Desmarais, Power Corp linked to Air Canada, Agenda 2030, Trudeau Foundation

(Former Manitoba Premier Gary Doer replaces former Saskatchewan Premier Roy Romanow on Air Canada Board of Directors)

(Trilateral Commission: Doer and Andre Desmarais have seats)

(Emőke J.E. Szathmáry is on Power Corp B.O.D.)

(Emőke J.E. Szathmáry is a director on: the International Institute for Sustainable Development, the Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation, the Prime Minister’s Advisory Committee on Science and Technology)

1. Important Links

CLICK HERE, for Part 1: Desmarais, Power Corp, Bombardier & Loblaws.

CLICK HERE, for the Power Corp Board of Directors
CLICK HERE, for Roy Romanow, former Saskatchewan Premier, joining Air Canada Board of Directors in 2010.
CLICK HERE, for the Trilateral Commission, which Gary Doer and Andre Desmarais both sit on.
CLICK HERE, for Air Canada placing Bombardier order.
CLICK HERE, for Bombardier thanking Canadian taxpayers for bailout, by laying off 7,000 of its staff.
CLICK HERE, for 2003 bankruptcy protection for Air Canada.
CLICK HERE, for 2009 Air Canada bailout.
CLICK HERE, for 2013 Air Canada bailout.

CLICK HERE, for the International Institute for Sustainable Development, which wholeheartedly endorses Agenda 2030.
CLICK HERE, for the Trudeau Foundation.
CLICK HERE, for the Trudeau Foundation B.O.D.

2. From Last Time

Pierre Beaudoin is the Chairman of Bombardier. He also sits on the Board of Directors for Power Corp. Explains how Bombardier was able to keep securing bailouts.

Anthony Graham is Vice Chairman, and a director of Whittington Investments, which owns Weston-Loblaws. Could be how Loblaws secured a $12 million subsidy for its new fridges.

3. Power Corp & Air Canada

Roy Romanow, ex-Premier of Saskatchewan, joins the Air Canada Board of Directors in 2010.

In 2018, ex-Manitoba Premier Gary Doer replaced Roy Romanow on Air Canada’s Board of Directors.

And as mentioned earlier, John Rae, brother of ex-Ontario Premier Bob Rae, also works for Power Corp.

3 former NDP Premiers: Roy Romanow (Saskatchewan); Gary Doer (Manitoba); and Bob Rae (Ontario) all have connections to Power Corp and/or Air Canada. Interesting.

Just for good measure, here is former Deputy Prime Minister and former Quebec Premier Jean Charest.

In 2016 Air Canada placed an order for 45 CS-300 airliners, with an option to buy another 30. Quotes from the article:

Air Canada announced Wednesday that it would order 45 CS-300 airliners with an option for another 30 jets.

“We are delighted to announce this important agreement with Bombardier for the purchase of CS-300 aircraft as part of the ongoing modernization of Air Canada’s narrowbody fleet,” Air Canada president and CEO Calin Rovinescu said in a statement.

The 45-plane order is worth as much as $3.7 billion. The option for 30 additional CS-300 aircraft could add as much as $2.5 billion to the deal.

Gary Doer and Pierre Beaudoin sit on the Board of Directors for Power Corp, owned by the Demarais family. Doer sits on the B.O.D. for Air Canada as well, and Beaudoin is the Chairman of Bombardier. Almost like this deal was pre-arranged.

In fairness, this announcement came in 2016, prior to Doer joining Air Canada’s Board of Directors. Still, one has to wonder about all the connections. Doer did just replace Romanow on Air Canada’s B.O.D.

Having people sit on executive boards for multiple companies creates a significant conflict of interest. It also creates an atmosphere where crony capitalism and corruption can thrive. Who loses? Customers and taxpayers.

Like Bombardier, Air Canada has had several bailouts over the years. And all of this costs the public heavily. See the links in Section 1 above for more details.

If only there was some common link between Air Canada, Bombardier, and Loblaws. No, there couldn’t possibly be.

4. Power Corp & Agenda 2030

Emőke J.E. Szathmáry also sits on the Board of Directors for Power Corp. And if we scroll down on her biography, we get some interesting insight on the woman.

She is on a number of other boards. Some open call for acting in support of Agenda 2030, global sustainability.

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) is an independent think tank championing sustainable solutions to 21st century problems. Our mission is to promote human development and environmental sustainability.

Our big-picture view allows us to address the root causes of some of the greatest challenges facing our planet today—ecological destruction, social exclusion, unfair laws and economic rules, a changing climate. Through research, analysis and knowledge sharing, we identify and champion sustainable solutions that make a difference. We report on international negotiations, conduct rigorous research, and engage citizens, businesses and policy-makers on the shared goal of developing sustainably.

Interestingly, the IISD implies that the leaders of G20 nations know that “climate change” is a hoax. Despite pledges to phase out subsidies to coal energy, they have actually increased.

Geneva, June 25, 2019 – G20 governments have more than doubled the amount of financial support they provide to coal power plants in just three years, despite pledging a decade ago to phase out subsidies to all fossil fuels and help prevent catastrophic climate change.

In a new report, ‘G20 coal subsidies: Tracking government support to a fading industry’, researchers found that despite a historic fall in total investment in coal, the average annual amount G20 governments spent to help build and sustain coal-fired power plants increased from $17 billion to $47 billion between 2014 and 2017.

The links are articles are too numerous to go through here, but they are worth at least skimming. This entire organization is devoted to advancing Agenda 2030.

5. Power Corp & Trudeau Foundation

Edward Johnson is both Vice-Chair of the Board of the Trudeau Foundation, and formerly Vice President and General Counsel for Power Corp.

Oliver Desmarais is Senior Vice President for Power Corp. That is no surprise. But the interesting detail is where he did his articling (apprenticeship) in law. The firm Heenan Blaikie — which went under in 2014 — is the same firm both Jean Chretien and Pierre Trudeau worked at.

Note: Bruce McNiven, who is a Director at the Trudeau Foundation, also worked at Heenan Blaikie.

Megan Leslie, is a former Deputy Opposition leader in the House of Commons (NDP). While being a Director for the Trudeau Foundation, she is also a Senior Consultant on Oceans Governance for WWF-Canada. This is the same organization Gerald Butts works for.

Bessma Momani is another Director of the Trudeau Foundation. She covers Arab-Canadians and “trans-nationalism” issues. Didn’t Justin refer to Canada as a “post-national state”?

Marc Renaud is yet another Trudeau Foundation Director with a very interesting side gig. He has served as an advisor for UNESCO, the OECD, the European Union. The EU wants to stamp out individual nations in Europe, and UNESCO is the UN Global Citizens nonsense, which pushes the gender agenda.

Worth a mention Alexandre Trudeau, Justin’s jihad sympathizing brother, is named as a founding member.

One more who needs a shoutout is ex-Saskatchewan Premier Roy Romanow. Yes that same Roy Romanow who was a director for Air Canada. Likewise, former Governor David Johnson sits as a Director. Those pages have been deleted, but like all things, nothing is really deleted. See here, and see here.

The Trudeau Foundation cites 4 important areas:

  1. human rights and dignity,
  2. responsible citizenship,
  3. Canada and the world, and
  4. people and their natural environment

So, What Does Trudeau Foundation Do?

The Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation supports research and engagement in the humanities and social sciences, and fosters a fruitful dialogue between scholars and decision makers in the arts community, business, government, and civil society organizations. The Foundation:
Encourages emerging talent by awarding scholarships to the most talented doctoral students in Canada and abroad;
Entrusts fellows and mentors distinguished for their knowledge and wisdom with the mission to build an intellectual community to support the work of the scholars; and
Creates and maintains an international network of fellows, scholars, and mentors

If you wish to subscribe to the newsletter, you can.

6. Power Corp & Its Tentacles

The Desmarais family and Power Corporation of Canada are undoubtedly connected to many powerful politicians in Canada. Here, just to name a few:

  • Pierre Trudeau
  • Brian Mulroney
  • Jean Chretien
  • Paul Martin
  • Justin Trudeau
  • Maxime Bernier
  • Peter MacKay
  • Roy Romanow
  • Gary Doer
  • Bob Rae/John Rae
  • Jean Charest
  • Denis Coderre
  • Pauline Marois
  • Megan Leslie

To name a few companies they influence:

  • Bombardier
  • Weston-Loblaws
  • Montreal Economic Institute
  • Canada Steamship lines
  • Air Canada
  • Int’l Institute for Sustainable Development
  • Trudeau Foundation

It really is an illusion, that Canadians have choice in their politics. Across the spectrum, all parties seem to connected to the same people.

Some questions that need to be asked:

(a) Would Bombardier be getting bailouts if not for Chairman Pierre Beaudoin also being on Power Corp’s Board of directors?

(b) Would Weston-Loblaws have gotten their $12 million bailout if not for Vice-Chairman Anthony Graham also being on Power Corp’s B.O.D?

(c) Would Air Canada have gotten bailouts if not for having former Premiers as Directors?

Corruption all around.

Race & Crime Rates: What Liberals Won’t Admit (Gladue 2.0?)

1. Important Links

CLICK HERE, for the case R. v. Morris, [2018] O.J. No. 4631.
CLICK HERE, for the Canadian Criminal Code, robbery section.
CLICK HERE, for the Canadian Criminal Code, firearms section.
CLICK HERE, for a National Post article covering a case where an Ontario criminal court judge wants to expand “Gladue” to include blacks.
CLICK HERE, for a similar article.
CLICK HERE, for a University of Toronto research paper on race, crime and incarceration.

