Category: Free Speech

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B.C. Bill 12 (Online Harms) Deferred: Another Case Of Problem, Reaction, Solution

The C.B.C. recently reported that British Columbia Bill 12 (the Online Harms Act) is being paused for now. This is titled the Public Health Accountability and Cost Recovery Act. The stated reason is that social media companies like Facebook and X/Twitter have come to the table to implement their own protections.

But B.C. Premier David Eby made it clear that this may go ahead anyway, if an agreement cannot be worked out.

Other recent B.C. specific legislation includes:
Bill 23, the (Anti-White) Anti-Racism Act, and
Bill 31, domestic implementation of U.N. Sendai Framework

The stated purpose is to hold companies — such as social media outlets — accountable for medical and health care costs that arise from content they put out. An example cited is Carson Cleland, the 12 year old from Prince George, who committed suicide last October after online sextortion. It’s claimed that if platformed were properly regulated, this wouldn’t have happened.

However, it appears more likely that this is a pretext to be able to swiftly remove content the Government deems “harmful”, for whatever reason. And this is being achieved in the standard way.

  1. Problem
  2. Reaction
  3. Solution

The PROBLEM is that Bill 12 is crafted in such a way as to impose financially crippling penalties. No Government wants to be seen as being overtly anti-free speech. So this must be framed in a manner that appeals to public safety.

The REACTION is that companies get nervous about the fines and other costs they could be on the hook for, even if they weren’t complicit in generating the material.

The SOLUTION is that social media firms agree to “voluntarily” implement their own measures, which means complying with what the Government wanted anyway.

Now, what’s in this Bill?

Direct action by government
2 (1) The government has a direct and distinct action against a person to recover the cost of health care benefits caused or contributed to by a health-related wrong.
.
(2) For certainty,
(a) subsection (1) does not establish a right of action for any other person, and
(b) the cost of health care benefits recoverable under subsection (1) includes the cost of health care benefits in relation to the risk of disease, injury or illness.

Direct action by the government of Canada
3 (1) The government of Canada has a direct and distinct action against a person to recover the cost of health care benefits caused or contributed to by a health-related wrong.
.
(2) For certainty,
(a) subsection (1) does not establish a right of action for any other person, and
(b) the cost of health care benefits recoverable under subsection (1) includes the cost of health care benefits in relation to the risk of disease, injury or illness.

Sections 2 and 3 of the Bill specify that the B.C. (and oddly, Canadian) Governments are able to take legal action against people for health care costs in relation to “disease, injury or illness”.

Interestingly, both Sections 2 and 3 specify that the right of action — or ability to sue — is for Governments only. Private people apparently don’t have that right. Then there’s 2(6) and 3(6)

(6) If the government [of Canada seeks] in an action under subsection (1) to recover the cost of health care benefits on an aggregate basis,

(a) it is not necessary
(i) to identify particular individual benefit recipients,
(ii) to prove the cause of disease, injury or illness in any particular individual benefit recipient, or
(iii) to prove the cost of health care benefits for any particular individual benefit recipient

What this means is that while both the B.C. and Federal Governments have the right to sue to recoup health care costs, private citizens don’t. It’s also not required that they identify: (a) beneficiaries; (b) causation; or (c) analysis of health care benefits.

Apparently, companies aren’t limited to being sued once, either.

Private parties and proceedings
6 (1) It is not a defence to an action commenced by the government under section 2 (1), or by the government of Canada under section 3 (1), that a claim for a benefit recipient’s damages, alleged to have been caused or contributed to by a health-related wrong, has been adjudicated or settled.

6 (2) It is not a defence to an action commenced in respect of a benefit recipient’s claim for damages, alleged to have been caused or contributed to by a health-related wrong, that an action commenced by the government under section 2 (1), or by the government of Canada under section 3 (1), has been adjudicated or settled.

It’s a commonly accepted principle that once a dispute is resolved, that it not be rehashed in a different forum. This applies to things like union grievances and human rights complaints. But here, it’s explicitly stated that “adjudicated or settled” won’t protect from future litigation.

Section 8 gets into what evidence will be allowed. This will include “statistical information and information derived from epidemiological, sociological and other relevant studies, including information derived from sampling”. In other words, modelling will be allowed as evidence. Remember how that was used back in 2020/2021?

Section 10 states that the Statute of Limitations both for the B.C. and Federal Governments will be 15 years. This goes well above the 2 year limit that typically applies.

In any event, it’s not hard to see what social media companies are nervous about Bill 12 going ahead. It exposes them to all kinds of risks, but without really defining their responsibilities. It’s no surprise that they’re now willing to work something out to prevent this legislation from going ahead.

Another area the CBC article omitted was any explanation of who was responsible for social media companies capitulating. For that, we turn to the B.C. Lobbying Registry.

Jean-Marc Prevost is one of the people lobbying on behalf of Facebook. He’s a former staffer for BCPHO Bonnie Henry, and helped her push the injections back in 2021. To give context, he was a part of this same NDP Government, leaves, and then promptly lobbies that same Government. See Archive.

And the conflict of interest doesn’t end there. Prevost lobbied for the company Emergent BioSolutions Inc., a few years back. This is the actual manufacturer of the AstraZeneca vaccines. He had the ear of the right people at the time.

Bradley Lavigne works at Counsel Public Affairs, same as Prevost. In March, he also lobbied on behalf of Facebook. And similar to Prevost. Lavigne pushed for vaccines on behalf of Emergent BioSolutions back in 2021. He has been a CBC commentator for about 20 years, meaning he pitches his clients’ goals directly to the public. See archive. He has also been in the inside of the Federal NDP party structure going back to the days of Jack Layton.

As should be obvious: a lot of these “commentators” and “pundits” are really just paid actors, playing the role of experts. And although these actors are supposedly from different political parties, their respective firms have people on staff across the spectrum.

For more on Emergent BioSolutions, or pharma lobbying more broadly, there are many rabbit holes to go down. These examples are hardly exhaustive.

Rachel Curran also lobbied on behalf of Meta. This is important since she spent over 3 years as part of the B.C. Government, and more than 6 more working for Harper Federally. See archive. Additionally, she lists herself as a CBC commentator from 2016 to 2020. This isn’t simply a left or right issue, but one where all parties do much the same things.

  • Francis LeBlanc – Chair, Former Executive Director, Canadian Association of Former Parliamentarians
  • Chris Wilkins – Past Chair, CEO, Edge Interactive
  • Robert Asselin, Senior Director, Public Policy, Blackberry
  • Megan Beretta, Policy Analyst, Canadian Digital Service
  • Rachel Curran, Public Policy Manager, Canada, Facebook
  • Peter Donolo, Vice-Chairman, Hill+Knowlton Strategies Canada
  • Dr. Elizabeth Dubois, Assistant Professor of Communication, University of Ottawa
  • Kathleen Monk, Principal, Earnscliffe Strategies

Curren is also involved in CIVIX, which is an online “disinformation prevention” group funded by taxpayers. In fact, there are several such organizations in Canada. Some are registered as charities, receiving large tax benefits.

The name Peter Donolo should also ring a bell. He was Jean Chretien’s Chieff of Staff in the 1990s, and helped get him elected. He also worked with Michael Ignatieff and Justin Trudeau.

It’s interesting that groups that are supposed to stop disinformation also are filled with operatives from the same Governments who are impacted.

The B.C. Government was lobbied on behalf of X (formerly Twitter) with regards to Bill 12. Fernando Minna works for Capital Hill Group, and has for the past 3 years. See archive.

Capitol Hill Group is run by David Angus, who worked for former Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, and former Ontario Premier Bill Davis.

Sabrina Geremia of Google lobbied the B.C. Government as well. While she doesn’t list political involvement in her profile, at least 3 colleagues do: Lindsay Doyle, Jeanette Patell, and Semhar Tekeste.

Erin O’Toole, former CPC Leader, gets an honourable mention. Before getting into politics, he lobbied on behalf of Facebook. He worked for Heenan Blaikie, same law firm as Jean Chretien and Pierre Trudeau.

