CCS #7(B): NGOs Support Carbon Taxes In Court Cases, Have Other Interests

Originally featured as “The Resistance”, this group of politicians only pretends to oppose the fleecing of taxpayers. They endorse the climate change hoax 100%, and only argue against the Carbon tax on narrow technical grounds. Now this is finally at the Supreme Court of Canada.

But it’s not just politicians and their parties involved. A number of private groups are attempting to change the course, for their own selfish and ideological reasons.

1. Debunking The Climate Change Scam

The entire climate change industry, (and yes, it is an industry) is a hoax perpetrated by the people in power. See the other articles on the scam, the propaganda machine in action, and some of the court documents in Canada. Carbon taxes are just a small part of the picture, and conservatives are intentionally sabotaging their court cases.

2. Important Links

CLICK HERE, for Saskatchewan Court of Appeal ruling.
CLICK HERE, for Saskatchewan Courts, info for users.
CLICK HERE, for Ontario Court of Appeal ruling.
CLICK HERE, for ONCA challenge documents, pleadings.
CLICK HERE, for Alberta Court of Appeal ruling.
CLICK HERE, for ABCA challenge documents, pleadings.
CLICK HERE, for Supreme Court of Canada constitutional challenge.

CLICK HERE, for the David Suzuki Foundation.
CLICK HERE, for Int’l Emissions Trading Ass’n.
CLICK HER, for IETA’s governance and leadership.
CLICK HERE, for Int’l Carbon Reduction Offset Alliance.
CLICK HERE, for ICROA’s partners and members.
CLICK HERE, for Smart Prosperity Institute.

(also see the last section for many more links to parties attempting to intervene in the Carbon tax challenges. Note: that list is not exhaustive.)

3. NGOs To Profit From Climate Scam

  • Amnesty International
  • Canadian Labour Congress
  • Climate Justice Saskatoon
  • David Suzuki Foundation
  • Intergenerational Climate Coalition
  • International Emissions Trading Association
  • Smart Prosperity Institute

The Canadian Taxpayers Federation opposes the Carbon tax, but stays pretty neutral on the issue of climate change itself. It’s worth a mention for 2 reasons: (a) CTF is part of the Koch-funded Atlas Network; and (b) CTF was once headed by Jason Kenney, now Alberta Premier. Now, let’s take a look at a few groups.

4. David Suzuki Foundation

Revenue (August 31, 2018)
Receipted donations $5,820,601.00 (49.84%)
Non-receipted donations $784,563.00 (6.72%)
Gifts from other registered charities $2,727,009.00 (23.35%)
Government funding $0.00 (0.00%)
All other revenue $2,347,296.00 (20.10%)
Total revenue: $11,679,469.00

Expenses (August 31, 2018)
Charitable programs $7,378,892.00 (70.41%)
Management and administration $638,154.00 (6.09%)
Fundraising $1,779,300.00 (16.98%)
Political activities $583,341.00 (5.57%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $96,578.00 (0.92%)
Other $4,234.00 (0.04%)
Total expenses: $10,480,499.00

Revenue (August 31, 2019)
Receipted donations $6,847,386.00 (53.92%)
Non-receipted donations $1,132,648.00 (8.92%)
Gifts from other registered charities $3,242,143.00 (25.53%)
Government funding $0.00 (0.00%)
All other revenue $1,476,568.00 (11.63%)
Total revenue: $12,698,745.00

Expenses (August 31, 2019)
Charitable programs $8,738,812.00 (75.28%)
Management and administration $808,096.00 (6.96%)
Fundraising $1,964,567.00 (16.92%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $93,302.00 (0.80%)
Other $4,234.00 (0.04%)
Total expenses: $11,609,011.00

According to the Canada Revenue Agency, the Suzuki Foundation took in $12.7 million in the period ending in August 2019, and $11.7 million the previous year. There is clearly good money, so where is it going?

Suzuki Foundation 2019 Annual Report
Suzuki Foundation 2019 Audited Financials

How does pricing carbon pollution build more sustainable communities?
.
Putting a price on carbon pollution through a carbon tax or cap-and-trade system helps speed the transition to cleaner, better energy solutions. We have low-carbon alternatives to our largest emissions sources that are improving by the day.

Working toward a fair and effective national price on carbon pollution
For more than a decade, the Foundation has been a leading voice in calling for a carbon price in Canada. Through research, policy work and public engagement, we built support for this foundational climate change policy.

The Foundation offered the B.C. government support to introduce North America’s first carbon tax in 2008. Our policy experts met with leaders at all levels of government and across industries to advocate for a national approach to carbon pricing.

The Foundation is an intervener in court cases in Saskatchewan and Ontario to support the federal government’s right to implement fair and effective climate policies that include carbon pricing.

In both cases, the courts of appeal agreed with us that the federal government has the power to take national action to tackle climate change. With Parliament and cities across the country declaring climate emergencies, including carbon pricing in the solutions toolkit is essential to meeting Paris Agreement climate commitments and avoiding the worst impacts of climate breakdown.

Can we assume that they either bribed or leaned on the B.C. Government to get that Carbon tax imposed? The Suzuki Foundation doesn’t come right out and say it (though it’s implied), that making certain comforts unaffordable by various carbon pricing schemes will lead to this great transition. It’s stated that causing a drastic change in the Western lifestyle is the only way to do this.

The Foundation is also involved with Youth Climate Lawsuit. This has young adults trying weaponize the Courts by forcing Governments to adopt their environmental demands. The claim is that ignoring climate change violates Section 7 of the Canadian Charter, which is security of the person.

And of course, the Suzuki Foundation has attached itself to the various Carbon tax challenges. It’s fair to assume that Suzuki’s donors are paying him to advance (by whatever means), policies that will lead to more money coming in. In a sense, it’s like paying a lobbyist.

Suzuki’s recent donors include: Power Corporation, the Bronfman Foundation, Tides Canada, Smart Prosperity Institute, several anonymous donors, and many more.

5. International Emissions Trading Association

IETA Economic Potential Article 6 Paris Accord
IETA Partnership For Market Readiness

IETA is the International Emissions Trading Association. It is an organization that tries to monetize the climate change agenda, by convincing countries to pay out money for “polluting”. A quote from their market readiness report:

Understand what emissions trading is:
emissions trading is a market-based approach to controlling pollution by providing an economic incentive to achieve CO2 emissions reductions. To succeed in managing such a cap-and-trade system, your company will need strategic, technical and financial skills.

Find the appropriate department to coordinate the organisation: emissions trading is linked to climate change strategy. Climate strategy often lies between the sustainable development and finance functions. Emissions trading is about financial management, but it also implies a deep understanding of regulation, CO2 management strategy and a good technical knowledge of industrial installations which fall under the cap. Whichever the appropriate department is, the most important thing is to have a project manager. Start a working group: the working group should be able as a first step to define whether or not emissions trading could be managed internally or outsourced. A cost/benefit analysis should be carried out to evaluate the choice between delegating trading to a specialised broker or to carrying it out internally. Such an approach gives the opportunity to create a “CO2 network” within the company.

Assess possible optimisation among installations: if entities are spread geographically, a centralised option could be considered. For example, in the European emissions market it is often the case that installations of one company are spread across a number of member states. Local exchanges with local brokers co-exist with European CO2 exchange platforms and may be able to offer more targeted solutions.

Understand that none of this actually helps the environment. It is simply a way to get wealthy under a misleading banner of cutting pollution. This is an expansive wealth transfer scheme.

