The last piece focused mainly on the extensive lobbying efforts that CIJA was involved in doing, namely who and when it was taking place.
Now we get to the “what”. What exactly is CIJA lobbying for, and what do they want? If an organization spends that kind of time and money, they must be serious about it.
3. CIJA’s Prolific Lobbying Efforts
As was covered in the previous article, CIJA, the Center for Israel and Jewish Affairs has been heavily involved in lobbying the Federal Government for decades. Now, let’s take a deeper look into what they actually are lobbying for.
4. CIJA’s Stated Goals
What makes CIJA different from other Jewish organizations?
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CIJA is the only registered lobbyist for the Jewish community. It is the sole advocacy agent of Canada’s Jewish Federations, focusing much of its work on communications with the non-Jewish community. Its approach to advocacy is strategic, based on research, polling, and analysis. CIJA is the only organization to bring – literally – hundreds of Canadian influencers and decision-makers to Israel on educational missions every year.
Based on information provided in the FAQ, CIJA openly states its goal is to influence policy, and states it brings hundreds of Canadians to Israel annually to help achieve that.
5. IHRA Definition of Anti-Semitism
About the IHRA
The IHRA is the only intergovernmental organization mandated to focus solely on Holocaust-related issues, so with evidence that the scourge of antisemitism is once again on the rise, we resolved to take a leading role in combatting it. IHRA experts determined that in order to begin to address the problem of antisemitism, there must be clarity about what antisemitism is.
The IHRA’s Committee on Antisemitism and Holocaust Denial worked to build international consensus around a working definition of antisemitism, which was subsequently adopted by the plenary. By doing so, the IHRA set an example of responsible conduct for other international fora and provided an important tool with practical applicability for its Member Countries. This is just one illustration of how the IHRA has equipped policymakers to address this rise in hate and discrimination at their national level.
The Working Definition of Antisemitism
In the spirit of the Stockholm Declaration that states: “With humanity still scarred by …antisemitism and xenophobia the international community shares a solemn responsibility to fight those evils” the committee on Antisemitism and Holocaust Denial called the IHRA Plenary in Budapest 2015 to adopt the following working definition of antisemitism.
On 26 May 2016, the Plenary in Bucharest decided to:
Adopt the following non-legally binding working definition of antisemitism:
“Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities.”
And if this sounds too vague, don’t worry. The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance will get much, MUCH more detailed in what fits this definition.
Contemporary examples of antisemitism in public life, the media, schools, the workplace, and in the religious sphere could, taking into account the overall context, include, but are not limited to:
-Calling for, aiding, or justifying the killing or harming of Jews in the name of a radical ideology or an extremist view of religion.
-Making mendacious, dehumanizing, demonizing, or stereotypical allegations about Jews as such or the power of Jews as collective — such as, especially but not exclusively, the myth about a world Jewish conspiracy or of Jews controlling the media, economy, government or other societal institutions.
-Accusing Jews as a people of being responsible for real or imagined wrongdoing committed by a single Jewish person or group, or even for acts committed by non-Jews.
-Denying the fact, scope, mechanisms (e.g. gas chambers) or intentionality of the genocide of the Jewish people at the hands of National Socialist Germany and its supporters and accomplices during World War II (the Holocaust).
-Accusing the Jews as a people, or Israel as a state, of inventing or exaggerating the Holocaust.
-Accusing Jewish citizens of being more loyal to Israel, or to the alleged priorities of Jews worldwide, than to the interests of their own nations.
-Denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor.
-Applying double standards by requiring of it a behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation.
Using the symbols and images associated with classic antisemitism (e.g., claims of Jews killing Jesus or blood libel) to characterize Israel or Israelis.
-Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis.
-Holding Jews collectively responsible for actions of the state of Israel.
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Antisemitic acts are criminal when they are so defined by law (for example, denial of the Holocaust or distribution of antisemitic materials in some countries).
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Criminal acts are antisemitic when the targets of attacks, whether they are people or property – such as buildings, schools, places of worship and cemeteries – are selected because they are, or are perceived to be, Jewish or linked to Jews.