Why cover all of this?

Bill 12 seems designed to force social media companies into compliance or face crippling financial penalties. Virtually anything can “cause public health harm”, depending on how it’s worded. This legislation is written in such a way that either Victoria or Ottawa can inflict damage. But these groups are very willing to negotiate, and the lobbyists have connections to those same Governments.

If the goal all along was to compel these outlets into being willing to censor, it’s more effective to get them to do it themselves. And remember, it’s all voluntary here. Technically, no one has been forced.

Problem. Reaction. Solution.

(1) https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/bc-online-harms-bill-paused-1.7182392
(2) https://www.leg.bc.ca/
(3) https://www.leg.bc.ca/parliamentary-business/legislation-debates-proceedings/42nd-parliament/5th-session/bills/progress-of-bills
(4) https://www.lobbyistsregistrar.bc.ca/
(5) https://www.lobbyistsregistrar.bc.ca/app/secure/orl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=5501&regId=56572920
(6) https://www.lobbyistsregistrar.bc.ca/app/secure/orl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=4186&regId=56566730
(7) https://www.linkedin.com/in/jean-marc-prevost-04830598/
(8) Jean-Marc Prevost LinkedIn Profile
(9) https://www.lobbyistsregistrar.bc.ca/app/secure/orl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=34073
(10) https://www.lobbyistsregistrar.bc.ca/app/secure/orl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=1334&regId=56559236&blnk=1
(11) https://www.linkedin.com/in/brad-lavigne-a0927a39/
(12) Brad Lavigne LinkedIn Profile
(13) https://www.lobbyistsregistrar.bc.ca/app/secure/orl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=34055
(14) https://www.linkedin.com/in/rachel-curran-a99258109/details/experience/
(15) Rachel Curran LinkedIn Profile
(16) https://www.lobbyistsregistrar.bc.ca/app/secure/orl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=5460&regId=56572569&blnk=1
(17) https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernandominna/
(18) Fernando Minna LinkedIn Profile
(19) https://www.lobbyistsregistrar.bc.ca/app/secure/orl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=3536&regId=56568880
(20) https://www.linkedin.com/in/sabrina-geremia-028644/
(21) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=16607&regId=948142
(22) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=288445&regId=668908

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Private Member’s Bill C-373: (Again) Removing Religious Protections For Antisemitic Expression

On February 5th, 2024, Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Member of Parliament for the Bloc Québécois in Lac-Saint-Jean, introduced Private Member’s Bill C-373. The goal is to remove religious exemptions for the hate crime of antisemitism.

If this sounds familiar, it should. It’s identical to Bill C-367, which was introduced by Yves-François Blanchet, the leader of the Bloc Québécois on November 28th, 2023.

Both Bills C-367 and C-373 would repeal Sections 319(3)‍(b) and 319(3.‍1)‍(b) of the Criminal Code. These would provide defences in Court if the expression were based on religious beliefs. Interestingly, neither Bill lists what faith(s) this would apply to, although Christianity is an obvious suspect.

Defences
.
(3) No person shall be convicted of an offence under subsection (2)
(a) if he establishes that the statements communicated were true;
(b) if, in good faith, the person expressed or attempted to establish by an argument an opinion on a religious subject or an opinion based on a belief in a religious text;
(c) if the statements were relevant to any subject of public interest, the discussion of which was for the public benefit, and if on reasonable grounds he believed them to be true; or
(d) if, in good faith, he intended to point out, for the purpose of removal, matters producing or tending to produce feelings of hatred toward an identifiable group in Canada.

Defences — subsection (2.1)
.
(3.1) No person shall be convicted of an offence under subsection (2.1)
(a) if they establish that the statements communicated were true;
(b) if, in good faith, they expressed or attempted to establish by an argument an opinion on a religious subject or an opinion based on a belief in a religious text;
(c) if the statements were relevant to any subject of public interest, the discussion of which was for the public benefit, and if on reasonable grounds they believed them to be true; or
(d) if, in good faith, they intended to point out, for the purpose of removal, matters producing or tending to produce feelings of antisemitism toward Jews.

Some clarity would be nice. These Bills (C-367 and C-373) didn’t just happen. There are obviously some written texts which are apparently offensive.

Brunel-Duceppe is also involved in foreign affairs. He and Blanchet are both part of CAIL, the Canada-Israel Interparliamentary Group.

  • (CAAF) Canada-Africa Parliamentary Association
  • (CACN Canada-China Legislative Association
  • (CADE) Canada-Germany Interparliamentary Group
  • (CAEU) Canada-Europe Parliamentary Association
  • (CAFR) Canada-France Inter-Parliamentary Association
  • (CAIE) Canada-Ireland Interparliamentary Group
  • (CAIL) Canada-Israel Interparliamentary Group
  • (CAIT) Canada-Italy Interparliamentary Group
  • (CAJP) Canada-Japan Inter-Parliamentary Group
  • (CANA) Canadian NATO Parliamentary Association
  • (CAPF) Canadian Branch of the Assemblée parlementaire de la Francophonie
  • (CCOM)Canadian Branch of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association
  • (CEUS) Canada-United States Inter-Parliamentary Group
  • (CPAM) Canadian Section of ParlAmericas
  • (RUUK) Canada-United Kingdom Inter-Parliamentary Association
  • (SECOC) anadian Delegation to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Parliamentary Assembly
  • (UIPU) Canadian Group of the Inter-Parliamentary Union

Here’s where the story take a turn, as it usually does. Brunelle-Duceppe didn’t come up with this on his own. It looks as if he has been meeting with CIJA, the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs.

Brunelle-Duceppe appears to have been contacted by the Israeli Lobby about this. There’s a meeting which took place on January 19th, 2024. Just 2 weeks later, he’s introducing this Bill. That seems unlikely to be a coincidence.

CIJA is very involved in Canadian politics, and has regularly lobbied politicians for decades. A large part of their agenda focuses on amending the Criminal Code and Human Rights Codes to combat what they call hate speech and antisemitism.

Bills C-367 and C-373 are hardly the only ones introduced in recent times to limit Canadians’ expression and speech. Here are some others.

Bill C-63 (the Online Harms Act) was recently introduced. This would impose strict criminal penalties for people suspected — not even charged or convicted — of causing harms. Like so many pieces of legislation, it’s both vague, and has real consequences.

Bill C-229 sought to ban “symbols of hate”, but without defining what the criteria would be. It can be difficult to distinguish between hate, history, and simple expression.

Bill C-250 would have put Holocaust deniers in prison for up to 2 years. This came from a “Conservative” MP named Kevin Waugh. The Bill is moot at this point, since the equivalent provisions were slipped into Bill C-19, a budget that passed.

Bill C-261 would create “red flag laws” for hate speech, but without defining what it is. Without a person even being charged or convicted, a Judge could order them to be subjected to the kinds of restrictions that felons on probation or parole would face. This is virtually identical to Bill C-36, which was introduced, but didn’t pass in the previous session.

Who can forget Iqra Khalid’s M-103 (Islamophobia Motion), or Bills C-6 and later C-4 (to criminalize anything that would be considered conversion therapy?

British Columbia Bill 23 gets an honourable mention. This would establish a Provincial Committee to establish and advance an “anti-racism” agenda, and embed it in everything. Whites are specifically excluded from being on having any leadership role.

Not only do these Bills erode freedom, and particularly freedom of speech, the details are always worked out behind closed doors. It’s typically an NGO, often a foreign one, who has elected officials try to implement them. This shouldn’t be allowed, regardless of who’s behind it.

But you won’t hear either the mainstream or alternative media talk about this.

One other point of interest is this: Blanchet’s Bill C-367 was introduced at the end of November, 2023. Brunelle-Duceppe’s Bill C-373 was in early February, 2024. This was just a few months later. Why was this introduced twice?