IETA received legal non-profit status from the government of Switzerland in June 2000, and received United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change non-governmental organisation accreditation in October 2000.

It should trouble Canadians that this “non-profit” with financial motivations to keep the Carbon tax should be filing for intervenor status in four court cases (Saskatchewan, Ontario, Alberta, & the Supreme Court). Theie interests are different than ours.

6. Smart Prosperity Institute

The Smart Prosperity Institute has a number of government and private sector donors, and perhaps most notably includes the Tides Foundation. SPI writes extensively about transitioning Canada to a low carbon economy, and is promoting the green bonds industry, and have partnered with HSBC and the Climate Bonds Initiative. They also push the “sustainable finance” narrative, and are enthusiastic supporters of the UN.

Smart Prosperity Institute’s annual “Green Bonds – State of the Market in Canada” reports provide unique insight on the role of green bonds in funding environment and climate-related projects in Canada. The annual report is a special supplement to the Bonds and Climate Change: The State of the Market global report and is prepared collaboratively with Climate Bonds Initiative. Commissioned by HSBC, the report marks specific highlights from the current year, emerging trends, and identifies specific opportunities for market development of green bonds in Canada.

Keeping the Carbon taxes intact is very much in their interest, as it is tied to many of the initiatives that SPI advances. Another NGO that Canadians should be weary of meddling in local affairs.

7. Amnesty International

Amnesty International was founded by Peter Benenson, grandson of Russian banker, Grigori Benenson. The organization has been used to bring large numbers of people from the 3rd World to the West. The group appears to have no direct financial motive, but rather an ideological one. It argues that forced Carbon taxes amount to a human rights issue for the planet. Is this not foreign interference though? AI is based out of Britain.

8. Constitutional Challenges: SK, ON, AB, SCC

(A.1) SK COA Ruling On Carbon Tax
http://archive.is/tNe2k
(A.2) Saskatchewan Court Of Appeal Reference Question
(A.3) SKCA Attorney General Of Canada
(A.4) SKCA Attorney General Of Ontario
(A.5) SKCA Attorney General Of New Brunswick
(A.6) SKCA Attorney General Of British Columbia
(A.7) SKCA Canadian Taxpayers Association
(A.8) SKCA David Suzuki Foundation
(A.9) SKCA International Emissions Trading Association
(A.10) SKCA United Conservative Association
(B.1) ONCA Ruling On Carbon Tax
http://archive.is/tbMTC
(B.2) ONCA Reference Documents
(B.3) ONCA Attorney General Of Ontario
(B.4) ONCA Attorney General Of Canada
(B.5) ONCA Attorney General Of Saskatchewan
(B.6) ONCA Attorney General Of New Brunswick
(B.7) ONCA David Suzuki Foundation
(B.8) ONCA Intergenerational Climate Coalition
(B.9) ONCA International Emissions Trading Association
(B.10) ONCA Attorney General Of Ontario Reply
(B.11) ONCA Attorney General Of Canada Reply
(C.1) ABCA Ruling On Carbon Tax
http://archive.is/guxXF
(C.2) Alberta Court Of Appeal Reference Question
(C.3) ABCA Attorney General Of Alberta
(C.4) ABCA Attorney General Of Canada
(C.5) ABCA Attorney General Of Ontario
(C.6) ABCA Attorney General Of Saskatchewan
(C.7) ABCA Attorney General Of New Brunswick
(C.8) ABCA Attorney General Of British Columbia
(C.9) ABCA International Emissions Trading Association
(C.10) ABCA Attorney General Of Alberta Reply
(C.11) ABCA Attorney General Of Canada Reply
(C.12) Jason Kenney Repeals Carbon Tax
http://archive.is/Q1gGb
(C.13) Kenney Supports New Carbon Tax
http://archive.is/wTYoE
(C.14) Kenney To Hike New Carbon Tax
http://archive.is/jbLjN
(D.2) Supreme Court Of Canada To Hear Challenge
(D.3) SCC Attorney General Of Ontario
(D.4) SCC Attorney General Of Canada
(D.5) SCC Attorney General Of Saskatchewan
(D.6) SCC Attorney General Of Alberta
(D.7) SCC Attorney General Of New Brunswick
(D.8) SCC Attorney General Of Manitoba
(D.9) SCC Attorney General Of British Columbia
(D.10) SCC Amnesty International
(D.11) SCC Canadian Labour Congress
(D.12) SCC David Suzuki Foundation
(D.13) SCC Intergenerational Climate Committee
(D.14) SCC International Emissions Trading Association
(D.15) SCC Smart Prosperity Institute
(D.16) SCC Attorney General Of Ontario Reply
(D.17) SCC Attorney General Of Canada Reply

One common thread throughout these challenges is that all parties agree climate change is a threat to humanity. This includes parties challenging the Carbon taxes.

CV #67: The B.C. Election Just An Illusion Of Choice, All Parties Compromised

BC Provincial Health Officer Bonnie Henry wields great power in the Province. All parties are content to abdicate their duty to govern. Despite there being a Provincial election, none of them seem to have any interest in changing this. BC is run by an unelected bureaucrat. There’s no science in limiting group size to 50 people (see 1:00 in video), but she does it anyway.

1. Other Articles On CV “Planned-emic”

The rest of the series is here. Many lies, lobbying, conflicts of interest, and various globalist agendas operating behind the scenes. The Gates Foundation finances: the World Health Organization, the Center for Disease Control, GAVI, ID2020, John Hopkins University, Imperial College London, the Pirbright Institute, the British Broadcasting Corporation, and individual pharmaceutical companies. Also: there is little to no science behind what our officials are doing; they promote degenerate behaviour; the Australian Department of Health admits the PCR tests don’t work; the US CDC admits testing is heavily flawed; and The International Health Regulations are legally binding. See here, here, and here.

2. Ethical Concerns Over Recordings? Nope

Would it have been proper to let the people know ahead of time that this was being recorded, and would be posted later? Probably, but the public is best served by knowing the truth. And the truth is that the major parties play along with the “pandemic” scare, and don’t differ on these human rights violations. It is just the illusion of choice.

3. Peter Milobar: BC Liberals (Incumbent)

MILOBAR: BC Liberals

BCPHO Bonnie Henry was actually appointed when the BC Liberals were still in power. There is no intention to replace her, or even override her orders. Milobar says that the rules allow her to make orders, but who was it who wrote the rules in the first place?
https://www.bcliberals.com/clearchoice/

4. Sadie Hunter: BC NDP (Challenger)

HUNTER: BC NDP

Apparently, all parties agreed to let BC Public Health make all the decisions. However, this is an abdication of their duty to govern. Hunter says that the measures will remain in place until there is a vaccine.
NDP 2020 Platform

5. Thomas Martin: BC Greens (Challenger)

MARTIN: BC GREENS

Again, all of the parties are on board with letting Public Health (Bonnie) run the affairs of the province. The only real difference seemed to be on some of the spending details.
2020_BC_Greens_platform_(1)

6. BC Conservative Party

At the time of publication, the BC Conservatives haven’t responded to numerous attempts to talk about what their policies were regarding these “pandemic” measures. However, their platform doesn’t mention it, so it’s unlikely to be a serious concern. Also, consider what Premiers like Ford, Kenney and LeGault are currently doing. CPC Leader Erin O’Toole previously criticized Trudeau for not being authoritarian enough.

7. BC’s Dictator-In-Chief: Bonnie Henry

This is too long to address in even a single article, but Bonnie Henry lets it leak out over time that there is no real science behind anything that she does. See the link for some of the more obvious problems. This is who really runs the Province of BC.