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Antisemitic discrimination is the denial to Jews of opportunities or services available to others and is illegal in many countries.
Yes, this IHRA definition of anti-Semitism means any such behaviour listed above should be criminalized.
Also note: it has the wording “include, but not limited to”. This means that the extensive list of “anti-Semitic behaviour” may be expanded on as time passes.
Language that seems dehumanizing? That also is extremely vague, and seems ripe for abuse. And Jews are greatly overrepresented in government, academia, banking and the media. How is pointing out these facts considered bias?
Even questioning even the scale of the Holocaust is considered a hate crime according to these people?
And Israel DOES practice a double standard when it comes to managing its affairs. Israel has strong border walls, strict immigration, and is extremely ethno-centric when it comes to determining who it should allow to live there. But if you question the hypocrisy, you are an anti-Semite.
Is all of this an academic exercise? Hardly.
6. Pushing IHRA Definition on Others
CIJA has been successful in getting Westmount (Montreal), and Vaughn, and Toronto, to adopt the IHRA definition of anti-Semitism, which is basically anything Jews don’t like.
As a political tactic, this is proving to be very effective.
Looking at this in terms of silencing potential critics: how is this different from the Motion M-103 which Iqra Khalid previously got passed in the House of Commons? The effect is the same — using the claim of victimhood to silence free speech.
7. Changing Human Rights Code
Hate messages
13 (1) It is a discriminatory practice for a person or a group of persons acting in concert to communicate telephonically or to cause to be so communicated, repeatedly, in whole or in part by means of the facilities of a telecommunication undertaking within the legislative authority of Parliament, any matter that is likely to expose a person or persons to hatred or contempt by reason of the fact that that person or those persons are identifiable on the basis of a prohibited ground of discrimination.
Marginal note:
Interpretation
(2) For greater certainty, subsection (1) applies in respect of a matter that is communicated by means of a computer or a group of interconnected or related computers, including the Internet, or any similar means of communication, but does not apply in respect of a matter that is communicated in whole or in part by means of the facilities of a broadcasting undertaking.
Marginal note:
Interpretation
(3) For the purposes of this section, no owner or operator of a telecommunication undertaking communicates or causes to be communicated any matter described in subsection (1) by reason only that the facilities of a telecommunication undertaking owned or operated by that person are used by other persons for the transmission of that matter.
CIJA wants to bring back Section 13 of the Canada Human Rights Act, which was repealed in 2013. The idea is to make it easier to claim anti-Semitism by pointing to electronic communications.
8. (Internet) Hate Speech, Criminal Penalties
The previous section dealt with “online hate” via the Canada Human Rights Act, but here, CIJA wants to push for it to be “criminally punishable” as well. That’s right, not only would this be a human rights violation, but potentially a criminal offence as well.
Of course, CIJA supports the extremely broad and excessive definition of “anti-Semitism” as laid out by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. Don’t worry, this won’t trample on your free speech or anything.
9. Deportations For “Hate Speech”
One of CIJA’s stated goals is to influence policy to make it easier to remove citizenship of Canadians for a variety of reasons, including what it calls: extreme promotion of hate.
Presumably — although it doesn’t specify — this would only apply to people who immigrate to Canada and later become citizens. One can also assume — but again, it doesn’t state — that after the citizenship is revoked the person would then be deported.
While removing people who commit terrorism and crimes against humanity is certainly a reasonable goal, it is disturbing to see “hate speech” included as well. This is especially true since CIJA doesn’t really believe in free speech to begin with.
It would be interesting (at least in some academic sense), to see how this plays out. Under Bill C-6, we no longer pull the citizenship of actual terrorists. Yet we are now supposed to do so for hate speech?
10. Holocaust Training Obligations
The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance unites governments and experts to strengthen, advance and promote Holocaust education, research and remembrance and to uphold the commitments to the 2000 Stockholm Declaration.