(1) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/overview
(2) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/44-1/c-373
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Members/en/alexis-brunelle-duceppe(104786)
(4) https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/bill/C-373/first-reading
(5) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=592585

Private Member Bills In Current Session:
(A) Bill C-206: Decriminalizing Self Maiming To Avoid Military Service
(B) Bill C-207: Creating The “Right” To Affordable Housing
(C) Bill C-219: Creating Environmental Bill Of Rights
(D) Bill C-226: Creating A Strategy For Environmental Racism/Justice
(E) Bill C-229: Banning Symbols Of Hate, Without Defining Them
(F) Bill C-235: Building Of A Green Economy In The Prairies
(G) Bill C-245: Entrenching Climate Change Into Canada Infrastructure Bank
(H) Bill C-250: Imposing Prison Time For Holocaust Denial
(I) Bill C-261: Red Flag Laws For “Hate Speech”
(J) Bill C-293: Domestic Implementation Of Int’l Pandemic Treaty
(K) Bill C-312: Development Of National Renewable Energy Strategy
(L) Bill C-315: Amending CPPIB Act Over “Human, Labour, Environmental Rights”
(M) Bill C-367: Removing Religious Exemptions Protecting Against Antisemitism
(N) Bill S-215: Protecting Financial Stability Of Post-Secondary Institutions
(O) Bill S-243: Climate Related Finance Act, Banking Acts
(P) Bill S-248: Removing Final Consent For Euthanasia
(Q) Bill S-257: Protecting Political Belief Or Activity As Human Rights

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A Look Into Gill’s $2 Million Professional Malpractice Claim

Kulvinder Gill’s $2 million malpractice lawsuit is out, and is it ever interesting. When previously covered, just the Notice of Action was filed, but now, there’s the Statement of Claim.

Here’s some background information on what has transpired since 2020.

It alleges incompetence, negligence, breach of contract, breach of fiduciary duties, and an overall lack of professionalism. This covers both Gill’s defamation lawsuits — there are 2 — and her dealings with the CPSO. There’s certainly a lot to break down.

The Notice listed the value at $1.85 million, but the Claim is now for $2 million. The reason is that the demand for aggravated and/or punitive damages had risen from $100,000 to $250,000. No defence has yet been filed, but it will be worthwhile to read when it is.

Disclaimer: This is just the Statement of Claim, and nothing has yet been proven. More than likely, there is some slant in Gill’s favour. However, the content is an eye opening look into how things unfolded.

Gill says (paragraph 9) that Galati represented that he, and his junior associate, Samantha Coomara, had significant experience dealing with defamation cases and the CPSO. Apparently, he talked Gill out of using other lawyers, claiming they had: (a) limited experience; (b) conflicts of interest; and (c) never litigated in Court.

As an aside: having dealt with Coomara personally, she is incompetent, and is unfit to litigate defamation Claims. She has a limited grasp of civil procedure, and would be better off working as a clerk or secretary. She doesn’t even know what documents go in Motion Records.

Gill says (paragraph 13) that she was misled into what her retainer was to cover. She relied on a verbal agreement that it would cover both her CPSO and defamation matters.

Gill says (paragraph 19) that bringing together 23 different Defendants for her defamation case with Lamba was done to leverage larger settlements. She suggests that Galati misrepresented the situation by labelling everyone “co-conspirators”, in order to make the case stronger. Considering many Defendants didn’t even know each other, this seems like a bad faith abuse of the Court process.

Gill says (paragraph 20) that Galati’s conduct was, at least in part, designed to raise is own profile as a fighter against public health measures. She implies that she was used as a pawn to advance his own professional image. He did this to the detriment of her interests. This is something she’ll repeat over and over in the Claim.

Gill says (paragraph 23) that she wasn’t promptly notified that one of the potential Defendants had threatened to bring an anti-SLAPP Motion in response to the Notice of Libel that was sent. In other words, at least one person was quite willing to use this method. Gills states she didn’t find out until after the suit had already been thrown out. If true, it would likely mean this was withheld from her in order to prevent her from backing out of suing.

Gill says (paragraph 25) that she had no idea the Defendants would be filing anti-SLAPP Motions until they actually happened. If true, it would mean that her counsel failed to advise her of the most likely path forward. This would amount to professional malpractice. Anti-SLAPP laws are designed to quickly screen out defamation cases.

Gill says (paragraph 26) that she was never given the informed choice as to whether to proceed with the case or not. She further adds that she was unaware of the potentially crippling cost consequence (full indemnity, or 100%). If she had been, she wouldn’t have pursued the case.

Gill says (paragraph 27) that she never got the opportunity to review the Statement of Claim before it was filed in December 2020.

Gill says (paragraph 29) that she didn’t get the kind of service that the fees warranted. Instead, her defamation pleading was a “template”, or a cut-and-paste version of earlier cases. Considering the money involved, she expected far more. It’s been stated here many times that Galati simply recycles his cases.

Gill says (paragraph 34) that she only found out after the fact that Amir Attaran, in a separate proceeding, had filed his own anti-SLAPP Motion. Apparently, he had been threatening to do this for some time, but it hadn’t been communicated to her.

Gill says (paragraph 38) that she wasn’t kept in the loop as to the activity surrounding the main defamation case. She had also WRONGLY been assured in February 2021 that the anti-SLAPP Motions weren’t a threat, as they wouldn’t be considered public interest expression. That turned out to be very wrong.

Gill says (paragraph 39) that Galati waited until the last minute before her CPSO deadlines that he wanted more money. Under the circumstances, and without more time, she felt forced to go along with it.

Gill says (paragraph 41) she was never consulted regarding the documents submitted for the CPSO hearings. She adds correctly that the Ontario Court threw out her Application for Judicial Review because she hadn’t exhausted internal mechanisms first. in short, it was doomed to fail since her counsel lacked a basic understanding of jurisdiction.

Gill says (paragraph 45) that the Affidavit Galati prepared for her was largely just a cut-and-paste from the Statement of Claim. It lacked the evidence within, didn’t explain why it was necessary, and didn’t lay out the harm suffered — an essential element.

And how come there was never an Affidavit for Ashinder Lamba?

Gill says (paragraph 51) that she was finally made aware of the true costs during cross-examinations. This was well into 2021. When defamation cases in Ontario are thrown out anti-SLAPP laws, or s.137.1(7) of the Courts of Justice Act, the default position is “full indemnity”. This is 100% of Court costs. This means that a losing Plaintiff would have to pay for everything. Gill claims she wasn’t advised of this in advance, and she should have been.

Gill says (paragraph 52 and 53) that Galati advised against making more settlement offers to other Defendants. This is nonsense, given how strong anti-SLAPP laws are. Gill states she later found out that there were offers coming in, and that Galati lied to her about it. If true, this is professional misconduct.

Gill says (paragraph 56) that Galati was drinking alcohol prior to the anti-SLAPP hearing in September 2021. She says she had to ask him not to drink at the actual hearing. Now, this is just her word, but he does drink during the livestreams with Vaccine Choice Canada and Action4Canada, so it comes across as plausible.

The gif is clipped from the February 8th, 2023 stream with Tanya Gaw, at the 1:24:00 mark.

Gill says (paragraph 60) that at her November 2021 CPSO hearing, there were several observers in attendance. She found out afterwards that this had been done to generate publicity and business for the CRC. However, she didn’t want her matters to be a public spectacle.

The Claim goes on and on, but the general theme is that Gill got thoroughly incompetent representation, and from a lawyer who had other agendas. She was kept out out of the loop with regards to important decisions. Galati also apparently tried to bill her in ways that fell outside their retainer agreement.

A few other points are worth looking at in detail:

Wholehearted Media Is A Galati Front Operation

Gill takes issue with some content being broadcast by an outlet called Wholehearted Media, which she had believed was independent. She alleges that she only later found out that her counsel co-founded it, and profited from the income it generated. In fact, he sells an e-course on the site.

Now, there’s nothing inherently wrong with lawyers, or any professionals expressing views publicly. They have the same right to free speech. However, if there is any direct, personal involvement with any media promoting its work, that needs to be disclosed. Gill says that it wasn’t made clear.

In a July 13, 2022 stream with Vaccine Choice Canada, Galati admitted that he ran Wholehearted Media with Rajie Kabli. See the clipped version.