To those saying “get out and go vote”, I would have to ask: why?

Rocco Galati’s Real Record As A Constitutional Lawyer


(From Canuck Politics. Although a political ad, this one is entirely truthful, and worth a mention.) Ideologically, Justin Trudeau and Rocco Galati seem to be aligned on this issue.

Galati wasn’t even born in Canada. This makes him a foreigner trying to change the laws for the benefit of other foreigners. He’ll never be a Canadian, except in a civic sense, and even that is questionable.

Note: at 3:30, Galati claims this is about stripping rights of CANADIAN born people. But in court, he tries to claim his immigrant status for private interest standing. Nice bait-and-switch.

1. Islam, Terrorism, Religious Violence

Check this series for more information on the religion of peace. Tolerance of intolerance is being forced on the unwilling public. Included are efforts to crack down on free speech, under the guise of “religious tolerance”. What isn’t discussed as much are the enablers, whether they are lawyers, politicians, lobbyists, of members of the media.

2. Galati A Professional Agitator/Disruptor?

Rocco Galati started his career as a tax litigator for the Department of Justice, but soon decided to switch sides: He devoted himself, he says, to “cases against the government.

“You need a lawyer when the government’s after you. Private disputes you should be able to settle. But the government’s a machine,” he said. “Often there’s little room for negotiation. It’s all or nothing.”

The Toronto lawyer, known for his florid, over-the-top language, has carved a reputation for being a thorn in the side of the federal government. He stuck it to the government when he successfully challenged the appointment of Marc Nadon to the Supreme Court of Canada. Now, he’s at it again with a court challenge against changes to the Citizenship Act that allow the government to revoke the Canadian citizenship of dual citizens convicted of terrorism or treason.

Last month, Immigration Minister Chris Alexander called Mr. Galati a “disgraced, ideological former lawyer of the Khadr family.” Mr. Galati once represented Abdurahman Khadr, the older brother of convicted war criminal Omar Khadr.

Mr. Galati insists he is not driven by ideology or politics (“I sued the Liberal government more than I can count,” he said), and denounced Mr. Alexander for resorting to mudslinging. “Instead of trying to deal with the message, he tries to denigrate the messenger.”

Over the course of a 45-minute chat this week, Mr. Galati called the war on terror “phoney,” said judicial appointments aren’t based on merit but who you know, and suggested that the Canadian Security Intelligence Service is likely listening in on his calls.

The government, he said, is a “machine” that doesn’t care for the little guy.

The son of a construction worker, the Italian-born Mr. Galati, 55, has spent more than two decades of defending terror suspects and other individuals pegged for deportation.

That was a 2015 article from the National Post, which spells out pretty well the situation with Rocco Galati. He considers himself an opponent of the government.

3. Galati Fighting For Terrorists’ Rights

Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration) v. Mahjoub, 2001 CanLII 22177 (FCA)
This was an appeal to the Federal Court of Appeals as to whether suspected terrorists can be detained on “security certificates”, and what were the terms.

Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration) v. Mahjoub, 2003 FC 928 (CanLII), [2004] 1 FCR 493
A very interesting technique: Stall for as long as possible using various tactics, then claim your rights are violated when everything is delayed unreasonably. Seems designed to weaponize the rules.

Harkat (Re), 2003 FCT 759 (CanLII), [2003] 4 FC 1020
This challenge was to prevent a suspected terrorist from being removed from Canada. He was found to be ineligible to stay as a refugee.

In December 2003, Galati claimed he would no longer be taking terrorism cases because he was threatened. Spoiler: he still takes them. There seemed to be no moral issue with doing this line of work, however.

In 2004, Galati and Abdurahman Khadr (Omar Khadr’s older brother), held a press conference. Galati had secured Khadr’s release form Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Khadr admits that stories he previously told were completely made up.

R. v. Ghany, 2006 CanLII 24454 (ON SC)
In 2006, Galati launched a constitutional challenge to make it mandatory that all (Ontario) terrorism cases be heard in Ontario Superior Court, as opposed to the Lower Court. Galati reasoned that this would make it easier for accused terrorists to be bail.

Horrace v. Canada (Citizenship and Immigration), 2015 FC 114 (CanLII)
Galati represented a Liberian man who tried to claim asylum, and failed twice. He was under investigation for terrorism/subversion back home, and there were serious safety concerns. Galati attempted to secure permanent resident status but failed.

Galati v. Canada (Gov General), 2015 FC 91 (CanLII), [2015] 4 FCR 3
This challenge was against Harper’s Bill C-24. That bill would have seen foreigners who obtain Canadian citizeship have it stripped away if they were convicted of terrorism or treason. Galati claimed as an Italian born he would be theoretically vulnerable (as a way to gain private interest standing).

Galati v. Canada (Governor General), (A-52-15)
Galati lost his challenge to let dual national terrorists keep their Canadian citizenship. He appealed that ruling, however, the election of Justin Trudeau made this a non issue.

One thing that needs to be pointed out: it’s not like Galati was hard up for money, or that it was a single mistake. He has been doing this for many years.

4. Galati Billed $800/Hour For Nadon Case

Galati v. Harper, 2014 FC 1088 (CanLII)

Galati v. Harper, 2016 FCA 39 (CanLII)

Rocco Galati, et al. v. Right Honourable Stephen Harper, et al., 2016 CanLII 47514 (SCC)

Think that it was ideological that Galati challenged a judicial appointment? Not really. He tried to claim a fee of $800 per hour for his work. This is excessive, as ruled the Federal Court, and the Federal Court of Appeal. The Supreme Court of Canada declined to hear the appeal. So much for principles.

5. Mainville Reference: Quebec Court Of Appeal

Galati apparently wasn’t content with meddling in selection for the Supreme Court of Canada. He also tried to interfere with the selection of a Justice to the Quebec Court of Appeal. This time though, he failed.

6. Constitutional Rights Centre Inc.

The Constitutional Rights Centre Inc. (“CRC”) was incorporated, in Ontario, in November, 2004. From 2004 to 2013, it non-publicly, except to lawyers, operated in its development, in assisting and procuring legal counsel, with respect to constitutional cases, where counsel and/or their client, lacked the funds and/or expertise to mount, argue, or appeal a constitutional issue or case. Since 2013 it has, as co-Applicant, also initiated litigation in such cases as the “Nadon Reference” case, the “Mainville Reference” case, the challenge to the new Citizenship Act (Bill C-24).

Pretty strange that THESE are the cases that are first promoted on the main page of the website. Aren’t there better causes than convicted terrorists?

The CRC is structurally organized as follows:
.
It consists of one (1) Corporate Director.
It further consists of the following Operational Directors:
.
Rocco Galati, B.A.(McGill), LL.B., LL.M. (Osgoode)
Executive Director (Founder) and Director of Tax and other Civil Litigation
.
Paul Slansky, B.A., LL.B (Michigan)., J.D. (Detroit)
Operational Director, (Quasi) Criminal Litigation
.
Amina Sherazee, B.A., LL.B (Windsor)., LL.M. (Candidate)
Operational Director, Immigration, Human Rights, and Women’s Litigation
.
Manuel Azevedo, L.L.B. (Osgoode), LL.M. (LSE)
Operational Director, Administrative Law Litigation

From 2004 until 2013, it apparently operated as some secret organization to get counsel and funds for constitutional cases. Considering the cases they view as “worthwhile” it’s not surprising that it would be operated secretly.