CLICK HERE, for FBI Uniform Crime Reporting, Table 21
CLICK HERE, for UK demographic crime data.

Background From Gladue
R. v. Gladue, 1997 CanLII 3015 (BC CA)
R. v. Gladue, [1999] 1 SCR 688, 1999 CanLII 679 (SCC)
R. v. Ipeelee, [2012] 1 SCR 433, 2012 SCC 13 (CanLII)

CLICK HERE, for race-based discounts in criminal court.
CLICK HERE, for child-killer Terri McClintic going to a “healing lodge”.
CLICK HERE, for incarceration rates among Aboriginals.

2. Quotes From Ruling

In a way this is not surprising at all. The 1997/1999 Gladue rulings created essentially a “discount” for Aboriginal offenders specifically on the basis of “historical oppression”.

Now, there is a case that is pending before the Ontario Court of Appeals, which could see the same provisions apply to blacks as well. This is a (potential) expansion of a horrible idea: race-based-discounts in the criminal justice system.

People should be outraged by this. Your crime, seriousness, and past (if any) criminal record should impact your sentence. Not your race, ethnicity, or skin colour. It is the anti-thesis of equality under the law.

[2] A jury found you guilty of a number of offences. I convicted you of possession of an unauthorized firearm, possession of a prohibited firearm with ammunition, and carrying a concealed weapon. The jury acquitted you of assaulting a peace officer with intent to resist arrest.
[3] The basic facts of your crime are straightforward. On December 13, 2014, the police received a call about a home invasion in Scarborough. As the police officers sent to investigate drove to the scene, they came upon four Black males walking in the parking lot. The officers were in plainclothes and drove unmarked police cars. One officer stopped the young men. You were one of them. You ran. As you ran, D.C. Moorcroft, who was not the officer who stopped you but was also driving into the lot, accelerated to stop you.

Police were responding to a home invasion. When they arrived, there just happened to be 4 black men in the area, and the defendant took off.

Of course, it is just a coincidence that he had a gun on him. Now it is apparently a charter violation that a police car was used to stop him.

[6] I must now sentence you for your offences. Let me go over what the Crown and your defence lawyers said should be the sentence. These positions were pretty far apart. The Crown asked for 4 to 4.5 years in jail. Your lawyers argued that the sentence should be 1 year before credit was given for the Charter breaches.

There is something here we are not being told. The Crown (supposedly) wants 4 to 4.5 years for gun possession for a first time offender? What else went on that is not included?

[9] Let me briefly explain to you what I did in Jackson. I began my judgment in that case by saying sentencing is a very individual process. The criminal law has recognized that there are cases where, in order to determine a fit and proportionate sentence, consideration must be given to an individual’s systemic and social circumstances. These circumstances may extend beyond a person who is being sentenced to include factors such a systemic discrimination and historical injustice. This has been recognized by the criminal courts, particularly in the case of Indigenous offenders. While the distinct history of colonial violence endured by Indigenous peoples cannot simply be analogized to Black Canadians, I found that the ability to consider social context in a sentencing decision is extended to all under section 718.2(e) of the Criminal Code. This allowed me to consider the unique social history of Black Canadians in sentencing Mr. Jackson. Mr. Jackson was a Black male offender not too much older than you, who pleaded guilty to a charge of possession of a prohibited gun. His lawyers presented a great deal of evidence to me on systemic anti-Black racism and its role in Mr. Jackson’s life. I took note of this evidence. I also took judicial notice, independently of these materials, of the history of colonialism, slavery, policies and practices of segregation, intergenerational trauma, and both overt and systemic racism that continue to affect Black Canadians today. With an understanding of these social factors I was able to better appreciate the circumstances that led Mr. Jackson to come before me. I sentenced him accordingly.

Gladue was horrible for exactly this reason. Instead of holding people accountable to as similar a standard as possible, some get to play the “oppression card” and get much lighter sentences. It stands the idea of equality before the law completely on its head.

The ruling would then go on to quote some social worker at length about the struggles that blacks face, and how its circumstances must be considered.

[66] Giving your acts a contextual analysis in light of the wealth of evidence provided to me on this sentencing, I do not find this to be a weighty aggravating factor in your case. I appreciate that accused people should not flee from police. Especially carrying a loaded firearm. But it is understandable to me that you ran. It was not a coldly calculated act to escape but one based upon emotion and a state of mind that has been shaped both generally and specifically by the historical racism suffered by Blacks and by you. In other words, not every flight from the police should be treated the same. Here there is a connection in the evidence between your act of flight and the systemic factors. I find it would be wrong to punish you more severely for this. When I view how anti-Black racism and historical injustices have contributed to your actions, the needs of general deterrence and denunciation normally raised by this act of flight is tempered. Given that the choice you made to do so was affected by these factors, the moral blameworthiness of your actions is also lessened.
[67] In addition, in assessing the seriousness of the offences, when I look at potential aggravating factors that often exist in the case law, here, there is no evidence that your possession of the gun is connected with other crimes such as crimes of violence or drug trafficking.
[68] There are also some very traditional mitigating factors. You are a first offender. You were young when you committed these crimes. You were 22 years old. You have supportive family and friends. There is a side of you that speaks well to your rehabilitation. I have mentioned them before. Your warmth, kindness, and respectfulness.

Being a young, first time offender is a legitimate reason to cut someone a break. No argument on that point.

But that is where the agreement ends. All this nonsense about historical racism and systemic factors (repeated throughout the ruling), was nauseating to read.

[81] Sentencing must always be an individual process. In these cases judges gave sentences of 1 year, 15 months, 18 months, just under 2 years. Some of these sentences were permitted to be served in the community rather than in jail. The cases are: R. v. Ishmael, 2014 ONCJ 136; R. v. Garton, 2018 ONSC 544; R. v. Rutledge, 2015 ONSC 6625; R. v. Shunmuganathan, 2016 ONCJ 519;
R. v. Nuttley, 2013 ONCJ 727;
R. v. Kelsy, [2008] O.J. No. 3879;
R. v. Cadienhead, [2015] O.J. No. 3125;
R. v. Williams, [2011] O.J. No. 3352 (S.C.J.);
R. v. Brown, [2006] O.J. No. 4681 (S.C.J.);
R. v. Carranza, [2004] O.J. No. 6041 (S.C.J.)

Fair enough. The Judge was looking for a little consistency.

[82]82 Now I want to talk about that elephant in the room. I know you are in custody on other charges. What those charges are were not explained to me by either the Crown or your lawyers. However, I do know from some of the materials filed what the charges are said to be. Of course, there is a charge of breaching your bail. There are also some other offences. But they are not gun offences. Your surety surrendered your bail so you are in custody on the charges I am sentencing you for. To someone hearing this, I am sure they will say you have not behaved well while on bail. They may be right. But you are presumed innocent of these alleged new offences. I am sentencing you as a first offender. Someone without a criminal record. The new charges do not change that. The presumption of innocence is the foundation of our criminal justice system. While it may be hard for many to understand, I cannot let that foundation be eroded or chipped away by taking into account the new charges.

So, “first-timer” comes with a few caveats: Morris breached his bail, and is facing additional charges. However, the Judge has decided to ignore this in sentencing him as a first-timer.

It would be nice to know how exactly bail was breached, and what exactly the other charges are. But they are not mentioned.

[92] I also find that the anti-Black racism evidence presented on the sentencing is relevant in assessing the weight I should give this. Racism can operate very subtly. It can be there lurking in the background of people’s minds, unconsciously influencing their judgment and making them act in certain ways towards certain people.
[93] I want to be clear that I am not painting the police with the brush of overt racism in this case. I do not have the evidence to support that. But I am troubled. If I asked myself: If it was someone other than a young Black man running away from the police that night, would D.C. Moorcroft have driven in the aggressive way that he did? Would Mr. Morris and the car have collided? I am troubled because in all honesty, I cannot conclude it would have happened in the same way.

So, racism happens, but I have no evidence that there was any in this case. Therefore, I will still bring it up as a mitigating factor.

This Judge talks in circles about how there is all this systemic racism, and how it can be very subtle. Yet he notes that there is no proof that there was racism in this case. So what is the point then?

E. CONCLUSION
[97] After mitigation for the Charter violations, I have sentenced you to a jail sentence of 12 months. You have done a lot of dead time. The sentence will be based upon the credit you will receive for that dead time. I will credit you 1.5 to 1 for that pre-trial custody. The evidence shows that you received no real programming, had a difficult time in jail, and at times experienced physical discomfort in jail due to your medical conditions. You also did not receive consideration for parole or remission while in pre-trial custody. I find it right to give this enhanced credit. Therefore, 243 days of pre-trial custody will be used up. You will be sentenced to a further 1 day in jail on each charge concurrently. I also made a DNA order, s. 109 weapons prohibition, and the forfeiture order.

So not even a year. Just 8 months.

3. University of Toronto Article On Race & Crime

Although not specific to this case, this article by Akwasi Owusu-Bempah is an interesting read. If nothing else, it shows the extent that this academic will go to avoid the obvious conclusion:

SOME GROUPS JUST COMMIT MORE CRIME

Yes, that’s it. Groups are not equal when it comes to committing crime. That is the hard truth that lawyers, judges, politicians, academics and social workers refuse to address.

On the topic of “disparity”, it’s worth noting that males make up over 90% of prison inmates. However, there is no push claiming discrimination against them. Oh, the double standards.