The earliest version of the site the Wayback Machine saved is February 2021. So, this isn’t some ancient, long running publication. The earliest story seems to be announcing the July 2020 lawsuit with Vaccine Choice Canada. And in the earlier “about” section, it’s clear who runs it.

Here’s where things get interesting.

However, when Galati was specifically confronted about Wholehearted Media in his defamation suit with Canuck Law, he said under oath that wasn’t involved in the content. If true, it would mean that the site promotes his work — as a lawyer — but that he has no say in the matter.

Don’t worry, there’s more on that later.

Cases Being Used To “Double-Dip” For Donations

Archiving sites like the Wayback Machine are a gold mine of information for researchers and investigators. Just because content is removed or changed from a site, it doesn’t really disappear.

Gill is angry (paragraph 40) that her case was being used to generate side income for her lawyer. Despite her — and Lamba — paying retainers, their case was posted next to links soliciting donations.

And how does Gill know that donations to the Constitutional Rights Centre exceeded $1 million? Most likely, because it was published previously.

Although the CRC site has since been altered, the Wayback Machine shows that the Gill/Lamba case was published. It was next to a series of links soliciting donations. Clicking on those leads to various PayPal accounts.

Gee, who posted these?

This is from the defamation case against CSASPP.

From paragraph 47 of his Affidavit (in the anti-SLAPP Motion) the online donations are listed. The PayPal records themselves are also entered into evidence.

(a) in the first four months, September to December, 2020 it received $179,505.00;
(b) in 2021 it received $786,706.00, progressively tapering down, monthly, following the Defendants’ defamation and tortious conduct against me.
(c) in 2022 it received $43,878.00.
(d) as of to date, 2023, it has received $4,537.00 which is 53% less than 2022.

Note: this Affidavit was compiled in March 2023, hence the skewed 2023 number.

Starting on page 186 of the Transcript Brief, question 116, it gets into the income in recent years. It’s admitted that donations to the site were large, including over $786,000 in the year 2021.

During the CSASPP anti-SLAPP Motion, Galati refused to specify how much of the $1 million in PayPal donations went to him personally. He also refused to give a full accounting of what his total earnings were during that period. Refusing to disclose particulars contributed to that case being thrown out.

Now, in her malpractice suit, Gill is referencing these online donations to demonstrate a conflict of interest with her representation. Her case had been used — presumably without her permission — to solicit funds for the CRC.

Gill alleges that this amounts to a breach of contract, and a breach of fiduciary duty. Her lawyer’s obligations are to her, and not to self promote, as seems to be the case here.

The Federal Workers and Ontario First Responders (a.k.a. Ontario Health Workers) are also listed on the page soliciting donations. This is despite clients having paid retainers of $1,000 and $1,5000 respectively. So, it’s not just Gill’s case where there’s multiple incomes.

Health/Retirement Were Just Excuses To Dump Gill

Gill says in the Statement of Claim that Galati used his recent health troubles to remove himself as her lawyer. He would be unable to continue representing her, and would likely end up retiring overall.

However, Gill points out that despite this, he continued to represent other clients, and even filed new litigation. Perhaps his illness was case specific. It comes across as an excuse to dump her personally. If this turns out to be the case, he would likely be on the hook for the extra costs she incurred in obtaining new counsel.

Summary Of Incompetence/Negligence Allegations

Starting at page 15 in the Statement of Claim, the specific acts are listed. And is it ever a list. These are serious accusations, and they venture into the realm of professional misconduct.

a) He improperly commenced a claim that was doomed to fail.

b) He failed to advise Dr. Gill of the risks in commencing a defamation action in the Province of Ontario, including the very real potential for anti-SLAPP motions to be filed, the test for these motions and the likelihood for an adverse full indemnity costs award.

c) He failed to pursue any potential settlement with the Defamation Defendants, which would have mitigated damages and potentially rendered an action unnecessary.

d) He failed to advise Dr. Gill of critically important information that would have allowed her to make an informed decision regarding various steps in the litigation, including but not limited to (i) initiating an action, (ii) continuing the action, (iii) settling the action against various parties and (iv) properly responding to the anti-SLAPP motions.

e) He failed to properly and competently articulate, advance and argue a meritorious claim against some of the Defamation Defendants.

f) He employed and/or relied upon junior lawyers, staff, and other employees who lacked sufficient competency skills, and training for the tasks they were undertaking.

g) He held himself out as an expert in the field of defamation law, when he knew or ought to have known that he, in fact, lacked any such expertise.

h) He failed to provide Dr. Gill with competent advice and recommendations.

i) He failed to communicate with Dr. Gill in a regular, open, transparent, and clear manner.

j) He failed to provide Dr. Gill with notice and/or sufficient notice of deadlines in her legal proceedings.

k) He missed and failed to advise Dr. Gill that he had missed critical deadlines in the CPSO matters (including appeals to the Health Professions Appeal and Review Board).

l) He failed to take instructions or solicit informed consent from Dr. Gill on important steps in the litigation.

m) He placed his own beliefs, interests and/or ideology above the interests of his client, Dr. Gill.

n) He acted for Dr. Gill even though he was in a conflict of interest, seeking to advance his own interests, political or otherwise, and to personally benefit from acting for Dr. Gill and putting his own interests ahead of hers.

o) He committed flagrant breaches of his duties owed to Dr. Gill pursuant to the Rules of Professional Conduct.

p) He drafted, prepared, and issued a grossly deficient Statement of Claim.

q) He committed numerous errors and breaches in defending the anti-SLAPP Motions.

r) He prepared and delivered deficient responding motion material to the anti-SLAPP Motions.

s) He failed to provide Dr. Gill with a copy of the Motion Decision in a timely manner.

t) He prepared and delivered deficient cost submissions.

u) He prepared and delivered a deficient Notice of Appeal.

v) He abandoned Dr. Gill’s legal cases at critical times and left her in a vulnerable position.

w) He generally acted as incompetent legal counsel in advancing and protecting Dr. Gill’s interests.

x) Such further particulars as counsel for the plaintiff will advise.

Keep in mind, this is just Gill’s Statement of Claim, so this is her version of events. Still, it comes across as believable. It boggles the mind that any truly informed person would have filed such a lawsuit. Anyone with a working knowledge of anti-SLAPP laws would have immediately seen that this case was very likely to be thrown out.

As with her interview a month ago, Gill doesn’t show any regret or remorse for the people that she waged lawfare against. Indeed, her grievance seems to be that Galati and Coomara were incompetent at doing it, not that it was a bad idea in the first place.

Another thought: given Elon Musk’s promise to cover Gill financially, how does it impact this case? Her GiveSendGo has also raised a substantial amount of money.

Frankly, this case seems unlikely to go to Trial. As a practicing lawyer, malpractice insurance is mandatory, and the case will probably be settled. Still, it’s nice to finally have this out.

As for the Maciver Defendants: Sharkawy, Polevoy, Caulfield, Cohen, Boozary, etc…. they’re presumably still out large sums of money. Gill will never fully pay, especially in light of the “settlements” she forced. However, there is another way they can recoup their losses. And the answer is pretty obvious.