The IHRA (formerly the Task Force for International Cooperation on Holocaust Education, Remembrance and Research, or ITF) was initiated in 1998 by former Swedish Prime Minister Göran Persson. Today the IHRA’s membership consists of 34 member countries, each of whom recognizes that international political coordination is imperative to strengthen the moral commitment of societies and to combat growing Holocaust denial and antisemitism.
The IHRA’s network of trusted experts share their knowledge on early warning signs of present-day genocide and education on the Holocaust. This knowledge supports policymakers and educational multipliers in their efforts to develop effective curricula, and it informs government officials and NGOs active in global initiatives for genocide prevention.
Yes, this is very productive: constantly reminding Canadians that Jews are victims.
Interesting to note: IHRA wants to criminalize it (everywhere) to deny or even question the Holocaust, but it is only “this” one that is off limits. Every other alleged atrocity is fair game to dissect and analyse. Perhaps the cover story is falling apart after all these years, so the skeptics must be silenced.
11. CIJA And Durban II
From 20-24 April 2009, the Durban Review Conference took place in Geneva. It is also known as Durban II, a follow-up to the infamous “Durban I” World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance in the late summer of 2001. At Durban I, an NGO Forum accepted what can be summed up as a declaration of war against Israel. Participating nongovernmental organizations adopted a strategy for the complete isolation of Israel through boycotts, divestment, and sanctions.
The Durban I is seen as waging war on Israel. So CIJA is trying to lobby Canada and other nations to act as a counter-weight against future proposals or movements.
12. CIJA Behind Media Licensing Req
Period (2012-05-10 to 2012-07-19)
Period (2015-02-02 to 2015-06-10)
Period (2016-03-01 to 2016-03-18)
Period (2017-06-15 to 2017-08-04)
Period (2019-09-01 to 2020-01-14)
Do you get the picture? For years, the Center for Israel and Jewish Affairs has been lobbying the Federal Government about the issuances of broadcast licenses.
This is not a one time thing, but has been going on for several years, at least. Any wonder why we now have a government that openly calls for all media outlets (regardless of size), to be regulated? This is a deliberate attempt to give control to the government to deplatform anyone who is deemed to be anti-Semitic, or involved in hate speech.
That is correct. The ISRAELI group has spent years lobbying the CANADIAN Government over how media licenses should be issued. This is straight up foreign interference in our affairs.
The CRTC has recently made many recommendations, including forcing those in the media to get licenses. Understandably, the Minister, Steven Guilbeault, and the Federal Government are taking a lot of flak over this. People may have believed it to be the Islamic groups that led to this, and that certainly is a reasonable suspicion. However, the fact is that CIJA has lobbying specifically for this for many years.
13. More Than Just Free Speech
Of course, there are many other things CIJA advocates for.
One is increasing markets for kosher food, that is food killed in barbaric and inhumane ways (much like Islamic halal). Looks like animal rights don’t matter as long as it is cloaked in culture and diversity.
This group also pushes for increased trade and for changes to the tax code that presumably Jews would personally benefit from.
CIJA also wants to see more immigration with easier pathways. But of course, this only applies to people coming to Canada. Israel can remain an ethno-state. CIJA further wishes to entangle Canada in its military and political obligations.
So there is no denying that this group — which has filed 1248 “communications reports” has been busy trying to change Canada’s laws. But the worst one in the eyes of many is its continuous assault on free speech in Canada.
White Westerners are told that identity politics is evil and wrong. But CIJA, and groups like it, endlessly play JEWISH identity politics in order to get their way. Seems hypocritical.
An awful lot of people criticize “ISLAMIC” influence in Canadian politics. And there is certainly reason to be worried. Creeping Sharia, prohibitions on criticizing Islam, and cultural practices that are incompatible with the West are being pushed. And there are of course, political movements to eventually take over.
However, what isn’t really discussed is the ZIONIST influence in Canadian politics. It’s there, and it’s just as bad as the push for Islam. Difference is, it’s more subtle, and the media is much more controlled on the subject.