Instead, he will talk in circles. Owusu-Bempah will blame mistrust, victimization in black and Aboriginal neighbourhoods, racial bias (without proving it), and Court discrimination (again, without proving it). Although the author touches the topic of crime rates, he avoids making any definitive statements. It’s like he is deliberately avoiding the obvious answer.

Abstract and Keywords
Canada effectively bans systematic collection and dissemination of racially disaggregated criminal justice statistics. A significant proportion of Canada’s racial minority populations perceive bias in the criminal justice system, especially on the part of police. Aboriginal and black Canadians are grossly overrepresented in Canada’s correctional institutions. Some evidence suggests that both Aboriginal and black populations are overrepresented with respect to violent offending and victimization. Social conditions in which Aboriginal and black Canadians live are at least partially to blame for their possibly elevated rates of violent offending. Evidence indicates that racial bias exists in the administration of Canadian criminal justice. At times, this discrimination has been supported by court decisions. Discrimination and disparity are at times acknowledged by government, but they are seldom wholeheartedly addressed. There is a lack of political will to address issues of racial minority overrepresentation in relation to manifestations of racial discrimination or to the societal conditions that lead to criminal offending.

Oh, the mental gymnastics of the author are blatant:

  • Minorities “perceive” bias against them
  • There is overrepresentation
  • Bias in administration
  • Government acknowledges disparity
  • No political will to address overrepresentation
  • Societal conditions lead to offending

However:

  • The author mentions overrepresentation regarding offending, but immediately lumps it in with “victimization”, as if to muddy the waters
  • Lack of available objective data, yet we are able to make conclusions based on much more subjective things, such as perceived bias
  • Right, not elevated rates, but “possibly” elevated rates

Connections among race, crime, and criminal justice are often portrayed in Canadian media images and are captured in the popular imagination. Yet, in comparison to the United States and Great Britain, these phenomena receive relatively little attention from Canadian academics and policy makers. A lack of readily available criminal justice data disaggregated by race makes it particularly difficult for researchers to examine the nature of these racial differences. Thus, we are unable to determine the extent to which higher rates of offending among certain racial groups and discrimination in the administration of criminal justice contribute to the apparent overrepresentation

There’s a lack of data, but this author will still make claims about bias and discrimination, without actually proving it. He will also tap-dance around the obvious: If a group commits crime at a much higher rate, doesn’t that justify higher incarceration rates?

Nonetheless, available evidence indicates that a significant proportion of Canada’s racial minority populations and a sizable proportion of the white population perceive bias in the criminal justice system. These public perceptions are supported by data that show that certain racial minority groups, particularly Aboriginal and black Canadians, are grossly overrepresented in Canada’s correctional institutions. Further evidence indicates that racial bias does exist in the administration of Canadian criminal justice, and, at times, this discrimination has been supported by court decisions. We cannot discount, however, the probability that increased rates of offending among certain racialized groups contributes to their overrepresentation in correctional statistics. As we show in this essay, research suggests that Aboriginal and black Canadians are overrepresented with respect to violent offending and victimization. The Canadian federal government itself has pointed out that the social conditions in which Aboriginals live is at least partially to blame for their rates of violent offending (Department of Justice 2009). We have previously made the same connection with respect to black Canadians (Wortley and Owusu-Bempah2011a).

Owusu-Bempah contradicts himself here. He claims there is “perceived” bias from many people. Not “actual” bias, but perceived bias. He then goes on to say that there is overrepresentation among certain groups.

He then offers a perfectly reasonable explanation for the higher incarceration rate: increased offending.

Just a thought. If a certain group commits crime at a higher rate, then it is not bias or discrimination that there would be more of them involved with the courts.

Unfortunately, there is an apparent lack of political will to address issues of racial minority overrepresentation in the Canadian criminal justice system. Ambivalence to address these issues relates both to the manifestations of racial discrimination in the system, as well as to the societal conditions that lead to criminal offending. Discrimination and disparity may be at times acknowledged, but they are seldom wholeheartedly addressed. When addressed, the means are seldom thoroughly evaluated for effectiveness, and, when evaluated, the results are rarely made public.

Difficult to believe, but this is just the next paragraph. Owusu-Bempah claims there is no political will to address racial minority overrepresentation. Yet, he previously commented that there was a higher rate of offending.

This seems like a solution in search of a problem.

Many have argued that relatively high rates of homicide and gun crime among African Canadians and Aboriginals in Canada are reflective of their overrepresentation in street gangs. Unfortunately, official police statistics on Canadian gangs are almost nonexistent

Yeah, good job.

Canada’s reluctance to acknowledge and document race is most evident in the operation of its criminal justice system and in its criminal justice policies. Unlike in the United States and the United Kingdom, where race-based criminal justice statistics are readily available to the public and researchers alike, the Canadian criminal justice system does not systematically collect or publish statistics on the race of individuals processed through the system. The debate over the collection of racial data from the criminal justice sector in Canada can be traced back as far as 1929 (Roberts 1992). Discussions about the collection, or more accurately, the public release of these data have emerged more recently in the context of broader debates about race, crime, and the administration of criminal justice—particularly related to the circumstances of Aboriginal and black Canadians (Hatt 1994; Johnston 1994; Gabor 1994; Roberts 1994; Wortley 1999; Owusu-Bempah and Millar 2010). On the one hand, allegations of racial discrimination have been leveled against the justice system to explain the overrepresentation of certain racial minority groups in the few available sources of police and correctional data. On the other hand, it has been suggested that racial minorities are disproportionately involved in criminal activity, which accounts for their disproportionate involvement with the criminal justice system as reflected in the data. Unfortunately, our ability to test either of these claims is limited by the absence of available data, despite numerous calls for its collection. Several major attempts have been made in Canada to collect racial and ethnic data, particularly in the policing sector (Fine 1990; Wortley and Marshall 2005; Leclair InfoCom 2009); these attempts, however, have not paved the way for systematic data collection

The author addresses crime rates, but gives a wishy washy answer. There’s not enough data to tell one way or another whether it is: (a) discrimination; or (b) actual crime, that results in the disparities. Yet, feelings about perceived bias and virtue signalling bureaucrats apologizing are apparently good evidence.

There is an interesting point to be taken from this: if there was concrete data on race and crime rates, then the debate could be put to bed once and for all.

The article keeps repeating the same idea and muddying the waters: we don’t have data, so we can’t be sure what causes discrepancies in the representation.

If the author wanted a reference point, why not check the data from the US and UK? After all, he knows it is there.

4. Crime Data From Britain

CLICK HERE, for UK demographic crime data.

There were 698,737 arrests in 2017/18, a fall of 8% on the previous year – both years’ figures exclude Lancashire Police (see ‘Things you need to know’)
-Black people were over 3 times as likely to be arrested as White people – there were 35 arrests for every 1,000 —Black people, and 11 arrests for every 1,000 White people
-overall, men were over 5 times as likely to be arrested as women – there were 22 arrests for every 1,000 men, and -4 arrests for every 1,000 women
-Black women were more than twice as likely to be arrested as White women – there were 7 arrests for every 1,000 —Black women, and 3 arrests for every 1,000 White women

And a few pages later,

there were 698,737 arrests in England and Wales in 2017/18 (excluding the Lancashire police force area), at a rate of 13 arrests per 1,000 people
there were 62,501 fewer arrests in 2017/18 compared with the previous year, a fall of 8% (excluding Lancashire Police from both years)
Black people were over 3 times as likely to be arrested as White people – there were 35 arrests for every 1,000 Black people, and 11 arrests for every 1,000 White people
people with Mixed ethnicity were over twice as likely to be arrested as White people – there were 25 arrests for every 1,000 people with Mixed ethnicity, and 11 arrests for every 1,000 White people

So the UK Government is willing to be quite open and blunt about the disparities in race and offending. And what about the US.

5. Crime Data From US FBI

CLICK HERE, for FBI Uniform Crime Reporting, Table 21. This is compiled from 2016, though the stats over the years don’t change much.

Looking at Table 21C (people aged 18 or over)
Worth noting the US black population is about 13% commits:

  • 52% of homicides
  • 28% of rapes
  • 51% of robberies
  • 32% of aggravated assault
  • 36% of violent crime
  • 41% of weapons carrying
  • 30% buying stolen property

…. and so on.

Are blacks greatly overrepresented in US prisons? Absolutely. And for a very good reason — disproportionate amount of violent and serious crime.

Are US sentences in general too harsh? A fair point, but a topic for another day. This post concerns treating people equally.

6. Gladue 2.0 Addresses Wrong Problem

With this proposed change, the scope of Gladue will be broadened. This means that it will not be restricted to Aboriginals.

The claim is that this will reduce overrepresentation in the courts and prison system. Problem is: it focuses on making prisons look like a random sample of society, rather than a reflection of who is actually committing the most serious crime.

It’s what liberals do not want to acknowledge:

SOME GROUPS JUST COMMIT MORE CRIME

It is not necessarily due to “oppression” or “systemic bias”, or any other such nonsense. It is caused by these groups, on average, behaving differently. While it is obviously desirable for society to reduce crime and their prison populations, this is a backwards approach.

Should the Ontario Court of Appeals (and possibly the Supreme Court of Canada) confirm this nonsense, racial equality dies. Your skin colour will determine your punishment, not your crime. Though arguably that was the case with Gladue.

Keep in mind, it is the Supreme Court of Canada that upheld Gladue in the first place (appealed from BC). There is nothing to indicated they wouldn’t extend their ruling to this.