GILL PROFESSIONAL MALPRACTICE CLAIM:
(1) Gill Malpractice Notice of Action
(2) Gill Malpractice Statement Of Claim

LAMBA PROFESSIONAL MALPRACTICE CLAIM:
(1) Lamba Statement Of Claim

GILL’S LEGAL BILLS:
(1) https://twitter.com/XNews/status/1771902773358916041
(2) https://www.givesendgo.com/kulvinder
(3) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6v_La5W3PP4
(4) CanLII Version Of Ontario Anti-SLAPP Legislation

KULVINDER GILL BEGGING FOR MONEY:
(1) https://www.givesendgo.com/kulvinder
(2) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6v_La5W3PP4
(3) https://www.ontario.ca/page/search-court-cases-online

VARIOUS COURT DECISIONS:
(1) Gill v. Maciver, 2022 ONSC 1279 – Case dismissed under anti-SLAPP laws
(2) Gill v. Maciver, 2022 ONSC 6169 – Over $1 million in costs awarded
(3) Gill v. Maciver, 2023 ONCA 776 – Security for costs from The Pointer Group
(4) Gill v. Maciver, 2024 ONCA 126 – Appeal dismissed

MOTION FOR SECURITY OF COSTS
(1) Gill V. Maciver Amended Notice of Motion – 26 Sept 2023
(2) Gill v Maciver – San Grewal’s appeal for support M54554.MPF.PointerGroup – October 2023.PDF
(3) https://drive.google.com/file/d/1PbEewt3dAKqAT5Udp6BIIqrM9Y_AhPHv/view
(4) Ruling: Motion For Security Of Costs – Denied

KULVINDER GILL/ASHVINDER LAMBA CASE:
(1) Gill/Lamba Defamation Lawsuit December 2020
(2) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/laws/stat/rso-1990-c-c43/latest/rso-1990-c-c43.html#sec137.1_smooth
(3) Gill/Lamba Factum Of Medical Post Tristan Bronca
(4) Gill/Lamba Case Dismissed As A SLAPP
(5) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onsc/doc/2022/2022onsc1279/2022onsc1279.html#par17
(6) Gill/Lamba Notice of Appeal and Appellants’ Certificate
(7) Gill/Lamba Appeal – Notice of Intention to Dismiss Appeal for Delay, May 12, 2022
(8) Motion To Recuse – Badly Redacted -2022-06-17 – Notice
(9) Motion To Recuse – Badly Redacted -2022 – Motion Record
(10) Gill/Lamba July 15 Letter To Obtain New Counsel
(11) Gill/Lamba Case Conference Brief July 29, 2022
(12) Gill/Lamba Endorsement New Counsel Cost Submissions August 3, 2022
(13) Gill/Lamba Case $1.1 Million In Costs Ordered October 31, 2022
(14) Gill/Lamba Appeal Dismissed As Baseless By ONCA
(15) https://coadecisions.ontariocourts.ca/coa/coa/en/item/22116/index.do

GILL/ATTARAN/UNIVERSITY OF OTTAWA CASE:
(1) Gill-Attaran Statement Of Claim
(2) Gill Attaran Affidavit Of Service
(3) Gill-Attaran Notice Of Intent
(4) Gill-Attaran Motice To Recuse
(5) Gill-Ataran Motion To Recuse Motion Record

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Unpopular Viewpoint: People Like Gill Are The Reason Anti-SLAPP Laws Are Necessary In Society

As many have now heard, Elon Musk is offering to pay for Kulvinder Gill’s outstanding legal bills. In a recent tweet, the reasoning was explained. However, from reading the message, is becomes clear that Musk doesn’t really know anything about the case.

The most obvious point is that Gill isn’t out $300,000 because the Government went after her. She went after other people for expressing different views online. Her $12.75 million case was thrown out under Ontario’s anti-SLAPP laws (Section 137.1 of the Courts of Justice Act). She was then hit with full indemnity (100% of costs) for a libel-chill lawsuit that she and Ashvinder Lamba initiated.

If not for anti-SLAPP laws, which are designed to screen out frivolous and abusive defamation claims, this would likely have cost several million more to fight against.

Gill is the instigator here, not the victim.

People like Gill are the reason we need anti-SLAPP laws, with full indemnity provisions.

X is proud to help defend Dr. Kulvinder Kaur Gill against the government-supported efforts to cancel her speech.

@dockaurG is a practicing physician in Canada, specializing in immunology and pediatrics. Because she spoke out publicly on Twitter (now X) in opposition to the Canadian and Ontario governments’ COVID lockdown efforts and vaccination mandates, she was harassed by the legacy media, censored by prior Twitter management, and subjected to investigations and disciplinary proceedings by the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Ontario that resulted in “cautions” being placed on her permanent public record.

The legal battles that ensued cost Dr. Gill her life savings, and she now owes $300,000 in a court judgment due Monday. When Elon Musk learned earlier this week about her crowdfunding campaign to pay the judgment (https://givesendgo.com/kulvinder), he pledged to help. X will now fund the rest of Dr. Gill’s campaign so that she can pay her $300,000 judgment and her legal bills.

Free speech is the bedrock of democracy and a critical defense against totalitarianism in all forms. We must do whatever we can to protect it, and at X we will always fight to protect your right to speak freely.

From the tweet, it’s apparent that Musk hasn’t read any of the 4 published Court rulings. 2 are from the Ontario Superior Court, and the other 2 from the Ontario Court of Appeal.

VARIOUS COURT DECISIONS:
(1) Gill v. Maciver, 2022 ONSC 1279 – Case dismissed under anti-SLAPP laws
(2) Gill v. Maciver, 2022 ONSC 6169 – Over $1 million in costs awarded
(3) Gill v. Maciver, 2023 ONCA 776 – Security for costs from The Pointer Group
(4) Gill v. Maciver, 2024 ONCA 126 – Appeal dismissed

While many of the Defendants had insurance, several did not. Gill forced them to pay out of pocket to defend against her $12.75 million suit. At no point does Gill express any guilt or remorse over the carnage she inflicted. Instead, she tries to get pity since it didn’t work out as expected.

Imagine what would have happened if this monster had actually won.

Musk is offering to fund the money that Gill still owes, but there’s no concern apparently over the people she attempted to bankrupt. Again, she and Lamba filed this suit, forcing the others to defend themselves. He appears to know nothing about the case history, or the related matters.

The Attaran suit is particularly bad. Not only is she demanding $7 million because he called her an idiot on Twitter, but it’s still ongoing. Gill whines about facing bankruptcy, while she still tries to bankrupt someone else.

Given Musk’s willingness to fund her outstanding legal bills, it also becomes apparent he never read the Statement of Claim either. It’s pretty clear what this was about.

(Paragraph 41) – Tweet from Angus Maciver
(Paragraph 44) – More tweets from Angus Maciver
(Paragraph 45) – Apology tweets from Angus Maciver
(Paragraph 46) – Apology tweet from Angus Maciver
(Paragraph 52) – Tweets from Nadia Alam
(Paragraph 53) – OMA public correspondence from Nadia Alam
(Paragraph 58) – Medical Post interview with Alam over Maciver tweets
(Paragraph 67) – Medical Post covers Macivers comments regarding Gill
(Paragraph 88) – Tweets from Andre Picard
(Paragraph 90) – Tweets from Tristan Bronca
(Paragraph 96) – Tweets from Michelle Cohen
(Paragraph 99) – Michelle Cohen and CBC news story
(Paragraph 104) – Tweets from Alex Nataros
(Paragraph 107) – Tweets from Terry Polevoy
(Paragraph 119) – Tweets from Ian Schwartz
(Paragraph 124) – Tweets from Abdu Sharkawy
(Paragraph 129) – Tweets from Andrew Boozary
(Paragraph 134) – Tweets from Andrew Fraser
(Paragraph 140) – Tweets from Marco Prado
(Paragraph 143) – Tweets from Timothy Caulfield
(Paragraph 150) – Tweets from David Jacobs
(Paragraph 153) – Tweets from Sajjad Fazel
(Paragraph 158) – Tweets from Alheli Picazo
(Paragraph 161) – Tweets from Bruce Arthur
(Paragraph 166) – Tweets from Tristan Bronca
(Paragraph 171) – Tweets from Terry Polevoy
(Paragraph 178) – Tweets from John Van Aerde
(Paragraph 179) – Tweets from Carly Weeks
(Paragraph 183) – The Pointer Group covers Gill spat
(Paragraph 190) – Hamilton Spectator covers Gill spat
(Paragraph 209) – Tweets from Angus Maciver

There is some ancient (from 2018) beef with Angus Maciver, and it’s not clear why it was included in this lawsuit.

Gill sued 23 different people and organizations. Lamba sued 2 of them as well. While Gill laments being hit with a million dollar cost award, she caused all kinds of headaches and stress.

And for what? Comments on Twitter.