3. Who Are The Lobbyists?
2001 Listings For Centre for I/J Affairs
PHILIPPE ELHARRAR
Position title: PUBLIC AFFAIRS CONSULTANT
SHIMON FOGEL
Position title: NATIONAL EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
ROBERT RITTER
Position title: NATIONAL EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
Current Listings For Centre for I/J Affairs
Dan-Michael Abécassis, Director, Government Relations (Quebec)
David Cooper, Vice President, Government Relations
SHIMON FOGEL, Chief Executive Officer (CEO)
Sophie Helpard, Associate Director, Government Relations (Ontario)
Richard Marceau, Vice President, External Affairs and General Counsel
Martin Sampson, Vice President, Communications and Marketing
Jonathan Schneiderman, Vice President, Development and Public Affairs
Noah Shack, Vice President, GTA
Nico Slobinsky, Director, Pacific Region
Eta Yudin, Vice President, Quebec
4. Israeli Lobbyists In CDN Office
5. Cited: 1248 “Communications Reports”
Going through the communications reports, let’s take a look at who the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs has been meeting with. Here is the list alphabetically. Note: there are a lot of repeats in here.
The list is alphabetical, not chronological.
Eve Adams, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Mark Adler, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Leona Aglukkaq, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Harold Albrecht, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Omar Alghabra, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Stella Ambler, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
André Arthur, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Michael Atallah, Analyst | Privy Council Office (PCO)
Paulina Ayala, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
John Baird, Minister | Transport Canada (TC)
Denis Bazinet, Director, Electoral Operations and Planning Administration | Elections Canada
Michael Beaton, Director of Policy and Stakeholder Relations | Transport Canada (TC)
Patricia Beh, Director of policy | Canadian Heritage (PCH)
Karl Belanger, OLO | House of Commons
Mauril Belanger, MP | House of Commons
Rachel Bendayan, Parliamentary Secretary | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Carolyn Bennett, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Tyrone Benskin, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Carolyn Bernier, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Nathan Bessner, Special Assistant | Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada (ISED)
Dennis Bevington, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Douglas Black, Senator | Senate of Canada
Kelly Block, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Peter Boehm, Senator | Senate of Canada
Randy Boissonnault, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Francois Boivin, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Mathieu Bouchard, Senior Advisor | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Ray Bougher, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Alexandre Boulerice, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Peter Braid, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Garry Breitkreuz, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Scott Brison, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Bert Brown, Senator | Senate of Canada
Gordon Brown, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Lois Brown, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Patrick Brown, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Daniel Burgoyne, national manager | Canadian Food Inspection Agency (CFIA)
Eloge Butera, Office of the Minister of Public Safety Canada | Public Safety Canada (PS)
Brad Butt, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Jenni Byrne, Issues Managment | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Oren Cainer, Minister’s Exempt Staff – Deputy Chief | House of Commons
Mark Cameron, Director | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Mariann Canning, Assistant Director, Accessibility & Outreach | Elections Canada
Guy Caron, Member of parliament | House of Commons
Jim Carr, Minister | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Colin Carrie, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Robert Chisholm, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Richard Clark, Policy Assistant | Industry Canada
Rob Clarke, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Tony Clement, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Anne C. Cools, Senator | Senate of Canada
Michael Cooper, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Raymond Cote, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Irwin Cotler, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Darren Cunningham, Chief of Staff | Canada Revenue Agency (CRA)
Izabel Czuzoj-Shulman, Parliamentary Affairs Advisor | Justice Canada (JC)
Julie Dabrusin, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Canadian Haritage | Canadian Heritage (PCH)
Joe Daniel, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Chris Day, Chief of Staff | House of Commons
Stockwell Day, Minister | Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada (DFAITC)
Allison Dean, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Dean Del Mastro, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
John Delcourt, Advisor to the Leader of the Opposition | House of Commons
Paul Dewar, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Luc Desnoyers, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Peter Donolo, Chief of Staff to the Leader of the Opposition | House of Commons
Earl Dreeshen, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Lisa Drouillard, Director | Elections Canada
Gilles Duceppe, Member of Parliament, Leader of Bloc Québécois | House of Commons
Nicolas Dufour, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
John Duncan, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Rick Dykstra, MP | House of Commons
Wayne Easter, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Ali Ehsassi, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Jeff English, Director of Communications | Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada (AAFC)