Desmarais, Power Corp, Canada’s Globalist Politicians, Bombardier & Loblaws

(Video by Q Point Assembly on Desmarais & Maurice Strong)

(Rebel Media covers the Demarais connections, including former Ontario Premier Bob Rae’s brother, John, who is employed by PowerCorp).

(Rebel media on Demarais Family connections to Canadian politicians)

(PowerCorp and John Rae, brother of Bob Rae)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2cNS1udvPhg

(Paul Desmarais Sr. and Brian Mulroney)

(Pierre Beaudoin, Bombardier Chairman, sits on Power Corp BOD)

(Anthony Graham, is Vice-Chairman of Whittingham Investments Ltd, which happens to own the Weston-Loblaw Group. Graham also sits on Power Corp Board of Directors)

(Hélène Desmarais, Chair-Woman of Montreal Economic Institute)

1. Important Links

CLICK HERE, for Globe & Mail article on the Desmarais family, 2004.
CLICK HERE, to search Elections Canada donors.

CLICK HERE, for the Trilateral Commission.
CLICK HERE, for Abeldanger blog, citing Desmarais tentacles in Canadian politics.
CLICK HERE, for memorial on Paul Desmarais Sr.
CLICK HERE, for Andre Desmarais, Jean Chretien’s son-in-law.
CLICK HERE, for Canada Steamship lines.
CLICK HERE, for a biography on Paul Martin.
CLICK HERE, for the oil-for-food-scandal
CLICK HERE, for a Maclean’s article on Desmarais from 2006
CLICK HERE, for a Financial Post article on the politicians who attended Paul Desmarais Sr.’s funeral.
CLICK HERE, for Gary Doer, former Manitoba Premier (NDP), who sits on PowerCorps Board of Directors

CLICK HERE, for Pierre Beaudoin, Bombardier Chairman, who also sits on PowerCorp’s Board of Directors.
CLICK HERE, for Bombardier bailout, and Pierre Beaudoin’s bonuses.
CLICK HERE, for Andrew Coyne estimates Bombardier received $3.7B.
CLICK HERE, for Fraser Institute claims Bombardier has been bailed out 48 times by Industry Canada, going back to 1966.

CLICK HERE, for Loblaws receiving $12M bailout from taxpayers to buy energy-efficient fridges.
CLICK HERE, for an article on fridge subsidies and vote buying.

CLICK HERE, for biography on Paul Desmarais Jr., son of the legend.
CLICK HERE, for Hélène Desmarais, wife of Paul Jr.
CLICK HERE, for Maxime Bernier’s profile.
CLICK HERE, for the Montreal Economic Institute.

2. Desmarais And Trilateral Commission

Linda Koch Lorimer and Andre Desmarais both sit on the Trilateral Commission, which promotes global trade in:
(a) The Americas
(b) Europe
(c) Asia-Pacific Rim

Among the other members on the Trilateral Commission:

  • Rona Ambrose – MP, former Conservative Party leader
  • Jean Charest – former Quebec Premier
  • Raymond Chretien – nephew of Ex-PM Jean Chretien
  • Gary Doer – former Manitoba Premier
  • Bill Graham – former Foreign Affairs Minister
  • Peter Harder – member of Senate
  • Colin Kenney – member of Senate
  • Stephanie Kusie – Member of Parliament
  • Hélène Laverdière – Member of Parliament
  • Andrew Leslie – Member of Parliament
  • John Manley – former Deputy PM
  • Carole Taylor – former BC Minister of Finance
  • Yuen Pau Woo – Member of Parliament

Note: Scott Brison is a former member.

3. Power Corp’s Board Of Directors

Seethis link to verify.

  • Pierre Beaudoin, Bombardier Chairman
  • Marcel R. Coutu, Syncrude President
  • André Desmarais, son-in-law of ex-PM Chretien
  • Paul Desmarais, Jr., André’s brother
  • Gary A. Doer, ex-Manitoba Premier
  • Anthony R. Graham, director of Wittington Investments, Ltd. principal holding company of the Weston-Loblaw Group.
  • J. David A. Jackson, Great-West Life
  • Isabelle Marcoux, Board of Transcontinental Inc.
  • Christian Noyer, General Council of European Bank, Governor Banque du France
  • R. Jeffrey Orr, BMO, Life Insurance Companies
  • T. Timothy Ryan, Jr., JP Morgan & Chase
  • Emőke J.E. Szathmáry, the International Institute for Sustainable Development, the Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation, the Prime Minister’s Advisory Committee on Science and Technology,

4. Power Corp & Bombardier Bailouts

Remember: Pierre Beaudoin, Bombardier Chairman, sits on Power Corp Board of Directors.

Fun Facts

  • $1B in 2016.
  • $372M in February 2017. (See source.)
  • Regarding the 2017 Bailout, read this:

    Total compensation for the Montreal-based manufacturer’s top five executives and board chairman Pierre Beaudoin was US$32.6 million in 2016, up from US$21.9 million the year before, according to a proxy circular ahead of Bombardier’s annual meeting on May 11.
    .
    CEO Alain Bellemare received US$9.5 million, up from US$6.4 million in 2015, including US$5.2 million in share and option-based awards and a US$1 million salary. His annual bonus almost doubled to US$2.36 million.
    .
    Beaudoin’s total compensation increased to US$5.25 million from US$3.85 million a year earlier.

    That’s right, Bombardier gets bailed out by taxpayers. And Pierre Beaudoin, Bombardier’s Chairman, is also on the Board of Directors for Power Corp, with all its ties to politicians. No corruption here.

    From the Fraser Institute:

    Bombardier Inc., which recently announced it would lay off 1,700 people, has been one chronic seeker and a regular recipient of such taxpayer assistance. The Montreal-based aerospace company is thus a useful example of corporate welfare in action, the tax dollars at stake, and the regular, inflated claims about the beneficial effects of such subsidies.
    Bombardier’s corporate welfare began, at least federally, in 1966 when it received its first disbursement of $35 million from the federal department, Industry Canada. In the decades since, various Bombardier iterations received over $1.1 billion (all figures adjusted for inflation) in 48 separate disbursements from just Industry Canada. That includes two 2009 cheques worth $233 million.

    Let’s connect the dots:

    1. The Desmarais family owns Power Corp.
    2. Andre Desmarais is on the Board of Directors.
    3. Andre Desmarais is son-in-law of ex-PM Jean Chretien.
    4. “Many” Canadian politicians connected to Power Corp.
    5. Pierre Beaudoin is also on Power Corp B.O.D.
    6. Pierre Beaudoin doubles as Bombardier Chairman.
    7. Pierre Beaudoin in in position to have Canadian Government bail out Bombardier whenever needed. He also increases his own bonuses.
    8. Bombardier is repeatedly bailed out.
    9. Beaudoin is able to cash in from these bailouts.

    5. Power Corp & Loblaws Bailout

    Remember: Anthony Graham is Vice-Chairman of Whittington Investments, which owns Loblaws. He also is on Power Corp’s Board of Directors.

    This one is straightforward to connect.

    1. The Desmarais family owns Power Corp.
    2. Andre Desmarais is on the Board of Directors.
    3. Andre Desmarais is son-in-law of ex-PM Jean Chretien.
    4. “Many” Canadian politicians connected to Power Corp.
    5. Anthony Graham is also on Power Corp B.O.D.
    6. Anthony Graham doubles as Vice-Chairman of Whittington Investments, which owns Loblaws.
    7. Anthony Graham is in position to have Canadian Government bail out Loblaws.
    8. Unclear how much Graham’s bonus will be.

    6. Desmarais And Brian Mulroney

    Mulroney said he felt confident that Desmarais died knowing he had led a productive life and made a remarkable contribution to his country.
    “He was a close and intimate friend of mine for 48 years,” Mulroney said. “I feel very sad, but I feel very happy for a life really well lived. Paul’s life was unconventional because it really was a love story: for his wife, his kids and his country. So, he’s happy. He knows he had a good life and a productive life.”

    From the (CBC article), Paul Desmarais Sr. and Brian Mulroney have been close friends for decades.

    7. Desmarais And Jean Chretien

    André Desmarais is currently Deputy Chairman, President and Co-Chief Executive Officer of the company his father took control of in 1968, Power Corporation, based in Montreal, Quebec, Canada. He is also Executive Co-Chairman of Power Financial. Power Corporation is a diversified international management and holding company, which has holdings in leading financial services, renewable energy, communications and other business sectors.
    .
    He married France Chrétien Desmarais, the daughter of former Prime Minister of Canada Jean Chrétien, on May 23, 1981. They have four children.
    .
    In August 2016, The Wall Street Journal mentions that André Desmarais and his brother Paul Jr. “are readying their 34-year-old sons (Olivier Desmarais and Paul Desmarais III) to take over Power Corp

    Jean Chretien is connected to Desmarais by way of marriage. His daughter, France, married Andre Desmarais, son of Paul Desmarais Sr. They have 4 children together.

    8. Desmarais And Paul Martin

    Martin began his career as a special assistant to Paul Desmarais, a friend of his father’s and a man often referred to as Canada’s wealthiest citizen. Desmarais was the force behind the creation of the Power Corporation, an immense conglomerate with stakes in the pulp and paper industry, the media, public transport, and insurance services. By 1969 Martin had risen to a vice presidency at the Montreal–based giant, and four years later Desmarais put him in charge of one of its subsidiaries, Canada Steamship Lines Ltd. (CSL). Martin worked to improve the flagging finances of the shipping company, and in 1981 he and a business partner bought CSL for $116 million. They had to borrow the funds for the purchase, and interest rates were above 20 percent at the time. On the day that Martin signed the loan papers, a well–known Wall Street analyst predicted that rates might rise as high as 30 percent. “I gambled everything that interest rates had reached their peak,” Martin recalled in an interview with Anthony Wilson–Smith in Maclean’s. “If they had continued to rise, I was cooked.”