Gill is now represented by Caza Saikaley for both the Maciver and Attaran claims. Both lawsuits were originally filed by “Mr. Bad Beyond Argument”, who abandoned her in early 2022.

Reading through the Statement of Claim, Gill and Galati have the stench of being “ambulance chasers”. In other words, it looks as if they encouraged this spat, for the purpose of suing.

If Ted Kuntz’ sworn remarks are to be taken seriously, it means that Vaccine Choice Canada coordinated, if not outright funded, the Gill/Lamba defamation case. For whatever reason, donor money was used to attempt to silence critics online. See paragraph 20 and Exhibit “C” of his Affidavit.

Put another way: VCC was a “fundraising arm” for Galati’s case.

It’s very telling that the Vaccine Choice cases from 2019 and 2020 are allowed to sit idly for years. Likewise with the Action4Canada case. These “bad beyond argument” anti-lockdown and medical autonomy cases are incoherently written, and go nowhere.

While genuine cases sit, wasting time and money, donations were poured into Gill’s defamation suit. Considering that there was never any chance of success — and hence no contingency winnings — why would any competent lawyer agree to take it on? It’s not like Gill or Lamba have a lot of money. Their lawyer had to get paid from someone, and it’s pretty obvious who.

Taking into account that Gill isn’t being completely truthful about why she owes the $300,000 in the first place, getting money from Elon Musk could be viewed as fraud. She doesn’t owe the money because she was dragged into Court. Instead, she dragged others into Court for a frivolous case — and lost.

She doesn’t owe this money for being dragged before her regulator, the CPSO. It’s because her defamation case was (predictably) thrown out.

Presumably, Musk is an intelligent investor. While he’s free to fund whatever causes he wants to, one would think that he would do serious due diligence before opening his wallet.

Would he have agreed to cover Gill’s costs if he was aware of all of the above? Perhaps, but probably not. Gill isn’t the free speech hero that she’s made out to be. She engaged in lawfare — at least twice — and has no concern for consequences, unless they impact her personally.

The so-called “Freedom Movement” needs to stop treating her so kindly.

People like this are why we need anti-SLAPP laws in the first place.

GILL’S LEGAL BILLS:
(1) https://twitter.com/XNews/status/1771902773358916041
(2) https://www.givesendgo.com/kulvinder
(3) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6v_La5W3PP4
(4) CanLII Version Of Ontario Anti-SLAPP Legislation

KULVINDER GILL BEGGING FOR MONEY:
(1) https://www.givesendgo.com/kulvinder
(2) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6v_La5W3PP4
(3) https://www.ontario.ca/page/search-court-cases-online

VARIOUS COURT DECISIONS:
(1) Gill v. Maciver, 2022 ONSC 1279 – Case dismissed under anti-SLAPP laws
(2) Gill v. Maciver, 2022 ONSC 6169 – Over $1 million in costs awarded
(3) Gill v. Maciver, 2023 ONCA 776 – Security for costs from The Pointer Group
(4) Gill v. Maciver, 2024 ONCA 126 – Appeal dismissed

KULVINDER GILL/ASHVINDER LAMBA CASE:
(1) Gill/Lamba Defamation Lawsuit December 2020
(2) Section 137.1 Courts of Justice Act for Ontario
(3) Gill/Lamba Factum Of Medical Post Tristan Bronca
(4) Gill/Lamba Case Dismissed As A SLAPP
(5) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onsc/doc/2022/2022onsc1279/2022onsc1279.html#par17
(6) Gill/Lamba Notice of Appeal and Appellants’ Certificate
(7) Gill/Lamba Appeal – Notice of Intention to Dismiss Appeal for Delay, May 12, 2022
(8) Motion To Recuse – Badly Redacted -2022-06-17 – Notice
(9) Motion To Recuse – Badly Redacted -2022 – Motion Record
(10) Gill/Lamba July 15 Letter To Obtain New Counsel
(11) Gill/Lamba Case Conference Brief July 29, 2022
(12) Gill/Lamba Endorsement New Counsel Cost Submissions August 3, 2022
(13) Gill/Lamba Case $1.1 Million In Costs Ordered October 31, 2022

MOTION FOR SECURITY FOR COSTS
(1) Gill V. Maciver Amended Notice of Motion – 26 Sept 2023
(2) Gill v Maciver – San Grewal’s appeal for support, October 2023.PDF
(3) Factum – The Pointer Group’s Motion For Security For Costs
(4) Ruling: Motion For Security Of Costs – Denied

AFFIDAVITS FROM CSASPP CASE:
(1) CSASPP RG Kuntz Affidavit
(2) CSASPP RG Gaw Affidavit
(3) CSASPP RG Sable Affidavit

GILL PROFESSIONAL MALPRACTICE CLAIM:
(1) Gill Notice of Action

LAMBA PROFESSIONAL MALPRACTICE CLAIM:
(1) Lamba Statement Of Claim
(2) Lamba Notice Of Intent To Defend

GILL/ATTARAN $7,000,000 DEFAMATION LAWSUIT:
(1) Gill-Attaran Statement Of Claim
(2) Gill Attaran Affidavit Of Service
(3) Gill-Attaran Notice Of Intent
(4) Gill-Attaran Counsel Abandons Plaintiff

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Egale Canada, Registered Charity Getting Public Money

This is a follow up on Egale Canada. For the earlier critique of their work, see this piece. This time, we get a bit heavier into the financial side of things, and see how big things really are. Remember, your tax dollars are helping to finance this, regardless of personal views.

As an aside, Egale received $513,801 from CEWS, the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy, back in 2020. It got another $35,779 in 2021. Interesting priorities.

From its publicly available filings, it’s clear that after 2012, Canadian taxpayers are financing this organization to a great degree. And that doesn’t even factor in the rebates that private donors receive from Revenue Canada.

YEAR TOTAL $ GOV’T OTHER % GOV’T EXPENSES
2006 $40,123 $2,507 $37,616 6.2 % $15,193
2007 $24,644 $0 $24,644 0.0 % $18,777
2008 $53,154 $6,578 $46,576 12.4 % $61,661
2009 $106,471 $0 $106,471 0.0 % $104,518
2010 $259,365 $0 $259,365 0.0 % $209,962
2011 $464,975 $0 $464,975 0.0 % $408,782
2012 $707,761 $345,963 $361,798 48.9% $690,912
2013 $1,801,607 $1,290,184 $511,423 71.6 % $1,808,589
2014 $1,704,083 $910,500 $793,583 46.6 % $1,728,727
2015 $2,014,901 $887,075 $1,127,826 44.0 % $2,013,484
2016 $2,798,237 $1,154,301 $1,643,936 41.3 % $2,311,837
2017 $3,851,872 $1,132,350 $2,719,522 29.4 % $3,578,714
2018 $3,704,557 $3,524,832 $179,725 95.1 % $3,916,554
2019 $4,095,433 $3,831,557 $263,876 93.6 % $4,043,359
2020 $2,833,582 $2,637,412 $196,170 93.1 % $2,754,446
2021 $3,635,394 $1,891,479 $1,743,915 52.0 % $3,595,380
2022 $4,763,496 $3,163,263 $1,600193 66.4 % $4,615,041

There are some discrepancies with the data copied from the C.R.A. website, as it appears that not all of the same categories are listed in the “short version”. Notably, CEWS isn’t included. The categories also aren’t consistent across the years, so we’ll do our best.

Note: the form for 2007 is incomplete. However, the assets listed in 2006 were totaled at $50,783. In 2007, it was given at $56,650. From that, we will assume that the change will be the difference in revenue and expenses for that year.

Equity (worth) = assets – liabilities
$56,650 – $50,783 = new revenue – $18,777
From this, assume 2007 revenue was ~ $24,644

For the years 2018 and 2019, the itemized lists lump various Government and private funding grants together, in terms of the source. However, the overall totals are the same.

Egale is raising in revenue about 100 times that rate it did less than 20 years ago. In fairness, increases in Government (or taxpayer) money has helped a lot. Assuming these records are fairly accurate, this organization has certainly been growing.