7. Terrorist Lawyer Manuel Azevedo, Bill C-24

When Galati challenged Bill C-24 (stripping citizenship rights from dual national terrorists), Manuel Azevedo was an Applicant along side him. Azevdo was born in Portugal, not Canada, making him another foreigner trying to rewrite Canadian laws. Azevedo is also a Director at the Constitutional Rights Centre.

8. Terrorist Lawyer Paul Slansky: CRC Director

Who does Galati have as Directors in his organization? One is Paul Slansky, who also takes terrorism cases.

R. v. Ahmad, 2009 CanLII 84772 (ON SC)

R. v. Ahmad, 2009 CanLII 84774 (ON SC)

R. v. Ahmad, 2009 CanLII 84776 (ON SC)

R. v. Hersi, 2014 ONSC 1211 (CanLII)

R. v. Hersi, 2014 ONSC 1217 (CanLII)

R. v. Hersi, 2014 ONSC 1258 (CanLII)

R. v. Hersi, 2014 ONSC 1273 (CanLII)

R. v. Hersi, 2014 ONSC 1303 (CanLII)

R. v. Hersi, 2014 ONSC 1368 (CanLII)

R. v. Hersi, 2014 ONSC 1373 (CanLII)

R. v. Hersi, 2014 ONSC 4143 (CanLII)

About that order to pay expenses personally:
Best v Ranking, 2015 ONSC 5075 (CanLII)
https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onsc/doc/2015/2015onsc5075/2015onsc5075.html

Best v Ranking, 2015 ONSC 6269 (CanLII)
https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onsc/doc/2015/2015onsc6269/2015onsc6269.html

Best v Ranking, 2015 ONSC 6279 (CanLII)
https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onsc/doc/2015/2015onsc6279/2015onsc6279.html

Best v. Ranking, 2016 ONCA 492 (CanLII)
https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onca/doc/2016/2016onca492/2016onca492.html

(From the Ontario Court of Appeals):

[1] Paul Slansky, counsel for the plaintiff Donald Best, appeals from a decision requiring Mr. Slansky to pay costs personally, in the sum of $84,000, on a joint and several basis with his client. He submits that the motion judge erred in two respects:
• The hearing was unfair, because he did not have adequate notice of the grounds upon which the motion judge grounded her decision to order him to pay costs personally.
• The motion judge awarded costs against him because he took on a weak case, not on the basis pleaded by the respondents, which was that he had taken procedural steps which wasted costs.
.
[2] More generally, Mr. Slansky submits that the motion judge should not have ordered him to pay costs personally, and would not have done so had she exercised the extreme caution required.
.
[3] For the following reasons, I would dismiss the appeal.

[55] On appeal, Mr. Slansky argues that Action 2 was not abusive. It was against many different parties and for different causes of action. That issue has now been conclusively determined by the dismissal of Mr. Best’s appeal from the decision striking Action 2 as an abuse of process. Action 2 made similar allegations of impropriety as had been voiced in the course of Action 1. The motion judge did not err in considering that Mr. Slansky incorporated into the pleading in Action 2 accusations of criminal misconduct against opposing counsel that had repeatedly been judicially rejected as baseless.
.
[56] Finally, as this court indicated in Galganov, at paras. 23-25, deference is owed to a motion judge’s decision as to whether a lawyer should pay costs personally:

[59] For these reasons, the appeal is dismissed with costs payable by Mr. Slansky in favour of the respondents in the agreed sum of $30,000 inclusive of HST and disbursements.

Judges don’t usually order lawyers to personally pay the costs of their own clients. This would have to be pretty bad to make such an exception.

9. Galati/COMER V. Bank Of Canada

The COMER case was previously covered on the site, and is actually a worthwhile cause. It ran from 2011 until 2017, when the Supreme Court of Canada declined to hear an appeal. The International Banking Cartel bleeds us dry. In retrospect, however, a cynic might wonder if it was rigged from the start, given there is no justification whatsoever for our participation in such a system.

Committee for Monetary and Economic Reform (“COMER”) v. Canada, 2013 FC 855 (CanLII)
Text Of Ruling

Committee for Monetary and Economic Reform v. Canada, 2014 FC 380 (CanLII)
Text Of Ruling

Committee for Monetary and Economic Reform v. The Queen, 2015 FCA 20 (CanLII)
Text Of Ruling

Committee for Monetary and Economic Reform (“COMER”) v. Canada, 2016 FC 147 (CanLII)
Text Of Ruling

Committee for Monetary and Economic Reform v. Canada, 2016 FCA 312 (CanLII)
Text Of Ruling

The Supreme Court of Canada Declined to hear the case.

10. Not Who You Think They Are

Considering the history that the Constitutional Rights Centre Directors have defending terrorist rights. Why would sensible, intelligent people choose that as a cause to take on? Why would they try to intervene in judicial appointments?

Do they internally agree with the cases they’ve taken on, or is there some other agenda? It can’t (entirely) be about the money, as there are easier ways to get paid.

And the current case with Vaccine Choice Canada?
VCC Statement Of Claim

With the filing of the challenge in Ontario Superior Court, Rocco Galati has obtained somewhat of a cult following. The Statement of Claim is 191 pages, very repetitive, and contains a lot of argument and evidence, which it shouldn’t. 3 months later (and counting), no defense filed. However, people should know what he really stands for. This is not to question his ability or skill as a lawyer, but rather his priorities.

Int’l Banking Cartel #11: Debt For Nature Swaps, Usury Masked As Compassion

Some background information on how this process works (in theory at least). See here and here. Does it matter that many countries are unable to repay their loans? To the creditors, not really, as there is always another way.

These “swaps” involve selling a country’s debt (at a discount) to a 3rd party, but one who has its own agenda.

1. More On The International Banking Cartel

For more on the banking cartel, check this page. The Canadian Government, like so many others, has sold out the independence and sovereignty of its monetary system to foreign interests. BIS, like its central banks, exceed their agenda and try to influence other social agendas. See who is really controlling things, and the common lies that politicians and media figures tell. And check out the climate change hoax as well, as the 2 now seem intertwined.

New Development Financing, a bait-and-switch.

2. Important Links

UN New Development Finance Paper
UN.new.development.financing.2012.178pages

UNDP Explaining Debt-For-Nature Swaps

CLICK HERE, for World Economic Forum, debt swap support.
https://archive.is/LTw1r

World Bank Working Paper, March 1990

CLICK HERE, for World Wildlife Fund Climate fund page.
https://archive.is/43sHz

3. Debt Used As A Weapon Against Nations

This cannot be emphasized enough. Countries take foreign loans in times when they are desperate, and often are unable to meet the terms to pay them back. This is a form of predatory lending. What may end up happening is that those debts are sold to people and organizations who have their own agenda.

And where do these loans originate in the first place? Many are (debt financed) by countries like Canada, the U.S., and in Europe. Western nations — who use private parties to borrow money from — borrow money which is then handed over as loans to the 3rd World. Those loans are distributed to countries who can’t pay them back. They are then forced into options like debt-for-nature.

4. World Economic Forum & Climate Swaps

Debt swaps can be one solution to tackle both challenges at once. Traditionally, these instruments represent an exchange of the existing debt contract with a new one, where the previous contract is normally “written down”, or discounted. Usually, this action is associated with specific conditions for investments, agreed both by the creditor and the debtor. In the past, such instruments have also been used to achieve climate-related objectives.