    Paul Martin was an employee of the Desmarais family for many years in Canada Steamship Lines (CSL). Martin eventually bought out the company.

    9. Desmarais’ Influence At His Death

    MONTREAL — Tributes poured in for the late Paul Desmarais on Tuesday in a commemorative ceremony that featured a veritable who’s who of politicians and businessmen past and present.
    Four Canadian prime ministers, a former French president and five Quebec premiers were among those who attended the tribute to the late business tycoon at the Notre-Dame Basilica.
    Prime Minister Stephen Harper remembered Desmarais as a humble and generous man who was passionate about Canada.

    From the Financial Post article:
    Tuesday’s crowd also included Quebec Premier Pauline Marois and predecessors Daniel Johnson, Lucien Bouchard, Bernard Landry and Jean Charest.
    .
    Also present were ex-media mogul Conrad Black, former Bombardier president Laurent Beaudoin, ex-Bloc Quebecois leader Gilles Duceppe, former federal Liberal leader Bob Rae and his successor, Justin Trudeau.
    The Ontario-born businessman remained a staunch Canadian federalist after he moved to Quebec, where he became one of the country’s wealthiest and most powerful figures.

    Desmarais had incredible influence in both Federal and Provincial politics. Several Premiers and Prime Ministers all had direct connections to him. He even had ties to politicians in France.

    10. Desmarais and Montreal Economic Institute

    An interesting bit of information worth mentioning. There is yet another connection to Desmarais.

    Paul Desmarais Sr. had 2 sons: Andre and Paul Jr. Andre married France Chretien, daughter of former Prime Minister Jean Chretien. Paul Jr. is married too. His wife, Hélène Desmarais, is the Chair-Woman at the Montreal Economic Institute, a think-tank promoting liberalized economic policies.

    MEI had a new Executive Vice-President in 2005. His name: Maxime Bernier.

    In 2006, Bernier left to get into politics. He is now a 4 term MP, and 3 time Cabinet Minister. He now heads his own “populist” party, promoting MEI style economic liberalism.

    Mr. Bernier has a long-standing interest in business and during his career worked for several financial and banking institutions before becoming Executive Vice-President of the Montreal Economic Institute in 2005.

    11. Desmarais, Power Corp, Bombardier & Loblaws

    Although this article could have been much, MUCH longer, it will stop here. Hopefully, there will be a followup. This doesn’t come close to covering everything.

    But to summarize, many of Canada’s most powerful politicians are directly connected to the Desmarais family, and to Power Corporation. It is hard to overstate the influence the family has had in Canadian politics. These politicians, while from different parties, all cooperate in the same corporate, globalist agenda.

    And while difficult to prove, it looks almost certain that corruption played a role in Canadian taxpayers having to bailout 2 companies: Bombardier and Loblaws.

    China’s Organ Harvesting Of Live People

    1. Other Articles on Abortion/Infanticide

    CLICK HERE, for #1: universities fighting against pro-life groups.
    CLICK HERE, for #2: citing abortion stats now considered violence.
    CLICK HERE, for #3: up to birth abortion now legal in VA/NY.
    CLICK HERE, for #4: letting babies who survive abortion die.
    CLICK HERE, for #5: UN supports abortion rights, even for kids.
    CLICK HERE, for #6: fallout and some pushback on abortion.
    CLICK HERE, for #7: ONCA rules docs must provide service or referral.
    CLICK HERE, for #8: hypocrisy in summer jobs grant, purity tests.
    CLICK HERE, for #9: partial funding lost for planned parenthood.

    CLICK HERE, for trafficking, smuggling, child exploitation series.

    2. Important Links


    (1) https://chinatribunal.com/
    (2) https://chinatribunal.com/about-etac/
    (3) https://chinatribunal.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/Short-Form-Conclusion-China-Tribunal.pdf
    (4) Short-Form-Conclusion-China-Tribunal (1)
    (5) https://www.firstthings.com/blogs/firstthoughts/2011/08/vp-biden-okay-with-china-tyrannical-one-child-policy
    (6) https://www.nationalreview.com/human-exceptionalism/china-stil-killing-and-harvesting-falun-gong-wesley-j-smith/
    (7) https://www.lifenews.com/2019/06/20/china-is-harvesting-organs-of-political-prisoners-sometimes-while-theyre-still-alive/
    (8) http://www.nbcnews.com/id/46849651/ns/world_news-asia_pacific/t/china-phase-out-prisoner-organ-donation/#.XQjdq_lKi9I
    (9) https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/china-forcefully-harvests-organs-detainees-tribunal-concludes-n1018646

    3. China Tribunal’s Findings


    From the December 2018 interim report:

    “The Tribunal’s members are certain – unanimously, and sure beyond reasonable doubt – that in China forced organ harvesting from prisoners of conscience has been practiced for a substantial period of time involving a very substantial number of victims.”

    That was part of the interim report. But now the final report goes on even further:

    The Tribunal has considered evidence, in its many forms, and dealt with individual issues according to the evidence relating to each issue and nothing else and thereby reached a series of conclusions that are free of any influence caused by the PRC’s reputation or other potential causes of prejudice.
    These were as follows;
    • That there were extraordinarily short waiting times (promised by PRC doctors and hospitals) for organs to be available for transplantation;
    • That there was torture of Falun Gong and Uyghurs;
    • That there was accumulated numerical evidence (excluding spurious PRC data) which indicated:
    o the number of transplant operations performed, and
    o the impossibility of there being anything like sufficient ‘eligible donors’ under the recently formed PRC voluntary donor scheme for that number of transplant operations;
    • That there was a massive infrastructure development of facilities and medical personnel for organ transplant operations, often started before any voluntary donor system was even planned; That there was direct and indirect evidence of forced organ harvesting.

    And this led to the conclusion that:

    forced organ harvesting has been committed for years throughout China on a significant scale and that Falun Gong practitioners have been one – and probably the main – source of organ supply. The concerted persecution and medical testing of the Uyghurs is more recent and it may be that evidence of forced organ harvesting of this group may emerge in due course. The Tribunal has had no evidence that the significant infrastructure associated with China’s transplantation industry has been dismantled and absent a satisfactory explanation as to the source of readily available organs concludes that forced organ harvesting continues till today.

    However, on the topic of “genocide” China Tribunal pussyfoots around the issue and says they cannot conclude there is intent for genocide. This despite stating that the actions met the other elements.

    The Tribunal considered whether this constituted a crime of Genocide; The Falun Gong and the Uyghurs in the PRC each qualify as a ‘group’ for purposes of the crime of Genocide. For the Falun Gong, the following elements of the crime of Genocide are clearly established:
    • Killing members of the group;
    • Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group.
    Thus, bar one element of the crime, Genocide is, on the basis of legal advice received, clearly proved to the satisfaction of the Tribunal. The remaining element required to prove the crime is the very specific intent for Genocide. Accepting legal advice about proving this intent, the Tribunal cannot be certain that the requisite intent is proved and thus cannot be certain that Genocide itself is proved.

    That’s right. Due to legal advice, China Tribunal cannot actually conclude there is intent to commit genocide, despite the prolonged actions that would justify the claims.

    China Tribunal then “appears” to condemn what happens to Falun Gong and the Uyghurs, but waters down the language to “criminality”, despite the included detail. The tribunal claims the “elements have been met for crimes against humanity”.

    Commission of Crimes Against Humanity against the Falun Gong and Uyghurs has been proved beyond reasonable doubt by proof of one or more of the following, legally required component acts:
    • murder;
    • extermination;
    • imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty in violation of fundamental rules of international law;
    • torture;
    • rape or any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity;
    • persecution on racial, national, ethnic, cultural or religious grounds that are universally recognised as impermissible under international law ;
    • enforced disappearance
    in the course of a widespread and systematic attack or attacks against the Falun Gong and Uyghurs.

    This seems to be splitting hairs. It meets the criteria for crimes against humanity. Yet China Tribunal, on advice from their lawyers, refuse to state there is intent to qualify as “genocide”.

    The report ends with a very interesting comment about the power of media and citizen journalists.

    Governments and international bodies must do their duty not only in regard to the possible charge of Genocide but also in regard to Crimes against Humanity, which the Tribunal does not allow to be any less heinous. Assuming they do not do their duty, the usually powerless citizen is, in the internet age, more powerful than s/he may recognise. Criminality of this order may allow individuals from around the world to act jointly in pressurising governments so that those governments and other international bodies are unable not to act.

    The China Tribunal has no power to actually do anything. However, it seems to believe that by spreading word online it can put pressure on governments to act.

    4. Firstthings.com Article


    Firstthings.com quotes former VP Joe Biden, on his take on China’s one-child policy.

    But as I was talking to some of your leaders, you share a similar concern here in China. You have no safety net. Your policy has been one which I fully understand — I’m not second-guessing — of one child per family. The result being that you’re in a position where one wage earner will be taking care of four retired people. Not sustainable. So hopefully we can act in a way on a problem that’s much less severe than yours, and maybe we can learn together from how we can do that.

    In order to maintain the 1-child policy, China has had to result to extreme and inhuman measures:

    • forced abortion
    • sex-selective abortions against girls
    • sterilizations
    • eugenics

    Biden seemed critical that the declining birth rate would be able to sustain the retired population. However he seemed to have no concern over the mass aborting and sterilizations that went on.