Although it would be nice to blame this on Trudeau, the growth long predates him. And the majority of Government funding appears to have been from Ontario (which is Provincial) anyway.

While Government funding costs a straight 100%, donations from private groups and individuals aren’t free either. Specifically, they are eligible for rebates from the C.R.A. of around 40 to 45 cents on the dollar.

Considering the kinds of causes that Egale takes on, is this a prudent use of public money?

CHARITY DESIGNATION WITH C.R.A., TAX INFO:
(1) https://apps.cra-arc.gc.ca/ebci/hacc/srch/pub/dsplyRprtngPrd?q.srchNmFltr=egale+canada&q.stts=0007&selectedCharityBn=888561065RR0001&dsrdPg=1
(2) Egale 2006 Tax Information Redacted
(3) Egale 2007 Tax Information Redacted
(4) Egale 2008 Tax Information Redacted
(5) Egale 2009 Tax Information Redacted
(6) Egale 2010 Tax Information Redacted
(7) Egale 2011 Tax Information Redacted
(8) Egale 2012 Tax Information Redacted
(9) Egale 2013 Tax Information Redacted
(10) Egale 2014 Tax Information Redacted
(11) Egale 2015 Tax Information Redacted
(12) Egale 2016 Tax Information Redacted
(13) Egale 2017 Tax Information Redacted
(14) Egale 2018 Tax Information Redacted
(15) Egale 2019 Tax Information Redacted
(16) Egale 2020 Tax Information Redacted
(17) Egale 2021 Tax Information Redacted
(18) Egale 2022 Tax Information Redacted

PARLIAMENTARY TESTIMONY, BILL C-22: (Raising Age Of Consent From 14 To 16)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=1736719
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/committees/en/WitnessMeetings?witnessId=107655
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/39-1/JUST/meeting-57/evidence
(4) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/Committee/391/JUST/Evidence/EV2805304/JUSTEV57-E.PDF
(5) Egale Canada Opposes Raising Age Of Consent

PARLIAMENTARY TESTIMONY, BILL C-75: (Reduced Penalties For Child Sex Crimes)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=10210275
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/meeting-108/evidence
(3) https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/bill/C-75/royal-assent
(4) https://parlvu.parl.gc.ca/Harmony/en/PowerBrowser/PowerBrowserV2/20180925/-1/30041?Language=English&Stream=Video
(5) Egale Canada Human Rights Trust Bill C-75

PARLIAMENTARY TESTIMONY, BILL C-6: (Conversion Therapy)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=10980515
(2) https://egale.ca/newsletter-open-letter-c6/
(3) https://egale.ca/awareness/open-letter-bill-c6/?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=cb124b36-46bf-4cab-b648-a3c75f571873

HIV NON-DISCLOSURE: (Hiding Positive Status From Partners)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/Committee/421/JUST/Brief/BR10044994/br-external/EgaleCanadaHumanRightsTrust-e.pdf
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=10485413
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/committees/en/WitnessMeetings?witnessId=248803
(4) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/meeting-149/evidence
(5) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/report-28/
(6) https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/cons/hiv-vih/nd.html
(7) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/report-28/page-24

ONLINE HATE: (Censorship)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=10543157
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/Committee/421/JUST/Reports/RP10581008/justrp29/justrp29-e.pdf
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/meeting-150/evidence#Int-10636774
(4) https://parlvu.parl.gc.ca/Harmony/en/PowerBrowser/PowerBrowserV2?fk=10625547

FEDERAL GRANTS TO EGALE:
(1) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/esdc-edsc,141-2022-2023-Q2-28463,current
(2) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/ic,230-2021-2022-Q4-021,current
(3) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/hc-sc,271-2021-2022-Q4-00122,current
(4) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/esdc-edsc,141-2023-2024-Q2-10753,current
(5) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/pch,016-2022-2023-Q1-1347716,current
(6) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/phac-aspc,1480-2022-2023-Qrt3-0000074,current
(7) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/phac-aspc,1480-2022-2023-Qrt4-0000451,current
(8) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/wage,001-2022-2023-Q4-00035,current
(9) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/wage,001-2023-2024-Q3-00038,current

INTERFERING WITH LEGAL PROCEEDINGS:
(1) https://egale.ca/awareness/supreme-court-of-canada-decision-affirms-trans-rights-protective-counter-speech/

PARTNERS:
(1) https://egale.ca/our-partners/

POLICIES:
(1) https://egale.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Discriminatory-and-Unworkable-FINAs-Policy-1.pdf
(2) https://egale.ca/egale-in-action/msm-blood-ban/

RACHEL GILMORE TWEET:
(1) https://twitter.com/atRachelGilmore/status/1737207763640402361

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Would It Be So Difficult To Admit “I Shouldn’t Have Done That”?

Kulvinder Gill is back in public, asking for money.

She has only days left to pay hundreds of thousands of dollars in Court fees. Here’s some background. This stemmed from a $12.75 million defamation case that she and Ashvinder Lamba filed in December 2020. They sued 23 individuals and media outlets, primarily over comments on Twitter. There are 4 rulings that have come down

(a) Dismissal in February 2022
(b) Costs awarded in October 2022
(c) Motion for security for costs denied November 2023
(d) Appeal dismissed in February 2024

Gill v. Maciver, 2022 ONSC 1279 – Case dismissed under anti-SLAPP laws
Gill v. Maciver, 2022 ONSC 6169 – Over $1 million in costs awarded
Gill v. Maciver, 2023 ONCA 776 – Security for costs from The Pointer Group
Gill v. Maciver, 2024 ONCA 126 – Appeal dismissed

Unsurprisingly, this libel-chill lawsuit backfired bigtime. Gill now owes nearly $300,000 by the end of March, not including lawyers’ fees and other private settlements. Perhaps she should finally admit this was a bad idea.

It’s also scary to think what would have happened if she had won. Would she start suing more people who have annoyed her online? Fortunately for society, she lost.

A few days ago, Jay Bhattacharya posted an interview with Gill about her looming financial problems. For reference, Bhattacharya wrote the Great Barrington Declaration, which can be viewed as “diet lockdowns”. Gill has imminent Court orders to pay, and she doesn’t have the money.

Would it be so difficult to admit she shouldn’t have filed this lawsuit in the first place? That bit of self-reflection would have gone a long way.

Watching the interview, it becomes clear that Gill still doesn’t understand why sued at all.

She talks about wanting to bring her truth forward, but that’s not the purpose of a defamation lawsuit. It’s about whether a Court can silence someone on speech or expression they’ve made publicly. She’s been dealing with these people for nearly 4 years now, and still doesn’t get it.

Gill also talks about anti-SLAPP Motions as if this were a surprise to her. These laws have been on the books in Ontario since 2015, and were well known. In reality, any competent lawyer would discuss such a possibility right away. Not only that, Ontario law typically provides full indemnity (100% of costs) to Defendants who are successful in getting their cases dismissed.

Gill talks about “fair comment” as if it this were some oddity. This defence — one of mixed fact and opinion — is routinely used by Defendants. A statement doesn’t have to be completely accurate as long as there’s some factual basis for it, and a person could honestly hold such a belief.

Gill appears to have gotten incompetent advice, both from former and current counsel.

Noticeably absent is any mention that Gill regrets the damage she inflicted on others. She attempted to bankrupt people over mean words on Twitter. Yes, she had to deal with the CPSO, but she sued people over Twitter remarks. It’s amazing how tone deaf she remains.

Gill tries to justify suing all those people on the grounds that they were “big and powerful”, and that they were “covered by insurance”. Not all of them were, and some had to personally pay out of their savings. A few were seniors living off of a pension. In any event, it comes off as a pretty cold blooded excuse.

Additionally, there are several major omissions in this interview. These are things that Gill should have disclosed if she’s asking for money. They aren’t minor by any means, but could easily cause potential donors to walk away.

