing through effective, proportionate and dissuasive penalties;
(c) to contribute to respect for the law by imposing an obligation on the organization to put in place corrective measures and promote a compliance culture;
(d) to encourage voluntary disclosure of the wrongdoing;
(e) to provide reparations for harm done to victims or to the community; and
(f) to reduce the negative consequences of the wrongdoing for persons — employees, customers, pensioners and others — who did not engage in the wrongdoing, while holding responsible those individuals who did engage in that wrongdoing.
.
Conditions for remediation agreement
.
715.‍32 (1) The prosecutor may enter into negotiations for a remediation agreement with an organization alleged to have committed an offence if the following conditions are met:
(a) the prosecutor is of the opinion that there is a reasonable prospect of conviction with respect to the offence;
(b) the prosecutor is of the opinion that the act or omission that forms the basis of the offence did not cause and was not likely to have caused serious bodily harm or death, or injury to national defence or national security, and was not committed for the benefit of, at the direction of, or in association with, a criminal organization or terrorist group;
(c) the prosecutor is of the opinion that negotiating the agreement is in the public interest and appropriate in the circumstances; and
(d) the Attorney General has consented to the negotiation of the agreement.
.
Factors to consider
.
(2) For the purposes of paragraph (1)‍(c), the prosecutor must consider the following factors:
(a) the circumstances in which the act or omission that forms the basis of the offence was brought to the attention of investigative authorities;
(b) the nature and gravity of the act or omission and its impact on any victim;
(c) the degree of involvement of senior officers of the organization in the act or omission;
(d) whether the organization has taken disciplinary action, including termination of employment, against any person who was involved in the act or omission;
(e) whether the organization has made reparations or taken other measures to remedy the harm caused by the act or omission and to prevent the commission of similar acts or omissions;
(f) whether the organization has identified or expressed a willingness to identify any person involved in wrongdoing related to the act or omission;
(g) whether the organization — or any of its representatives — was convicted of an offence or sanctioned by a regulatory body, or whether it entered into a previous remediation agreement or other settlement, in Canada or elsewhere, for similar acts or omissions;
(h) whether the organization — or any of its representatives — is alleged to have committed any other offences, including those not listed in the schedule to this Part; and
(i) any other factor that the prosecutor considers relevant.
.
Factors not to consider
.
(3) Despite paragraph (2)‍(i), if the organization is alleged to have committed an offence under section 3 or 4 of the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act, the prosecutor must not consider the national economic interest, the potential effect on relations with a state other than Canada or the identity of the organization or individual involved.
.
Notice to organization — invitation to negotiate
.
715.‍33 (1) If the prosecutor wishes to negotiate a remediation agreement, they must give the organization written notice of the offer to enter into negotiations and the notice must include
(a) a summary description of the offence to which the agreement would apply;
(b) an indication of the voluntary nature of the negotiation process;
(c) an indication of the legal effects of the agreement;
(d) an indication that, by agreeing to the terms of this notice, the organization explicitly waives the inclusion of the negotiation period and the period during which the agreement is in force in any assessment of the reasonableness of the delay between the day on which the charge is laid and the end of trial;
(e) an indication that negotiations must be carried out in good faith and that the organization must provide all information requested by the prosecutor that the organization is aware of or can obtain through reasonable efforts, including information enabling the identification of any person involved in the act or omission that forms the basis of the offence or any wrongdoing related to that act or omission;
(f) an indication of how the information disclosed by the organization during the negotiations may be used, subject to subsection (2);
(g) a warning that knowingly making false or misleading statements or knowingly providing false or misleading information during the negotiations may lead to the recommencement of proceedings or prosecution for obstruction of justice;
(h) an indication that either party may withdraw from the negotiations by providing written notice to the other party;
(i) an indication that reasonable efforts must be made by both parties to identify any victim as soon as practicable; and
(j) a deadline to accept the offer to negotiate according to the terms of the notice.
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Admissions not admissible in evidence
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(2) No admission, confession or statement accepting responsibility for a given act or omission made by the organization during the negotiations is admissible in evidence against that organization in any civil or criminal proceedings related to that act or omission, except those contained in the statement of facts or admission of responsibility referred to in paragraphs 715.‍34(1)‍(a) and (b), if the parties reach an agreement and it is approved by the court.
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Mandatory contents of agreement
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715.‍34 (1) A remediation agreement must include
(a) a statement of facts related to the offence that the organization is alleged to have committed and an undertaking by the organization not to make or condone any public statement that contradicts those facts;
(b) the organization’s admission of responsibility for the act or omission that forms the basis of the offence;
(c) an indication of the obligation for the organization to provide any other information that will assist in identifying any person involved in the act or omission, or any wrongdoing related to that act or omission, that the organization becomes aware of, or can obtain through reasonable efforts, after the agreement has been entered into;
(d) an indication of the obligation for the organization to cooperate in any investigation, prosecution or other proceeding in Canada — or elsewhere if the prosecutor considers it appropriate — resulting from the act or omission, including by providing information or testimony;
(e) with respect to any property, benefit or advantage identified in the agreement that was obtained or derived directly or indirectly from the act or omission, an obligation for the organization to
(i) forfeit it to Her Majesty in right of Canada, to be disposed of in accordance with paragraph 4(1)‍(b.‍2) of the Seized Property Management Act,
(ii) forfeit it to Her Majesty in right of a province, to be disposed of as the Attorney General directs, or
(iii) otherwise deal with it, as the prosecutor directs;
(f) an indication of the obligation for the organization to pay a penalty to the Receiver General or to the treasurer of a province, as the case may be, for each offence to which the agreement applies, the amount to be paid and any other terms respecting payment;
(g) an indication of any reparations, including restitution consistent with paragraph 738(1)‍(a) or (b), that the organization is required to make to a victim or a statement by the prosecutor of the reasons why reparations to a victim are not appropriate in the circumstances and an indication of any measure required in lieu of reparations to a victim;
(h) an indication of the obligation for the organization to pay a victim surcharge for each offence to which the agreement applies, other than an offence under section 3 or 4 of the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act, the amount to be paid and any other terms respecting payment;
(i) an indication of the obligation for the organization to report to the prosecutor on the implementation of the agreement and an indication of the manner in which the report is to be made and any other terms respecting reporting;
(j) an indication of the legal effects of the agreement;
(k) an acknowledgement by the organization that the agreement has been made in good faith and that the information it has provided during the negotiation is accurate and complete and a commitment that it will continue to provide accurate and complete information while the agreement is in force;
(l) an indication of the use that can be made of information obtained as a result of the agreement, subject to subsection (2);
(m) a warning that the breach of any term of the agreement may lead to an application by the prosecutor for termination of the agreement and a recommencement of proceedings;
(n) an indication of the obligation for the organization not to deduct, for income tax purposes, the costs of any reparations or other measures referred to in paragraph (g) or any other costs incurred to fulfil the terms of the agreement;
(o) a notice of the prosecutor’s right to vary or terminate the agreement with the approval of the court; and
(p) an indication of the deadline by which the organization must meet the terms of the agreement.