    5. NBC Coverage Of Issue


    American news outlet NBC reported here, and also reported that:

    In 2014, state media reported that China would phase out the practice of taking organs from executed prisoners and said it would rely instead on a national organ donation system.

    The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Tuesday was not immediately available to comment on the tribunal’s findings.

    In a statement released alongside the final judgment, the tribunal said many of those affected were practitioners of Falun Gong, a spiritual discipline that China banned in the 1990s and has called an “evil cult.” The tribunal added that it was possible that Uighur Muslims — an ethnic minority who are currently being detained in vast numbers in western China — were also being targeted.

    China had been promising for years to end this practice, but it doesn’t seem to have happened.

    6. Lifesite Take On The Situation

    Still, there has been too much reporting for too long about this profound human-rights abuse to ethically continue to look the other way. The question thus becomes: Will the U.S. specifically outlaw traveling to China for the purpose of buying an organ — just as we do participating in pedophilia tourism overseas? (Spain, Israel, Italy, and Taiwan have passed such laws already.) I can’t think of one argument against pursuing such a course.

    If we don’t at least do what we can, it seems to me that we make ourselves complicit in allowing the demand for black-market organs forcibly harvested from murdered prisoners to continue unimpeded — and the blood of the slaughtered victims will also be on us.

    (Lifesite article here) This echoes what China Tribunal has been saying: that political pressure is needed to put a stop to this practice.

    7. My Take On This Story


    If the allegations are true, and they seem to be, then this is abhorrent.

    At some level this is no different that what abortion industries like Planned Parenthood do: snuff out lives in order to obtain a commodity, their organs. If we subscribe to the idea that life is valuable, then this is little — though more heinous — than a common murder and robbery.

    While donation of organs (for after death), should be encouraged, this is an entirely different matter. This is premeditated mass murder in order to steal those parts. The practice is barbaric.

    Consider the flack Canada has taken over the Government’s genocide claims over Indigenous women and girls. Most of the deaths and disappearances (at least where it is known) were at the hands of Indigenous men they knew. That is apparently a “genocide”. Yet what is going on in China is not really worth the attention apparently.

    But good luck getting Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to openly condemn the practice.

    9th Circuit Pulls Federal Funds Planned Parenthood Uses For Baby Chop-Shop

    (David Daleiden Fined $195,000 Exposed PP Selling Aborted Baby Parts)


    (Interview With David Daleiden)

    1. Other Articles on Abortion/Infanticide

    CLICK HERE, for #1: universities fighting against pro-life groups.
    CLICK HERE, for #2: citing abortion stats now considered violence.
    CLICK HERE, for #3: up to birth abortion now legal in VA/NY.
    CLICK HERE, for #4: letting babies who survive abortion die.
    CLICK HERE, for #5: UN supports abortion rights, even for kids.
    CLICK HERE, for #6: fallout and some pushback on abortion.
    CLICK HERE, for #7: ONCA rules docs must provide service or referral.
    CLICK HERE, for #8: hypocrisy in summer jobs grant, purity tests.

    CLICK HERE, for trafficking, smuggling, child exploitation series.

    2. Important Links


    CLICK HERE, for the 9th Circuit ruling.

    CLICK HERE, for an article on Planned Parenthood. PP would stand to lose $50-$60 million a year from defunding.

    CLICK HERE, for PP suing Idaho over new reporting requirements.
    CLICK HERE, for Idaho’s House Bill 638.

    CLICK HERE, for a Politico article which covers ongoing cases
    CLICK HERE, for Planned Parenthood & Ohio.
    CLICK HERE, for Planned Parenthood challenging a ban on aborting fetuses with Down’s Syndrome.
    CLICK HERE, for Kentucky banning abortions based on race, sex or disability, which Planned Parenthood and ACLU plan to challenge.
    CLICK HERE, for Ohio Senate Bill 23 “Heartbeat Bill”. (Hearts beat 45 days into pregnancy).
    CLICK HERE, for Ohio Senate Bill 27, Medical Tissue Disposal Bill.
    CLICK HERE, for Planned Parenthood challenging Indiana law requiring the remains of aborted babies to be either cremated or buried.
    CLICK HERE, for an article on selling aborted baby parts.
    CLICK HERE, for David Daleiden fined $195,000.
    CLICK HERE, for Daleiden charged for illegal recordings.

    3. Quotes From Ruling

    BACKGROUND:
    In 1970, Congress enacted Title X of the Public Health Service Act (“Title X”) to create a limited grant program for certain types of pre-pregnancy family planning services. See Pub. L. No. 91-572, 84 Stat. 1504 (1970). Section 1008 of Title X, which has remained unchanged since its enactment, is titled “Prohibition of Abortion,” and provides: None of the funds appropriated under this subchapter shall be used in programs where abortion is a method of family planning.

    Pretty straightforward. Title X was never meant to be a means which to funnel money to fund abortions.

    In ruling on a stay motion, we are guided by four factors: “(1) whether the stay applicant has made a strong showing that he is likely to succeed on the merits; (2) whether the applicant will be irreparably injured absent a stay; (3) whether issuance of the stay will substantially injure the other parties interested in the proceeding; and (4) where the public interest lies.” Nken v. Holder, 556 U.S. 418, 434 (2009) (internal quotation marks omitted). Although review of a district court’s grant of a preliminary injunction is for abuse of discretion, Southwest Voter Registration Education Project v. Shelley, 344 F.3d 914, 918 (9th Cir. 2003), “[a] district court by definition abuses its discretion when it makes an error of law,” Koon v. United States, 518 U.S. 81, 100 (1996).

    This is the 4 part test to decide on a motion to stay a ruling. Is the applicant likely to succeed? Is there public interest? What harm will come to the parties?

    As a threshold matter, we note that the Final Rule is a reasonable interpretation of § 1008. Congress enacted § 1008 to ensure that “[n]one of the funds appropriated under this subchapter shall be used in programs where abortion is a method of family planning.” 42 U.S.C. § 300a-6. If a program promotes, encourages, or advocates abortion as a method of family planning, or if the program refers patients to abortion providers for family planning purposes, then that program is logically one “where abortion is a method of family planning.” Accordingly, the Final Rule’s prohibitions on advocating, encouraging, or promoting abortion, as well as on referring patients for abortions, are reasonable and in accord with § 1008. Indeed, the Supreme Court has held that § 1008 “plainly allows” such a construction of the statute. Rust, 500 U.S. at 184 (upholding as a reasonable interpretation of § 1008 regulations that (1) prohibited abortion referrals and counseling, (2) required referrals for prenatal care, (3) placed restrictions on referral lists, (4) prohibited promoting, encouraging, or advocating abortion, and (5) mandated financial and physical separation of Title X projects from abortion-related activities). The text of § 1008 has not changed.

    This makes a great deal of sense. If abortion was never intended to be covered as “family planning” under Title X, then organizations that openly promote, encourage, or otherwise facilitate it shouldn’t be allowed to receive federal monies. It would do an end run around rules.

    Notwithstanding any other provision of this Act, the Secretary of Health and Human Services shall not promulgate any regulation that—
    (1) creates any unreasonable barriers to the ability of individuals to obtain appropriate medical care;
    (2) impedes timely access to health care services;
    (3) interferes with communications regarding a full range of treatment options between the patient and the provider;
    (4) restricts the ability of health care providers to provide full disclosure of all relevant information to patients making health care decisions;
    (5) violates the principles of informed consent and the ethical standards of health care professionals; or
    (6) limits the availability of health care treatment for the full duration of a patient’s medical needs.

    Pub. L. No. 111-148, title I, § 1554 (42 U.S.C. § 18114) (“§ 1554”). These two provisions could render the Final Rule “not in accordance with law” only by impliedly repealing or amending § 1008, or by directly contravening the Final Rule’s regulatory provisions

    So these limitations would not be violate, specifically because § 1008 would need to be repealed or amended. Or the “Final Rule’s” provisions would have to be violated.

    Plaintiffs admit that there is no irreconcilable conflict between § 1008 and either the appropriations rider or § 1554 of the ACA. E.g., California State Opposition to Motion for Stay at p. 14; Essential Access Opposition to Motion for Stay at p.14. And we discern no “clear and manifest” intent by Congress to amend or repeal § 1008 via either of these laws—indeed, neither law even refers to § 1008. The appropriations rider mentions abortion only to prohibit appropriated funds from being expended for abortions; and § 1554 of the ACA does not even mention abortion.

    The US Congress has no intent to rewrite or amend § 1008. And § 1554 of the ACA (Affordable Care Act) does not even mention abortion. It looks pretty weak to attempt an end run around what the law explicitly forbids.

    Although the Final Rule does require the provision of referrals to non-abortion providers, id. at 7788–90, such referrals do not constitute “pregnancy counseling.” First, providing a referral is not “counseling.” HHS has defined “nondirective counseling” as “the meaningful presentation of options where the [medical professional] is not suggesting or advising one option over another,” 84 Fed. Reg. at 7716, whereas a “referral” involves linking a patient to another provider who can give further counseling or treatment, id. at 7748. The Final Rule treats referral and counseling as distinct terms, as has Congress and HHS under previous administrations. See, e.g., 42 U.S.C. § 300z-10; 53 Fed. Reg. at 2923; 2928–38 (1988); 65 Fed. Reg. 41272–75 (2000). We therefore conclude that the Final Rule’s referral requirement is not contrary to the appropriations rider’s nondirective pregnancy counseling mandate.2

    It is not “counselling” to refer a woman for abortion procedures. Counselling, as repeatedly held, is explaining options to a person.