  1. Ted Kuntz claims Vaccine Choice Canada funded Gill’s case
  2. Appeal lodged to “leverage” settlements with Defendants
  3. Gill suing former lawyer for $1,850,000 for malpractice
  4. Gill suing former lawyer for $6,000 in Brampton
  5. Ashvinder Lamba suing former counsel for $600,000 for malpractice
  6. Gill has open $7,000,000 defamation suit with Amir Attaran
  7. Gill sued people who had apologized to her publicly

Granted there are most likely people who would still donate to her defence, but a lot would see this as grounds to refuse.

1. Ted Kuntz claims Vaccine Choice Canada funded Gill’s case

Ted Kuntz of Vaccine Choice Canada gave an Affidavit in the Spring of 2023. See highlighted version. This was in support of a $1.1 million defamation lawsuit against CSASPP. It didn’t go so well. A similar one was filed in the lawsuit against this website.

What’s interesting in the Kuntz Affidavit is paragraph 20. Kuntz says that in the Summer of 2021, the Vaccine Choice membership became concerned about the total lack of activity in their anti-lockdown case. In response, there was an update sent, which is attached as “Exhibit C”.

“Exhibit C” talks about a need to protect doctors, nurses, teachers, etc…. and for them to be able to speak the truth. It explicitly states that “other legal actions had been filed”.

Item #4 in that list talks about a defamation lawsuit that was underway over doctors who had been maligned on social media. Although it doesn’t explicitly name Kulvinder Gill and Ashvinder Lamba, who else could it be? VCC has never identified any other people that may have been used like this.

“Exhibit C” in the Kuntz Affidavit makes it appear that these other lawsuits — such as the Gill/Lamba case in question — were directly financed by them. At a bare minimum, one can imply that the defamation suit was coordinated to help their overall purpose. From the ruling:

[317] Given the position taken on behalf of the Plaintiffs by their counsel in response to the suggestion made by some of the Defendants that the Plaintiffs’ claims were being maintained with the possible benefit of third party funding, I did not consider it necessary or appropriate to refer to it in the above reasons as it did not form any part of the applicable analysis. However, I should indicate to the parties that approach taken in that regard is without prejudice to the entitlement of any party to refer to such issue if there is a proper basis for doing so when making submissions on costs.

In fact, at the end of the February 2022 ruling, it’s stated that the Defendants have been questioning whether Gill’s and Lamba’s suit was financed by outside money.

Kuntz’s Affidavit sure makes it look like Gill and Lamba were getting money for their case from third parties, or at least that it was coordinated by others.

Too bad Gill doesn’t mention that in her recent e-begging.

2. Appeal lodged to “leverage” settlements with Defendants

An important detail that gets glossed over is the reason the case was appealed in the first place. Gill and Lamba (mostly Gill though) were hit with over $1 million in costs that the Defendants’ lawyers had rung up. By appealing, and thus keeping the case open, Gill was able to “leverage” settlements out of people who just wanted it over with. This comes across as bad faith.

In their Appellate Motion for security for costs, The Pointer Group alleges exactly that. Their Motion was denied, however. Their Factum is still well worth a read.

3. Gill suing former lawyer for $1,850,000 for malpractice

Gill filed a Notice of Action against her former lawyer, and his firm. The reason is that the 2 year anniversary of Justice Stewart’s ruling was approaching, and this bought her time. She’s suing him (and his law firm) for $1.85 million. The Notice alleges professional malpractice.

Granted, it could be a year or 2 before she sees any money from this. However, since she’s asking for donations on GiveSendGo, shouldn’t this be mentioned? If the insurance company settles — which is highly probable — she’s in for a windfall of cash.

This came hot on the heels of her former co-Plaintiff filing a lawsuit, and likely was the motivating factor.

4. Gill suing former lawyer for $6,000 in Brampton

Kulvinder Gill actually has two (2) separate lawsuits against former counsel. The Samantha Coomara listed is a junior lawyer, licensed since 2018. It’s for a relatively minor amount, less than $6,000. This is likely what Gill and Lamba had paid out of pocket.

However, this is probably nowhere near the amount of fees their lawyer charged. Since their December 2020 case was so poor, there was never any prospect of collecting anything on contingency. It seems doubtful that he would do anything for free. So, who paid for the case?

If the Kuntz Affidavit is to be taken seriously, Vaccine Choice Canada’s donors paid.

5. Ashvinder Lamba suing former counsel for $600,000 for malpractice

Recently, Ashvinder Lamba, Gill’s former co-Plaintiff, filed a $600,000 professional malpractice lawsuit against their former lawyer. This is likely what gave Gill the idea to file her own (larger) suit. Insurance companies will likely pay out rather than take on a longer, more expensive Trial.

As of the time of writing this, a Notice of Intent to Defend has been filed. This is not the same thing as a Statement of Defence, but still indicates that the case will be fought.

Lamba complains about “junior staff” being involved in work that they weren’t trained or competent in. This is likely a reference to Coomara, whom Gill and Lamba both sued in 2022.

6. Gill has open $7,000,000 defamation suit with Amir Attaran

Gill plays the pity card throughout her interview, lamenting the fact that she doesn’t have money to pay the existing cost order. She leaves out that she has an open $7,000,000 defamation suit against Amir Attaran and the University of Ottawa. His crime? Calling her an idiot on Twitter.

This plea from Gill rings hollow. She laments that she’s facing bankruptcy, yet she is still attempting to bankrupt someone else for comments made on Twitter. One would think that she would drop that suit, at a minimum.

If Gill was being transparent, she would have disclosed this.

7. Gill sued people who had apologized to her publicly

[73] On multiple occasions, Dr. Maciver has apologized to the Plaintiffs both publicly and privately and shown contrition for the heated language he used on Twitter. The fact of Dr. Maciver’s apologies was also made known within the physician community on Twitter.

Likely the worst of the comments came from Angus Maciver, who had publicly apologized for making them. But it wasn’t enough to stop him from getting sued. This comes across as particularly vindictive

Would anyone donate to Gill’s GiveSendGo account if she had disclosed all of this?

Probably not.

To be clear, Gill has every right to express her views and opinions in the public arena. She can put forward whatever she believes to be true. Likewise, she has the ability to post downright dumb and offensive things. This is called “free speech”, and it’s something everyone in the “Freedom Movement” should agree on.

But it’s become clear that she cares about her free speech, and only her free speech. Yes, she should be able to post what she wants.

It’s just too bad that she doesn’t extend her victims the same courtesy.

Maybe, just maybe, she shouldn’t have filed such an absurd lawsuit in 2020. Perhaps she shouldn’t have named so many people. Would it be too hard to admit she was wrong?

Note: by checking this link, anyone can SEARCH ONLINE FOR FREE to see what’s happening with various cases. Don’t accept the word of anyone here, but check it out for yourselves. Call the Court, or visit in person if that’s a feasible option.

KULVINDER GILL BEGGING FOR MONEY:
(1) https://www.givesendgo.com/kulvinder
(2) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6v_La5W3PP4
(3) https://www.ontario.ca/page/search-court-cases-online

VARIOUS COURT DECISIONS:
(1) Gill v. Maciver, 2022 ONSC 1279 Case dismissed under anti-SLAPP laws
(2) Gill v. Maciver, 2022 ONSC 6169 – Over $1 million in costs awarded
(3) Gill v. MacIver, 2023 ONCA 776 – Security for costs from The Pointer Group
(4) Gill v. Maciver, 2024 ONCA 126 – Appeal dismissed

AFFIDAVITS FROM CSASPP CASE:
(1) CSASPP RG Kuntz Affidavit
(2) CSASPP RG Gaw Affidavit
(3) CSASPP RG Sable Affidavit

GILL PROFESSIONAL MALPRACTICE CLAIM:
(1) Gill Notice of Action

LAMBA PROFESSIONAL MALPRACTICE CLAIM:
(1) Lamba Statement Of Claim
(2) Lamba Notice Of Intent To Defend

GILL/ATTARAN $7,000,000 DEFAMATION LAWSUIT:
(1) Gill-Attaran Statement Of Claim
(2) Gill Attaran Affidavit Of Service
(3) Gill-Attaran Notice Of Intent
(4) Gill-Attaran Counsel Abandons Plaintiff