The idea of a “debt-for-climate” swap was first conceived during the 1980s by the then Deputy Vice President of the World Wildlife Fund, Thomas Lovejoy, in the wake of the Latin American debt crisis. The idea was simple: an NGO would act as a donor, purchasing debt from commercial banks at its face value on the secondary market, hence providing a level of relief on the debt’s value. The title of the debt would then be transferred to the debtor country in exchange for a specific commitment to environmental or conservation goals, performed through a national environmental fund.

In 2018, the Seychelles government worked with The Nature Conservancy, Global Environment Facility (GEF), and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) to develop a debt-for-nature swap for $27 million of official debt, to set up vast areas of protected marine parks for climate resilience, fishery management, biodiversity conservation and ecotourism.

This came out just the other day. The World Economic Forum, which pushed for a declaration of a pandemic also goes on about how this can be used to advance the green agenda. But don’t worry, it’s not preplanned or anything.

5. UNDP Explains Risks And Consequences

Cons
.
-DNS have only resulted in relatively small amounts of debt relief, limiting their impact in reducing developing countries’ debt burden;
Transaction costs might be high compared to other financing instruments; negotiations can be time-consuming, spanning several years and might result in limited debt reduction or discount rates. The length of the design and negotiation phase of a DNS can span one to three years, mostly depending on the willingness of the parties and the complexity of the deal.

Risks
.
-Lengthy negotiations. Disagreement between the creditor and debtor country on conservation goals or other details of the agreement can increase the costs of the operation.
Currency exchange risks, the impact of which (and the response strategy) is dependent on the financial structure of the DNS. The currency risk can be mitigated, for example, by making payments in local currency at the spot rate on the day payments are due. In the latter case the risk is lower for the entity managing the DNS cash flow.
Inflation risks, the value of future payments in local currencies might be highly by inflation. Mitigation strategies to inflation risks are similar to the ones for currency exchange risks.
-The DNS might prevent the possibility of negotiating a more comprehensive and favourable debt treatment (debt relief and restructuring).
-The debtor-country might not be able or willing to respect its commitments. Fiscal and liquidity crises can undermine the capacity of the debtor-government to meet its obligations.
-Management risks related to the capacity of the fund selected to administer grants from the DNS proceeds, including mismanagement, corruption and failures in the identification of good projects to be financed.
-While rarely reported, it is possible that the projects financed might create discontent in local communities (e.g. removal of access to resources by local communities).
-ODA substitution (no additionality). While a DNS is an option for increasing ODA, it might just substitute for other committed flows.
-The debtor-country may lose sovereignty in deciding about the spending of public resources. Grants may be disbursed according to donors’ preferences, which in turn might or might not better mirror local conservation needs. In most DNS the debtor-government decides in agreement with the creditor(s) about the modalities of funds’ disbursements, both participating in the boards of the trust fund responsible for grant-making.
-Debt swaps may be tied to the purchase of goods or services for the creditor(s).

There are an awful lot of drawbacks to getting involved with this sort of loan. Specifically, countries cede their sovereignty, are forced into conditions they don’t like, and it may not even result in much of a debt reduction.

6. World Bank 1990 Working Paper On Swaps

The first debt-for-nature agreement (Bolivia) was the only one in which land was set aside, and development restrictions adopted, as a result of the agreement. This deal was extremely controversial at first, as many Bolivians thought that the country had relinquished sovereignty to the international environmental group. There is, however, no transfer of land ownership, and development decisions are not based on agreements between the local environmental groups, the government, and the regional population. The Bolivian government has been slow in dispersing the local currency funds, and controversies have arisen over the development use of the buffer areas.

Finally, prior to the debt-for-nature concept, environmental groups had little or no direct contact with either commercial banks or debt countries’ finance ministers. Debt-for-nature swaps, however, have entailed intense negotiations between all three groups, leading to a network of relationships that may prove valuable to international environmental groups beyond simply debt-for-nature agreements.

Much of the interest in using official debt for debt-for-development swaps first began as a result of the 1988 Toronto Economic Summit, in which the G-7 countries established guidelines that allowed Paris Club Creditors to forgive debt to the poorest of the Sub-Saharan countries. One of three options given to Paris Club creditors was to forgive up to one-third of the debt of the developing country (with the other two being extended maturities and lower interest rates). France has generally chosen the first option, while the United States (until July 1989) has been reluctant to forgive debt.

World Bank Working Paper, March 1990

This scheme has been going back many decades. The basic principle is that countries are loaned money they cannot realistically afford to pay back. Loans are then forgiven — or reduced — but with strings attached. One such arrangement is the debt-for nature swaps.

Although the land isn’t officially ceded, for all practical purposes it is.

7. Leonardo DiCaprio Foundation, Seychelles

In 2017, the Leonardo DiCaprio Foundation helped finance a debt-for-nature swap with the Republic of Seychelles to set aside some 400,000 square kilometers of water for conservation.

8. World Wildlife Fund Conservation Finance

Debt-for-Nature Swaps
WWF has worked with the U.S., French, German, Dutch, and other creditor countries to structure foreign debt-for-nature swaps, including the first one in Ecuador in 1987. Since 2001, WWF has helped design several debt-for-nature swap agreements under the Tropical Forest Conservation Act (and previously under the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative). Both mechanisms were formed to relieve the debt burden of developing countries owed to the U.S. government, while generating funds in local currency to support tropical forest conservation activities. Capital raised through debt-for-nature swaps can be applied through trust funds or foundations specifically set up to channel funding to local biodiversity conservation.

Carbon Finance
WWF believes that carbon finance, if used appropriately, will play a critical role in reducing global greenhouse gas emissions, contributing to biodiversity conservation, and promoting a range of local economic and social values. WWF is developing pilot carbon projects in Peru, Brazil, Central Africa, Indonesia and Nepal to capitalize on the rapidly growing potential for carbon finance. We contribute to these efforts by securing private and public financing for carbon projects and providing technical support to implement carbon finance mechanisms.

The World Wildlife Fund is quite involved in financing the nature-for-debt swaps. Should make Canadians wonder what is the real reason Trudeau and Butts present themselves as eco-warriors.

9. Gerald Butts, Megan Leslie Head(s) of WWF

It shouldn’t surprise anyone that Gerald Butts was once the President and CEO of World Wildlife Fund Canada. This conflict of interest isn’t limited to the Liberals though.

Megan Leslie used to be the Deputy NDP Leader, and was Deputy Opposition Leader for a time. Now, this Trudeau Foundation Director is also the head of the World Wildlife Fund.

It’s also worth a mention that Elizabeth May, the former Green Party Leader is also with the Trudeau Foundation. She was, at a time, Head of Sierra Club Canada. At least 3 of the major Federal parties are compromised, and in bed with the eco-lobby.

10. Mockingbird Foundation Of Canada

To see a little deeper just how many tentacles the Trudeau Foundation has, see these connections between the House of Commons, the Senate, the Courts and the media. Truly disgusting.

11. Usury Disguised As Humanitarianism

Despite what is said publicly, there is nothing compassionate about what is happening. Countries are taking loans they can’t pay back, and are forced to cede sovereignty in order to “service the debt”. Not at all what we are led to believe.

CV #65: Using Computer Models (Predictions), And Misleading Data

The BC Government continues to push the narrative of us being in a deadly pandemic. However, this flies in the face of its own data and numbers.

[1] BCPHO Bonnie Henry admits there’s no science behind limiting gatherings to 50 people. [2] She also admits that the PCR tests can give 30% false negatives. [3] Ontario Deputy Medical Health Officer Barbara Yaffe admits that testing can give 50% false positives. [4] Bonnie Henry admits antibody testing gives both high false positives and false negatives.