    Because HHS and the public interest would be irreparably harmed absent a stay, harms to Plaintiffs from a stay will be comparatively minor, and HHS is likely to prevail in its challenge of the preliminary injunction orders before a merits panel of this court (which is set to hear the cases on an expedited basis), we conclude that a stay of the district courts’ preliminary injunction orders pending appeal is proper. The motion for a stay pending appeal is GRANTED.

    4. PP Sued Idaho Over Reporting Rules


    Chapter 95: Abortions Complications Reporting Act

    (f) Abortion and complication reporting do not impose undue burdens on a woman’s right to choose whether she terminates pregnancy. Specifically, the “collection of information” with respect to actual patients is a vital element of medical research, so it cannot be said that the requirements serve no purpose other than to make abortions more difficult.

    This raises a valid point. If abortions, or any particular technique were leading to health complications later down the road, then it would be useful to know that information.

    Here is Planned Parenthood’s response when filing suit.

    This law require providers in the state to report on more than 37 new “complications,” ranging from medical conditions that have no link to abortion, like breast cancer, to the inability to come in for a follow-up appointment, which is not a medical condition. The reporting requirement doesn’t exist for any other medical procedure. The bill was signed into law by Governor C.L. “Butch” Otter in March.

    Yet none of this actually prevents abortions from going on. It is a bit confusing. Does PP “not” want the patients (specifically), or the public (generally) to know what kinds of health and follow-up issues are going on?

    5. PP Sued Ohio Over Heartbeat Bill

    (1) At least twenty-four hours prior to the performance or inducement of the abortion, a physician meets with the pregnant woman in person in an individual, private setting and gives her an adequate opportunity to ask questions about the abortion that will be performed or induced. At this meeting, the physician shall inform the pregnant woman, verbally or, if she is hearing impaired, by other means of communication, of all of the following: (a) The nature and purpose of the particular abortion procedure to be used and the medical risks associated with that procedure; (b) The probable gestational age of the embryo or fetus; (c) The medical risks associated with the pregnant woman carrying the pregnancy to term. The meeting need not occur at the facility where the abortion is to be performed or induced, and the physician involved in the meeting need not be affiliated with that facility or with the physician who is scheduled to perform or induce the abortion.

    (3) If it has been determined that the unborn human individual the pregnant woman is carrying has a detectable fetal heartbeat, the physician who is to perform or induce the abortion shall comply with the informed consent requirements in section 2919.192 2919.194 of the Revised Code in addition to complying with the informed consent requirements in divisions (B)(1), (2), (4), and (5) of this section

    While “controversial”, this bill (and similar ones) make a very valid point. How is it not “alive” if there is an actual heart beating?

    All of this talk about the right to an abortion, but no concern over the life of the unborn child. Why?

    Perhaps Senate Bill 27 will explain it. Planned Parenthood not only sues to make abortion “more accessible”, but it opposes efforts to “force the disposal” of the bodies either by burial or by cremation. Those aborted babies are worth a lot of money, if you harvest the organs.

    6. Real Reason PP Is So Pro-Abortion


    Let’s connect the dots here

    1. PP supports abortion with federal funds.
    2. PP supports aborting babies with Down’s Syndrome.
    3. PP supports abortion based on sex, race, or disability.
    4. PP supports abortion up to (and beyond) birth.
    5. PP opposes abortion complication reporting requirements.
    6. PP opposes laws mandating burial or cremation of fetus.

    While all of these are troubling, it is the last point that explains it: Planned Parenthood doesn’t want States mandating the disposal of fetal tissue, because there is a lot of money to be made in that.

    From the Washington Examiner:

    When pro-life activist David Daleiden and his team at the Center for Medical Progress released the tapes in 2015, Planned Parenthood leaned heavily on the defense that the videos were unfairly doctored. This defense was parroted immediately by a servile press, despite that Planned Parenthood never explained what additional context would have exonerated its senior director of medical services saying on tape that the group was “doing a little better than” breaking even for donated organs (it is illegal to profit from the donation of fetal tissue. It is also illegal under federal law to perform partial birth abortions).

    From the Christian Post article:

    The undercover journalist who in 2015 exposed Planned Parenthood’s baby body parts selling operation is fighting a nearly $200,000 fine amid an ongoing court battle.

    The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals declined to hear an appeal from David Daleiden of the Center for Medical Progress last week, an appeal of a $195,000 imposed on him for using video footage which supposedly violated a gag order imposed by a lower court judge.

    “The federal judge presiding over related civil lawsuits, District Judge William Orrick, had held that criminal defense counsel’s use of the videos violated a gag order he imposed in one of the federal civil actions. Daleiden and his defense counsel appealed, arguing that Orrick had improperly imposed a criminal contempt penalty without granting the accused due process and that the federal civil injunction should not apply to Daleiden’s state criminal proceeding,” according to a statement from the Thomas More Society, which is representing Daleiden.

    While the court proceedings are likely not over, David Daleiden performed a much needed service by exposing what really goes on. Aborted (a.k.a. murdered) children are worth a lot of money dead, as their organs can be harvested and sold.

    It also explains why Planned Parenthood has such an unwavering pro-abortion stance. These are not babies, but raw supplies. It further makes clear why PP doesn’t want aborted babies buried or cremated. Not much of a business model if you final products are required to be thrown out.

    Aborted babies are essentially in a chop-shop for spare parts. Nothing humane or compassionate about it.

    Abolish Gladue, Fix Underlying Problems

    1. Previous Solutions Offered

    A response that frequently comes up is for people to ask what to do about it. Instead of just constantly pointing out what is wrong, some constructive suggestions should be offered. This section contains a list of proposals that, if implemented, would benefit society. While the details may be difficult to implement, at least they are a starting point.

    2. Important Links

    CLICK HERE, for race- based discounts in sentencing.
    CLICK HERE, for Terri McClintic, child killer, in a healing lodge.
    CLICK HERE, for 2016/2017 StatsCan data on incarceration rates.
    CLICK HERE, for Table 5, incarceration by race and gender.
    CLICK HERE, for Table 6.
    CLICK HERE, for archived findings form Correctional Service of Canada form 1999.
    CLICK HERE, for a Larry Elder video on single parent households.
    CLICK HERE, for a documentary on drug use on reserves.
    CLICK HERE, for a video on lack of drinking water on reserves.

    CLICK HERE, for Gladue, 1997.
    CLICK HERE, for Gladue, 1999.
    CLICK HERE, for Ipeelee, 2012.
    CLICK HERE, for R.v. Proulx (conditional sentencing guidelines).

    3. Disproportionate Incarceration Rates

    This is a proposal to scrap so-called “Gladue Rights” which specifically are designed to give Aboriginal offenders special consideration when it comes to sentencing in the criminal justice system.

    Please don’t interpret this as an indication not to give anyone a break if the circumstances permit. Rather, rights and options should be available to everyone. They should not be given to one specific group, or denied to one specific group.

    Disclaimer: I am not a criminologist, or a sociologist. Just a researcher.

    Now, how great are the discrepancies?

    From the StatsCan 2016/2017 findings:

    The Criminal Code mandates that all sanctions other than imprisonment are to be considered with particular attention to the circumstances of Aboriginal offenders. In 2016/2017, Aboriginal adults accounted for 28% of admissions to provincial/territorial correctional services and 27% for federal correctional services, while representing 4.1% of the Canadian adult population (Table 5). In comparison to 2006/2007, the proportion of admissions of Aboriginal peoples to correctional services was 21% for provincial and territorial correctional services and 19% for federal correctional services.

    Aboriginal adults accounted for 30% of admissions to custody and 25% of admissions to community supervision among the provinces and territories in 2016/2017. Aboriginal adults accounted for 27% of admissions to custody and 26% of admissions to community supervision in federal correctional services (Table 5).

    The proportion of Aboriginal admissions to adult custody has been trending upwards for over 10 years. It has increased steadily from 2006/2007 when it was 21% for provincial and territorial correctional services and 20% for federal correctional services.

    Among the provinces, Aboriginal adults made up the greatest proportion of admissions to custody in Manitoba (74%) and Saskatchewan (76%). These two provinces also have the highest proportion of Aboriginal adults among their provincial populations at 15% for Manitoba, and 14% for Saskatchewan.

    Aboriginal males accounted for 28% of admissions to custody in the province and territories, whereas non-Aboriginal males accounted for 72%, in 2016/2017. Aboriginal females made up a greater proportion of custody admissions than their male counterparts, accounting for 43% of admissions, while non-Aboriginal females accounted for 57% (Table 6).

    Here is the data in a more visual form.

    Category Abor. Total Pop’n Abor. Group Pop’n Non-Abor. Total Pop’n Non-Abor. Group Pop’n Ratio
    Incar 4.1% 28% 95.9% 72% 9.1:1

    Note: Here is how to calculate the rates. Assume there is a population of 100,000 people, and 1,000 of them are locked up and then break in down as percentages of the population.

    category totals Non-Abor Abor
    People 100,000 95,900 4,100
    Locked Up 1,000 720 280
    Rates Percentage 0.0075 0.068

    Now that we can make an apples-to-apples comparison, 0.068/0.0075 =~9.1
    So on a per-capita basis, Aboriginals are about 9 times as likely as non-Aboriginals to be locked up

    Next, covering Aboriginal women and incarceration rate. For this. Assume that the overall percentages are about same: 95.9% non-Aboriginal, and 4.1% Aboriginal. Here instead of making up 28% overall in Provincial jails, it is 57%, approximately double.