Ed Fast, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Greg Fergus, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Andy Filmore, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Infrastructure and Communities | House of Commons
Doug Finley, Senator | Senate of Canada
Jim Flaherty, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Ann Flanagan Whalen, EU/European Bilateral and institutional relations | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Kyle Fox, Western Desk, Office of the Minister of Middle Class, Prosperity and Associate Minister | Finance Canada (FIN)
Shawn Fried, Assistant | Members of the House of Commons
Linda Frum, senator | Senate of Canada
Katharine Funtek, Executive Director | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Marc Garneau, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Mehalan Garoonanedhi, Policy Advisor & Assistant to the Parliamentary Secretary | Canadian Heritage (PCH)
Randall Garrison, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Julie Gaudreau, Special Assistant Public Liaison | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Jonathan Gauvin, Staff | House of Commons
Garnet Genuis, member of parliament | House of Commons
Marc Gervais, Director of Parliamentary Affairs | Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada (ISED)
Robert Goguen, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Marc Gold, Senator | Senate of Canada
Karina Gould, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Claude Gravelle, Member of parliament | House of Commons
Martin Green, Assistant Secretary to the Cabinet, Assessment | Privy Council Office (PCO)
Michel Guimond, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Cheryl Hardcastle, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Stephen Harper, Prime Minister | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Laurie Hawn, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Randy Howback, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Candice Hoeppner, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Anthony Housefather, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minster of Labour | Employment and Social Development Canada (ESDC)
Graham Howell, Policy Advisor | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Carol Hughes, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Bruce Hyer, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Blair Hynes, Deputy Director | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Jamie Innes, Exempt Staff – Director of Parliamentary Affairs | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Sylvie Jacmain, Director, Alternative Voting Method and Operational Outreach | Elections Canada
Roxanne James, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Olivier Jarda, Policy Advisor | Justice Canada (JC)
Brian Jean, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Matt Jeneroux, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Eleanor Johnston, Senior Special Assistant | Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada (DFAITC)
Jonathan Kalles, Quebec Regional Desk | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Vandana Kattar-Miller, Deputy Director – Outreach | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Jason Kenney, Minister | Citizenship and Immigration Canada
Peter Kent, Member of parliament | House of Commons
Andrea Khanjin, Director, Issues Management | Finance Canada (FIN)
Jean-Yves Laforest, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Sangeeta Lalli, British Columbia Regional Desk | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Jean-Francois Larose, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Alexandrine Latendresse, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
David Lametti, Minister | Justice Canada (JC)
Monique Lamoureux, Deputy Director – Democracy, Inclusion and Religious Freedom | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Melissa Lantsman, Policy Advisor | Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada (DFAITC)
Brad Lavigne, Principal Secretary to the Leader of the Opposition | House of Commons
Dominic Leblanc, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Jordan Leichnitz, Parliamentary Affairs | House of Commons
Kellie Leitch, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Chungsen Leung, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Michael Levitt, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Rheal Lewis, Chief of Staff | House of Commons
John Light, Director of Regional Affairs | Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada (DFAITC)
Ben Lobb, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Elliot Lockington, Special Advisor | Canadian Heritage (PCH)
James Lunney, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Dan Lussier, Exempt Staff – Policy Advisor | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Lawrence MacAulay, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
John MacKay, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Hoang Mai, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Fabian Manning, Senator | Senate of Canada
Elizabeth May, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
John McCallum, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Michael McDonald, Senator | Senate of Canada
Dylan Marando, Director of Policy | Employment and Social Development Canada (ESDC)
Wayne Marston, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
John McCallum, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Marilla McCargar, Senior Policy Advisor | Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada (ISED)
Andrea McGuigan, Policy Advisor | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Anne McGrath, Chef of Staff, NDP Leader Jack Layton’s office | House of Commons
Marc Mendicino, Minister | Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC)
Larry Miller, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Maryam Monsef, Minister | House of Commons