Admissions not admissible in evidence
.
(2) No admission, confession or statement accepting responsibility for a given act or omission made by the organization as a result of the agreement is admissible in evidence against that organization in any civil or criminal proceedings related to that act or omission, except those contained in the statement of facts and admission of responsibility referred to in paragraphs (1)‍(a) and (b), if the agreement is approved by the court.

Optional content of agreement
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(3) A remediation agreement may include, among other things,
(a) an indication of the obligation for the organization to establish, implement or enhance compliance measures to address any deficiencies in the organization’s policies, standards or procedures — including those related to internal control procedures and employee training — that may have allowed the act or omission;
(b) an indication of the obligation for the organization to reimburse the prosecutor for any costs identified in the agreement that are related to its administration and that have or will be incurred by the prosecutor; and
(c) an indication of the fact that an independent monitor has been appointed, as selected with the prosecutor’s approval, to verify and report to the prosecutor on the organization’s compliance with the obligation referred to in paragraph (a), or any other obligation in the agreement identified by the prosecutor, as well as an indication of the organization’s obligations with respect to that monitor, including the obligations to cooperate with the monitor and pay the monitor’s costs.

Oh, it gets much worse.

4. Anti-Corruption Agreements

Here is the CONVENTION itself:

“HAVE AGREED AS FOLLOWS:
.
Article 1
The Offence of Bribery of Foreign Public Officials
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1. Each Party shall take such measures as may be necessary to establish that it is a criminal offence under its law for any person intentionally to offer, promise or give any undue pecuniary or other advantage, whether directly or through intermediaries, to a foreign public official, for that official or for a third party, in order that the official act or refrain from acting in relation to the performance of official duties, in order to obtain or retain business or other improper advantage in the conduct of international business.
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2. Each Party shall take any measures necessary to establish that complicity in, including incitement, aiding and abetting, or authorisation of an act of bribery of a foreign public official shall be a criminal offence. Attempt and conspiracy to bribe a foreign public official shall be criminal offences to the same extent as attempt and conspiracy to bribe a public official of that Party.
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3. The offences set out in paragraphs 1 and 2 above are hereinafter referred to as “bribery of a foreign public official”.

The document is quite long, and a read it recommended.

5. Liberal Donor Bruce Hartley Is Lavalin Lobbyist

How did this DPA come to be. Perhaps one name can explain it: Bruce Hartley.

Hartley has been a long time Liberal donor. He now is a registered lobbyist with SNC-Lavalin. One of his specific lobbying targets was the creation of the DPA.

(Hartley has made 124+ donations to the Liberal Party and its members since 2005).

(Hartley is registered as a Lavalin lobbyist.)

(Hartley’s job includes lobbying for DPA)

6. Bottom Line

1/ The Federal Government added this “Deferred Prosecution Agreement” into the Criminal Code to allow companies to avoid criminal penalties (and the bulk of financial penalties), under this arrangement. This is stuffed into the end of a completely unrelated budget bill.
2/ Attorney General Jody Wilson-Raybould resigned after she alleges being pressured to cut a deal with Quebec engineering firm, SNC Lavalin
3/ Federal Government denies this, claims it was a “misunderstanding”
4/ New AG says he sees nothing wrong, and may still give DPA to SNC Lavalin.
5/ Public interest and outrage in story is growing.
6/ This DPA appears to violate international anti-bribery agreement.
7/ Liberal donor Bruce Hartley is now an SNC-Lavalin lobbyist, and is tasked with pushing for the creation of the DPA.