    Category Abor. Total Pop’n Abor. Group Pop’n Non-Abor. Total Pop’n Non-Abor. Group Pop’n Ratio
    Incar 4.1% 57% 95.9% 43% 30.88:1

    And once more we need to convert to rates of respective populations.

    category totals Non-Abor Abor
    People 100,000 95,900 4,100
    Locked Up 1,000 430 570
    Rates Percentage 0.0045 0.1390

    When women inmates are looked at specifically, the ratio goes to 0.1390/0.0045 ~= 30.88

    That’s right, looking at women, there are (per capita) 30 times as many Aboriginal women locked up as non-Aboriginal women.

    4. Evidence Of Discrimination Or Bias?

    By itself, no. Having groups with different rates of something is not evidence that there has been discrimination. Either these differences are caused by something that justifies it (such as higher crime rate), or there may be some external factor. Let’s start with the Criminal Code.

    718.2(e) all available sanctions other than imprisonment that are reasonable in the circumstances should be considered for all offenders, with particular attention to the circumstances of aboriginal offenders.

    It is written right into the Canadian Criminal Code, to give offenders (where reasonable), an alternative to custody, with special consideration to Aboriginals. And this is codified in 3 cases.
    R. v. Gladue, 1997 CanLII 3015 (BC CA)
    R. v. Gladue, [1999] 1 SCR 688, 1999 CanLII 679 (SCC)
    R. v. Ipeelee, [2012] 1 SCR 433, 2012 SCC 13 (CanLII)

    Looking at the Criminal Code, and recent decisions, there doesn’t seem to be any legalized discrimination. So let’s look elsewhere.

    5. R. v. Proulx (Conditional Sentencing Guidelines)

    12 Since it came into force on September 3, 1996, the conditional sentence has generated considerable debate. With the advent of s. 742.1, Parliament has clearly mandated that certain offenders who used to go to prison should now serve their sentences in the community. Section 742.1 makes a conditional sentence available to a subclass of non-dangerous offenders who, prior to the introduction of this new regime, would have been sentenced to a term of incarceration of less than two years for offences with no minimum term of imprisonment.

    13 In my view, to address meaningfully the complex interpretive issues raised by this appeal, it is important to situate this new sentencing tool in the broader context of the comprehensive sentencing reforms enacted by Parliament in Bill C-41. I will also consider the nature of the conditional sentence, contrasting it with probationary measures and incarceration. Next, I will address particular interpretive issues posed by s. 742.1. I will first discuss the statutory prerequisites to the imposition of a conditional sentence. Thereafter, I will consider how courts should determine whether a conditional sentence is appropriate, assuming the prerequisites are satisfied. I conclude with some general comments on the deference to which trial judges are entitled in matters of sentencing and dispose of the case at hand in conformity with the principles outlined in these reasons.

    16 Bill C-41 is in large part a response to the problem of overincarceration in Canada. It was noted in Gladue, at para. 52, that Canada’s incarceration rate of approximately 130 inmates per 100,000 population places it second or third highest among industrialized democracies. In their reasons, Cory and Iacobucci JJ. reviewed numerous studies that uniformly concluded that incarceration is costly, frequently unduly harsh and “ineffective, not only in relation to its purported rehabilitative goals, but also in relation to its broader public goals” (para. 54). See also Report of the Canadian Committee on Corrections, Toward Unity: Criminal Justice and Corrections (1969); Canadian Sentencing Commission, Sentencing Reform: A Canadian Approach (1987), at pp. xxiii‑xxiv; Standing Committee on Justice and Solicitor General, Taking Responsibility (1988), at p. 75. Prison has been characterized by some as a finishing school for criminals and as ill-preparing them for reintegration into society: see generally Canadian Committee on Corrections, supra, at p. 314; Correctional Service of Canada, A Summary of Analysis of Some Major Inquiries on Corrections – 1938 to 1977 (1982), at p. iv. In Gladue, at para. 57, Cory and Iacobucci JJ. held:

    Without rehashing the entire ruling, Proulx, which was based on Bill C-41, set the benchmark for giving out “conditional sentences”, aka “house arrest”. The ruling noted the destructive long term effect prison can have.

    While conditional sentencing is completely inappropriate for certain offences, it can have its benefits.

    In areas with high crime rates, poverty, or high drug use, a person has to reasonably ask what will be the best solution overall. Does the community benefit from locking up large amounts of its people?

    One caveat, breaks in sentencing, and alternatives to prison should be equally available to all Canadians. One group shouldn’t receive a greater aid, or detriment.

    See the next section for the CSC report on Aboriginal circumstances.

    6. Information Worth Looking At

    This comes from the 1998 Corrections Service of Canada Paper (linked above). It also has an impressive bibliography, worth at least a peek.

    1.3 Aboriginal Population
    Approximately, one-third of all Aboriginal children under the age of 15 in Census families lived in a lone-parent family, twice the rate within the general population. The rate was even higher in urban areas. About 46% of Aboriginal children under 15 in Census families who lived in a census metropolitan area were in a lone-parent family. One-quarter of the Aboriginal population reported that they had an Aboriginal language as mother tongue. Cree was the largest Aboriginal mother tongue. The number of people who could speak an Aboriginal language was about 10% higher than the number who reported an Aboriginal mother tongue, indicating that a significant number of persons learned such a language later in life. (Department of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 1998).

    This mentions a very interesting issue. Conservative commentator Larry Elder frequently talks about this. Single parent households (mostly missing fathers), is a very good indicator of crime and education. And it cuts across race.

    1.4 Demographic and Socio-Economic Data
    Increasing evidence points to a strong correlation between socio-economic disadvantage and involvement with the criminal justice system. A large proportion of the Aboriginal population in Canada suffers socio-economic disadvantage in comparison to non-Aboriginal Canadians. The social and economic conditions outlined in the section below illustrates a correlation between these factors and Aboriginal involvement with the criminal justice system. Poverty, inadequate educational opportunities, unemployment, poor living conditions, alcohol abuse and domestic violence all contribute to Aboriginal people coming into conflict with the law. The challenges to which the criminal justice system must respond are rooted in addressing these disadvantaged conditions.

    These problems are prevalent, in particularly on remote reserves. To be fair, it isn’t restricted to reserves. It is heartbreaking to hear the problems and 3rd world conditions.

    1.8 Suicide
    Suicide is approximately three times more common among Aboriginal people than non-Aboriginal people. It is also five to six times more prevalent among Aboriginal youth than non-Aboriginal youth. In First Nations communities, suicide is more prevalent among the young and usually results from feelings of hopelessness and despair.

    Wow. Just wow.

    2.4 Urban vs. Rural Aboriginal Offenders
    A recent study (Johnston, 1997) of Aboriginal inmates incarcerated in Canadian federal penitentiaries found that one-quarter (24%) of the group had originally came from reserve or remote areas; 44% originally came from rural areas, and 30% from urban areas. The interviewers did not ask about where the offenders had been living at the time of the offence. In addition, the study also found that a majority of the group had left their home community after their youth. Eighteen percent had lived in their home community all their life apart from periods spent incarcerated. Furthermore, the study found that 66% of the Aboriginal inmates incarcerated in federal penitentiaries were considered high-need. Forty-seven per cent were rated as both high-need and high-risk. A majority were rated by case management officers and other penitentiary staff who knew them, as having needs in the following areas:
    -substance abuse needs (88%),
    -personal/emotional needs (82%),
    -employment needs (63%), and
    -education needs (54%).

    A large proportion were also rated as having needs in relation to:
    -pro-criminal attitudes (49%),
    -marital and family issues (42%),
    -community functioning (36%),
    -criminal associates (33%), and
    -sexual offending (31%).

    This is shocking. Almost 9 in 10 with substance abuse, 4 in 5 with personal needs, 2/3 with employment needs, and half lacking in education.

    Canada is supposed to be a 1st world country, but standard of living for those away from any urban area are falling far short of what should be acceptable.

    7. So Why Abolish Gladue?

    Quite simply, it is a band-aid solution that ignores the real problems. “Rigging” the rules to let Aboriginal offenders off easier (or let them out earlier) turns a blind eye to the problems cited in the previous section. Lack of drinking water being one in the news lately.

    Are Aboriginals disproportionately represented in criminal courts and jails? Yes, absolutely. The data and evidence for that is overwhelming.

    But it is also plain and obvious that there are many problems with the more remote areas that should not be happening. Setting up different sentencing guidelines does nothing to address any of that.

    It could easily be argued that problems with poverty, remote living, drugs, alcohol and domestic violence contribute to crime. These are the causes and crime is the effect. But Gladue gets it entirely backwards. It impacts the EFFECT, hoping to impact the CAUSES.

    Hopefully this doesn’t come off as heartless. However, I view the “Gladue Rights” idea as completely missing the point, and ignoring genuine concerns.

    8. Actually, There Is Discrimination

    Instead of our Prime Minister blowing our money on virtue signalling foreign adventures, perhaps fixing the problems within our borders is a better approach.

    • Safe drinking water
    • Education/Work opportunities
    • Access to social services
    • Seriously evaluate if reserve system is sustainable

    We certainly have money to blow on every UN adventure.

    While the criminal justice system itself isn’t set up to discriminate, our government does. Entire sections of Canada’s population is left to die while we show the outside world how generous we are.

    Gladue is the quick-fix that covers up the real problem.