Now, what about those computer models?

1. Other Articles On CV “Planned-emic”

The rest of the series is here. Many lies, lobbying, conflicts of interest, and various globalist agendas operating behind the scenes. The Gates Foundation finances many things, including, the World Health Organization, the Center for Disease Control, GAVI, ID2020, John Hopkins University, Imperial College London, the Pirbright Institute, the British Broadcasting Corporation, and individual pharmaceutical companies. Worth mentioning: there is little to no science behind what our officials are doing; they promote degenerate behaviour; the Australian Department of Health admits the PCR tests don’t work; the US CDC admits testing is heavily flawed; and The International Health Regulations (IHR), that the WHO imposes are legally binding on all members.

2. Important Links

FEDERAL
modelling.federal.april.8.using-data-modelling-inform-eng
Federal Modelling, April 2020
https://archive.is/WPSGJ
modelling.federal.June.4.using-data-modelling-inform-eng
modelling.federal.June.29.using-data-modelling-inform-eng
modelling.federal.July.8.using-data-modelling-inform-eng
modelling.federal.august.14.using-data-modelling-inform-eng
modelling.federal.September.22.using-data-modelling-inform-eng

PHAC Modelling Information
Artificial Intelligence In Public Health
https://archive.is/gOHaD

BRITISH COLUMBIA
http://www.bccdc.ca/health-info/diseases-conditions/covid-19/modelling-projections
COVID19_Technical_Briefing_Condensed.March.27
COVID19_TechnicalBriefing_Mar27_2020.full
COVID19_Update_Modelling-DIGITAL.april.17
Covid-19_May4_PPP
Covid19-Modelling_Update.june.23
Covid19-Modelling_Update.july.20
COVID-19_Going_Forward.august
COVID19_Going_Forward_Sept_3_2020

http://www.bccdc.ca/health-professionals/clinical-resources/case-definitions/covid-19-(novel-coronavirus)/covid-19-(novel-coronavirus)
https://archive.is/yuNnT
WaybackMachine Archive

BC_COVID-19_Disclaimer_Data_Notes.no.liability
2019-nCoV-Interim_Guidelines_August25

http://www.bccdc.ca/Health-Info-Site/Documents/BC_Surveillance_Summary_Sept_17_2020.pdf
BC_Surveillance_Summary_Sept_17_2020

BC Covid Case Details
https://archive.is/egOvE
Wayback Machine Archive

3. BC Issues Waiver Of All Liability

Terms of use, disclaimer and limitation of liability
.
Although every effort has been made to provide accurate information, the Province of British Columbia, including the British Columbia Centre for Disease Control, the Provincial Health Services Authority and the British Columbia Ministry of Health makes no representation or warranties regarding the accuracy of the information in the dashboard and the associated data, nor will it accept responsibility for errors or omissions. Data may not reflect the current situation, and therefore should only be used for reference purposes. Access to and/or content of this dashboard and associated data may be suspended, discontinued, or altered, in part or in whole, at any time, for any reason, with or without prior notice, at the discretion of the Province of British Columbia.

Anyone using this information does so at his or her own risk, and by using such information agrees to indemnify the Province of British Columbia, including the British Columbia Centre for Disease Control, the Provincial Health Services Authority and the British Columbia Ministry of Health and its content providers from any and all liability, loss, injury, damages, costs and expenses (including legal fees and expenses) arising from such person’s use of the information on this website.

The BC Government would have us believe that this is accurate information, but puts in the disclaimer that it accepts no liability whatsoever for its publications. Speaks volumes about their reliability.

4. BC Gov’t Doesn’t Stand Behind Claims

Although every effort has been made to provide accurate information, the Province of British Columbia, including the British Columbia Centre for Disease Control, the Provincial Health Services Authority and the British Columbia Ministry of Health makes no representation or warranties regarding the accuracy of the information in the dashboard and the associated data, nor will it accept responsibility for errors or omissions. Data may not reflect the current situation, and therefore should only be used for reference purposes. Access to and/or content of this dashboard and associated data may be suspended, discontinued, or altered, in part or in whole, at any time, for any reason, with or without prior notice, at the discretion of the Province of British Columbia.

The Government of BC doesn’t even stand behind the information it publishes. No wonder there is the disclaimer and waiver of liability.

5. BC’s September 17 Surveillance Report

Total number of cases: 7,663
Number of lab-confirmed and lab-probable cases: 7,548
Number of epi-linked probable cases: 115

What do these definitions actually mean though? We’ll have to get them from the BC Centre for Disease Control.

According to those definitions, a person would be considered positive if they have an inconclusive test, and has the very generic symptoms. Strange that positives and “lab-probable” aren’t separated. Similarly, a person can be considered a “probable” case with no test whatsoever.

6. BC Gov’t FearPorn V.S. Its Own Data

And let’s take a look at some of these numbers. As of Sept 17:
-219 deaths overall
-0 deaths of people under the age of 40
-28 deaths of people under the age of 70
-no info provided on preexisting health problems
-positive and lab-probable cases mixed together

Of course, all of this assumes the Government is being open and honest about its results. There’s nothing to say that these reports aren’t entirely fabricated.

7. Computer Models Are Just Predictions

http://www.bccdc.ca/health-info/diseases-conditions/covid-19/modelling-projections

To be absolutely clear: computer models are not evidence of anything. They are simply predictions that “experts” release based on assumptions, predetermined patterns, and bits of data. If the information isn’t reliable, or if there is a political agenda, the results are meaningless.

However, even good intentions and data don’t change the fact that these models are just predictions — at best.

In the case of British Columbia, the Government isn’t even making predictions. Instead, it publishes a series of “what if” scenarios and uses that as a basis for more restrictions.

8. Bringing AI Into Public Health

An interesting aside into Government involvement pursuing artificial intelligence more and more for public health. Don’t worry, it won’t be open to manipulation.

9. Predictive Modelling At Federal Level

Just because there isn’t a death wave going on, it doesn’t mean that the Federal Government isn’t CLAIMING that one is coming. For that, they rely on computer modelling. Again, modelling is not evidence of anything, and is, at best, an educated guess.

10. Seniors Are Bulk Of People Dying

668 (7.3%) were 60-69 years old
1,673 (18.2%) were 70-79 years old
6,566 (71.3%) were over 80 years old

Just 3.3% of deaths were in people under 60 years old. Again, this is assuming these numbers are at all accurate.

11. Vast Majority Recover On Their Own

Vaccines and treatments for COVID-19
.
Currently there are no therapies available for either the prevention or treatment of COVID-19. Health Canada is closely tracking all potential therapeutic treatments and vaccines in development in Canada and abroad, including products that are being used off-label. The Department is working with vaccine developers, researchers, and manufacturers to help expedite the development and availability of medical products such as vaccines, antibodies, and drugs to prevent and treat COVID-19.

On the Health Canada site, it is claimed that there is no treatment or prevention for this disease. Obvious question: how are people recovering if there is no treatment? Do they just get better on their own?

For the sake of argument, assume that Health Canada’s totals are somewhat accurate. Assume that its testing methods are reliable. Why then, does the Government minimize the fact that people mostly recover on their own, without any vaccine? Why is it really being pushed?

12. Bogus CV Modelling Still Goes On

Yes, “Professor Lockdown“, Neil Ferguson has long been exposed as a complete hack. Yes, his track record of failing is out in the open, as are his financial ties to the Gates Foundation. But the same shoddy pseudo-science is still being practiced. Governments don’t talk about the consequences of their draconian measures, or just how bad these tests really are.