Christine Moore, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Marty Morantz, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Isabelle Morin, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Tom Mulcair, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Joyce Murray, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Samantha Nadler, Exempt Staff – Policy Advisor | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Giuliana Natale, Director, Democracy, Inclusion and Religious Freedom | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Peggy Nash, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Anita Neville, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Jamie Nicholls, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Rick Norlock, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Jose Nunez-Melo, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Alexander Nuttall, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Ross O’Connor, Policy Advisor | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Tilly O’Neil Gordon, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Rob Oliphant, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Joe Oliver, Minister of Natural Resources | House of Commons
Ted Opitz, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Annick Papillon, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Pierre Paquette, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Zubair Patel, Chief of Staff | Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC)
Claude Patry, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Alexis Pavlich, Manager, Cultural Media & Vancouver Regional Comm Advisor | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Eve Peclet, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
France Pegeot, Executive Vice-President | Canadian Food Inspection Agency (CFIA)
John Penner, Deputy Chief of Staff and Director of Parliamentary Affairs | House of Commons
Pat Perkins, MP | House of Commons
Pierre Poilievre, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Manon Perreault, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Anne Minh-Thu Quach, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Zara Rabinovitch, Senior Policy Advisor | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Bob Rae, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
John Rafferty, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Lisa Raitt, Minister of Transport | Transport Canada (TC)
James Rajotte, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Tracey Ramsey, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Murray Rankin, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Rachel Rappaport, Press Secretary | Indigenous Services Canada (ISC)
Yasmin Ratansi, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Brent Rathgeber, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Mohammed Ravalia, Senator | Senate of Canada
Mathieu Ravignat, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Darrell Reid, Deputy Chief of Staff | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Roy Rempel, Policy Advisor | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
David Richards, Senator | Senate of Canada
Greg Rickford, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Pablo Rodriguez, Minister | Canadian Heritage (PCH)
Giovanna Roma, Senior Desk Officer, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Europe Bilateral and EU Institutions | Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Rick Roth, Director of Communications | Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development Canada
Pierre-Paul Roy, Advisor to Gilles Duceppe, MP | House of Commons
Harjit Sajjan, Minister | National Defence (DND)
Andrew Saxton, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Andrew Scheer, Leader of the Official Opposition | House of Commons
Deb Schulte, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Anton Sestritsyn, Strategic Communications Advisor | House of Commons
Judy Sgro, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Bev Shipley, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Scott Simms, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Gail Sinclair, General Counsel | Justice Canada (JC)
Jill Sinclair, Assistant Secretary to the Cabinet | Privy Council Office (PCO)
Jagmeet Singh, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Jagmeet Sra, Parliamentary Assistant & Policy Affairs Assistant | Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada (ISED)
Dahlia Stein, Senior Policy Advisor | Health Canada (HC)
Peter Stoffer, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Chuck Strahl, Minister | Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada
Marci Surkes, Office of the Minister of Public Safety Canada | Public Safety Canada (PS)
David Sweet, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Caitlin Szymberski, Policy Advisor | Canada Revenue Agency (CRA)
Glenn Thibeault, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
David Tilson, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Vic Toews, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Susan Truppe, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Merv Tweed, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Tim Uppal, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Kevin Urbanic, Senior Director | Canadian Food Inspection Agency (CFIA)
Dave Van Kesteren, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Peter Van Loan, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Adam Vaugham, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Families and Social Development | House of Commons
Joseph Volpe, Member of Parliament | Members of the House of Commons
Jeremy Waiser, Advisor | House of Commons
Mark Warawa, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Chris Warkentin, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Jamieson Weetman, Analyst Foreign and Defense Policy Secretary | Privy Council Office (PCO)
David Wells, Senator | Senate of Canada
Paul Wilson, Director | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Jody Wilson-Raybould, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Lizan Wladyslaw, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Nigel Wright, Chief of Staff, | Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Kate Young, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Terence Young, Member of Parliament | House of Commons
Pierre-Hughes Boisvenu, Senator | Senate of Canada
A few things to point out.