Governments use guesswork to justify what they do. That’s all these models really are.

Bit Of History: Galati/Trudeau Put Rights Of Terrorists Over Canadians


(From Canuck Politics. Although a political ad, this one is entirely truthful, and worth a mention.)

Rocco Galati and Justin Trudeau both believe it’s a human right for foreigners who obtain Canadian citizenship to retain that citizenship, even after being convicted of terrorism or treason offences. Although Galati lost that court challenge, Justin Trudeau would “correct” it anyway, by implementing Bill C-6.

Simply holding a Canadian passport doesn’t make you a Canadian, except in a civic sense. Terrorists and traitors, however, don’t even deserve that.

1. Islam, Terrorism, Religious Violence

Check this series for more information on the religion of peace. Tolerance of intolerance is being forced on the unwilling public. Included are efforts to crack down on free speech, under the guise of “religious tolerance”.

2. Galati Defending Terrorists’ “Rights”

CLICK HERE, for Galati claiming to have received threats.
CLICK HERE, for $10.5 million payout to Khadr.
CLICK HERE, for Galati defending citizenship for terrorists.

https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fca/doc/2001/2001canlii22177/2001canlii22177.html
https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2003/2003fc928/2003fc928.html
galati.easier.bail.for.terrorists.2006canlii24454
galati.terrorist.citizenship.2015fc91

3. Challenging Security Certificates (2001)

Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration) v. Mahjoub, 2001 CanLII 22177 (FCA)
https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fca/doc/2001/2001canlii22177/2001canlii22177.html

[7] In my view, the real issue is whether the designated judge in a s. 40.1 hearing has jurisdiction to grant the remedy sought. Section 40.1(4)(d) states that the designated judge shall “determine whether the certificate filed by the Minister and the Solicitor General is reasonable on the basis of the evidence and the information available to the Chief justice or the designated judge, as the case may be, and, if found not to be reasonable, quash the certificate”. In Re Baroud, Denault, J., found that the role of this court is neither to substitute its decision for that of the Minister and the Solicitor General, nor to find that they were correct in their assessment of the evidence. Rather, the designated judge must determine, based on the evidence presented to him or her, whether the Ministers’ decision to issue the certificate is reasonable.

[8] Does the assessment of reasonableness, pursuant to s. 40.1(4)(d), include as assessment of whether upholding the certificate would breach the applicant’s constitutional rights? I do not find that it does. In my view, reasonableness and constitutionality are distinct issues. Reasonableness involves an evaluation of the evidence to determine if it supports the Ministers’ decision; constitutionality is a more in-depth assessment of the applicant’s constitutional rights. In my view, a plain reading of s. 40.1(4)(d) gives the designated judge jurisdiction only to consider the reasonableness of the certificate. If Parliament had intended the designated judge to consider the validity of the certificate, including its constitutionality, the section could have been so drafted.

[9] My decision that the designated judge does not have jurisdiction to consider Charter matters is further supported by the fact that there is no appeal from the decision of the designated judge. Section 40.1(6) states:
.
“A determination under paragraph (4)(d) is not subject to appeal or review by any court”.
.
By expressly prohibiting further appeal or review, Parliament reinforced the notion that proceedings under s. 40.1 of the Immigration Act are intended only to consider whether the Ministers’ decision to issue the certificate is reasonable on the basis of the available evidence.

[15] Although I initially had doubts regarding Cullen J.’s conclusion, I am now satisfied that his conclusion is the correct one. I find support for Cullen J.’s conclusion in the Federal Court of Appeal’s decision in Suresh v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration)(1998), 229 N.R. 240. The issue before the Court of Appeal was whether a judge designated under subsections 40.1(8) and (9) of the Act had jurisdiction to hear constitutional issues that arose from an order made by a judge pursuant to subsection 40.1(9) of the Act.

This appeal concerned the constitutionality of the security certificates issued by the government. The limit scope of the appeals was over whether the decisions handed down were reasonable or not.

4. Bringing Back The Khadrs (2002 to ….)

Galati, decided to stop representing terrorists in late 2003. It wasn’t because he saw the practice as wrong. Instead, it was due to alleged death threats. One of his clients was Abdurahman Khadr, brother of Omar Khadr.

Omar Khadr himself, would eventually receive $10.5 million from taxpayers, due to “alleged” abuses and human rights violations at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.

5. Causing Delays To Justify Release (2003)

Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration) v. Mahjoub, 2003 FC 928 (CanLII), [2004] 1 FCR 493
https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2003/2003fc928/2003fc928.html

As to the first part of the test, the reference to a period of 120 days in subsection 84(2) reflects Parliament’s intent that once a certificate has been determined to be reasonable, the person named in the certificate should be removed expeditiously. In the present case, Mahjoub has been detained for slightly over three years and it has been 21 months since the certificate was upheld. However, by requiring as one of the criteria for release that the Court consider whether removal will or will not take place within a reasonable time, Parliament has contemplated that in some circumstances, removal will not have occurred within 120 days, but the period of detention may still be a reasonable period. Otherwise, release after 120 days would be automatic, absent considerations of national security or the safety of persons. What in any particular case will be reasonable will depend upon the facts and circumstances of that case. Any uncertainty about when Mahjoub may be removed resulted from two significant circumstances: (i) Court proceedings which he has initiated or will initiate; and (ii) concerns as to whether Mahjoub faces a risk of torture or death if he is removed to Egypt. With respect to the first circumstance, while it was Mahjoub’s right to exhaust all avenues of legal recourse, the time required for those challenges could not be relied upon for the purpose of arguing that he will not be removed within a reasonable time. As to the second circumstance, the Supreme Court of Canada affirmed in Suresh that, absent extraordinary circumstances, deportation to torture will generally violate the principles of fundamental justice protected by section 7 of the Charter. Thus, generally, as a matter of law, the Minister should decline to deport Convention refugees where there is a substantial risk of torture.

[6]The position of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), as stated in the summary, is that it believes that Mr. Mahjoub is a high-ranking member of an Egyptian Islamic terrorist organization, the Vanguards of Conquest, a radical wing of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad or Al Jihad. According to CSIS, Al Jihad is one of the groups which split from Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood in the 1970’s to form a more extremist and militant organization. Al Jihad, according to CSIS, advocates the use of violence as a means of establishing an Islamic state in Egypt.

[7]The summary provided to Mr. Mahjoub set out, to the extent consistent with national security and the safety of persons, CSIS’s grounds for believing that Mr. Mahjoub will, while in Canada, engage in or instigate the subversion by force of the Gov ernment of Egypt, and that he is a member of an organization that there are reasonable grounds to believe was and is engaged in terrorism, and which will engage in subversion by force against the Government of Egypt. The summary also set out the Service’s grounds to believe that Mr. Mahjoub had engaged in terrorism.

[8]An open hearing was held before Mr. Justice Nadon from February 26, 2001 to March 8, 2001 for the purpose of providing to Mr. Mahjoub a reasonable opportunity to be heard with respect to the certificate. Submissions were made by counsel to Mr. Justice Nadon on May 8, 2001. On October 5, 2001 [2001 FCT 1095 (CanLII), [2001] 4 F.C. 644 (T.D.)], Mr. Justice Nadon determined that, on the basis of the evidence and information available to him, the certificate filed by the Ministers is reasonable.

[9]On March 25, 2002 [[2002] I.Adj.D.D. No. 5 (QL)], the Adjudication Division of the Immigration and Refugee Board found Mr. Mahjoub to be inadmissible, based on the security certificate. A deportation order was therefore issued.

[68]With respect to membership in the Vanguards of Conquest and/or Al Jihad, Mr. Justice Nadon found that:
.
1. Mr. Mahjoub perjured himself when he denied knowing Mr. Marzouk.
.
2. Mr. Mahjoub was not truthful with respect to his connection with Mr. Al Duri.
.
3. Mr. Mahjoub was not truthful with respect to the use of his alias “Mahmoud Shaker” to CSIS agents.
.
4. Mr. Mahjoub was not truthful regarding his true activities while he worked in the Sudan for Osama bin Laden.
.
5. Mr. Mahjoub was initially untruthful when he was interviewed by CSIS and he denied knowing Mr. Ahmad Said Khadr.

In addition to lying in his earlier application, a defense was raised that human rights had been violated, since the deportation order hadn’t taken place within 120 days (4 months). However, that falls flat when it’s pointed out that the Applicant tried other legal means to stay in Canada.

6. Easier For Terrorists To Obtain Bail (2006)

R. v. Ghany, 2006 CanLII 24454 (ON SC)
https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onsc/doc/2006/2006canlii24454/2006canlii24454.pdf

[5] The applicants submit that s. 83.01 offences are “akin, of the same class and indistinguishable from offences included in s. 469 of the Criminal Code, and therefore within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Superior Court of Justice. They argue that on the allegations as disclosed to date, “some of the allegations cited constitute, or may constitute, treason and/or intimidating Parliament or attempts thereunder”. Further, the applicants submit the nature and content of terrorism charges are “either subsets or specific instances of s. 469 offences or indistinguishably akin to them”.

[29] The fact that some of the offences under s. 83.01 involve elements of other offences does not assist the applicants. For example, another count of the information charges two accused with importing a firearm and prohibited ammunition contrary to s. 103 of the Criminal Code for the benefit of, at the direction of, or in association with a terrorist group, thereby committing an offence contrary to s. 83.2 of the Criminal Code. Doing so does not turn those offences into s. 469 offences. Section 103 is not covered by s. 469.

[36] The applicants further submit that their s. 15 Charter rights are impacted by this constitutional omission. Mr. Galati argues that having these offences “against the Canadian state tried by provincially appointed “lower magistrates” infringes sections 7 and 15 of the Charter, as well as infringing the pre-amble to the Constitution Act, 1982 in placing offences against the Canadian state before provincially appointed “lower magistrates and justices”. Finally, they submit that s. 469 “offers certain procedural and judicial benefits and protections for the accused” which mitigates in favour of having “the highest judicial scrutiny, and review by exclusive jurisdiction at first instance”. In regard to the contention that the cases are being “tried” in the Ontario Court of Justice, the issue on this application is the forum of the bail hearings.

In short, Galati wanted his client (who was charged with Section 83 — terrorism — offences), to have the court view them in the same manner as Section 469 offences. This would make it mandatory that bail hearings be held by the Superior Court of Justice in Ontario. Thus it would remove the discretion for the Lower Court to conduct it. Galati admits that the reason behind it is that he figures it will be easier for his client to get bail.

7. Bill C-24, Deport Dual National Terrorists

https://www.parl.ca/LegisInfo/BillDetails.aspx?Language=E&billId=6401990

(8) The portion of subsection 3(3) of the Act before paragraph (b) is replaced by the following:
.
(3) Paragraphs (1)(b), (f) to (j), (q) and (r) do not apply to a person born outside Canada
(a) if, at the time of his or her birth, only one of the person’s parents was a citizen and that parent was a citizen under paragraph (1)(b), (c.1), (e), (g), (h), (o), (p), (q) or (r) or both of the person’s parents were citizens under any of those paragraphs;
.
(a.1) if the person was born before January 1, 1947 and, on that day, only one of the person’s parents was a citizen and that parent was a citizen under paragraph (1)(o) or (q), or both of the person’s parents were citizens under either of those paragraphs; (a.2) if the person was born before April 1, 1949 and, on that day, only one of the person’s parents was a citizen and that parent was a citizen under paragraph (1)(p) or (r), or both of the person’s parents were citizens under either of those paragraphs; or

This provision would allow for Canada to strip away the Canadian citizenship of a foreign-born person convicted of terrorism or treason, if citizenship elsewhere was an option.

8. Fighting Deportation Of Terrorists (2015)

Galati v. Canada (Governor General), 2015 FC 91 (CanLII), [2015] 4 FCR 3
https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2015/2015fc91/2015fc91.pdf

I. Overview
[1] The applicants seek to set aside the decision of His Excellency The Right Honourable David Johnston Governor General of Canada on June 19, 2014 to grant royal assent to Bill C-24, the Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act, SC 2014, c 22 (Strengthening Citizenship Act).

[2] Section 8 of the Strengthening Citizenship Act amends the Citizenship Act, RSC 1985, c C-29 (Citizenship Act). The amendments allow the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration to revoke the citizenship of natural-born and naturalized Canadian citizens where a citizen has a conviction relating to national security or terrorism. These convictions include treason under section 47 of the Criminal Code, RSC 1985, c C-46 (subsection 10(2)(a) of the Citizenship Act); a terrorism offence as defined in section 2 of the Criminal Code (subsection 10(2)(b) of the Citizenship Act) and certain offences under the National Defence Act, RSC 1985, c N-5 and the Security of Information Act, RSC 1985, c O-5. Where the citizen holds, or could have a right to dual nationality, the Strengthening Citizenship Act provides for the revocation of citizenship and designation of that individual as a foreign national, which may lead to deportation from Canada.

[99] Given these principles, it is clear that Parliament must enjoy exclusive and unqualified legislative competence over citizenship, subject only to constraints of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

VI. Conclusion
[100] The application for judicial review is dismissed. The matter in respect of which judicial review is sought, the decision to grant royal assent, is a legislative act and not justiciable. The respondents are not federal boards exercising a power or jurisdiction conferred under an act of Parliament. In any event, the substantive argument with respect to constitutionality of the Strengthening Citizenship Act fails. Section 8 of the Strengthening Citizenship Act is within the legislative competence of Parliament.

JUDGMENT
.
THIS COURT’S JUDGMENT is that the application is dismissed, with costs. If parties cannot agree on the amount of costs, submissions of no more than five pages in length may be made within 10 days from the date of this decision.

Although this application was thrown out, Trudeau would soon be elected, making this all a non-issue. Still, it’s absurd beyond belief that foreigners who come to Canada only to engage in these crimes should have people fighting for their rights.

9. Trudeau Liberals Introduce Bill C-6 (2016)

In early 2016, the Trudeau Government introduced Bill C-6, to remove the requirement that foreign born dual nationals be deported if convicted of terrorism or treason. In short, Trudeau did in the legislature what Rocco Galati failed to accomplish in Federal Court.

10. Rights Of Canadians Don’t Matter

Lawyers have a well deserved reputation for being scum, and these are just a few examples of it. Societal norms and protections are undermined under the pretense of “rights” for people who enter Canada with the intention of doing harm.

Just as bad are the lobbyists, politicians, NGOs, and others who undermine our laws to let these people in. Islam is not compatible with a Western Society, and we should not make any effort to accommodate it.

Foreign NGOs should not be allowed to influence laws and policies in Canada. For that matter, foreigners shouldn’t be allowed to hold public office — because their loyalty will always be divided.