This is a huge number of people being lobbied, and it doesn’t included repeat attempts.
Party leaders such as Justin Trudeau (Liberal), Andrew Scheer (Conservative), Jagmeet Singh (NDP), and Elizabeth May (Green) have all been lobbied as well. So was Gilles Duceppe, former BQ head. This cuts across party lines. Also, it includes — from the previous administration — Stephen Harper, Nigel Wright, Stockwell Day, Jason Kenney, Vic Toews, John Baird and Chuck Strahl.
Tom Mulcair was lobbied when the NDP was official opposition.
6. What CIJA Lobbies For
Grant, Contribution or Other Financial Benefit
Darfur Conflict: advocacy for more political and financial support from the Government of Canada to resolve the conflict.
Public Security threats to the safety and security of the Jewish community of Canada and the extension of funding of capital costs and staff training for security of communities at risk
Legislative Proposal, Bill or Resolution
CITIZENSHIP ACT (continued support for the power of the state under the current citizenship act to remove citizenship in cases involving war crimes, crimes against humanity, terrorism and extreme promotion of hate.)
Criminal Code of Canada with respect to combating antisemitism.
Parliamentary consultations and reviews about antisemitism; the establishment of a parliamentary enquiry
Section 13 of the Canadian Human Rights Act with respect to combating antisemitism.
Support for Bill C-277 (Palliative Care)
Support for Bill C-305 (Hate Crimes)
Support for Bill S-201 (Genetic Discrimination)
Legislative Proposal, Bill or Resolution, Policies or Program
Hate speech and internet-based hate: For Canada to adopt policies – either/and through legislation or policies adjustments that will provide measurable standards for internet-based dissemination of hate speech, including explicit provisions within the Crimical Code
Policies or Program
Advocating for the development of a national anti-poverty strategy.
Agriculture Canada: Assist in securing termination of Israeli ban on Canadian beef imports as a result of BSE (Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy) protocols.
Anti racism initiatives related to Durban II and expand support by Canadian government of different initiatives to promote tolerance and diversity
Assisted living and low income housing for developmentally challenged: To ensure that the developmentally challenged benefit from the recently announced government programs regarding affordable housing and that a specific portion of the funds allocated for housing be designated for the developmentally challenged.
Canada and Israel relationship with regard to expanding trade between Canada and Israel through the promotion, application and expansion of free trade agreement
Canada-Israel bilateral relations related to trade, investment and scientific and academic exchanges
Canadian diplomatic relations related to the trade agreements with Israel and other nations in the Middle East
Canadian participation in International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA)
Continuing support of the Government of Canada’s policy in maintaining the office of the special advisor on antisemitism of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).
Defence: Canadian participation in Operation Proteus; Discussions on Canada-Israel military cooperation, joint training exercises and military staff exchanges.
Government Procurement: Facilitation of Canada-Israel meetings at ministerial level on issues of budget and procurement “best practices”.
INTERNATIONAL TASK FORCE ON HOLOCAUST EDUCATION, COMMEMORATION AND RESEARCH; ensure that the Government of Canada fulfills its obligations as a full member.
Immigration: Discussions regarding the Immigration Refugee Board policies regarding refugee claimants from Israel; Discussions regarding overall Canadian immigration policy, integration of new Canadians and Israeli “best practices” regarding new immigrant absorption (e.g., certification of foreign trained medical professionals) and language training.
Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada: Assisting Aboriginal leaders and Aboriginal women’s groups is learning new models of community development through presentations on Israeli development models at MASHAV (Israel’s Agency for International Development Cooperation in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Israel’s equivalent of CIDA)
Infrastructure and community relations with regard to the expansion of current PSC (Public Safety Canada) security related funding proposals to include broader definitions of participation and extended funding qualification timetables as well as broader range of items to be funded
International Development: Advice on Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development of Canada (Global Affairs Canada) approach to aid directed at UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency); Advice on the renewal of the McGill Middle East Program in Civil Society and Peace Building
International Relations: Discussions on Canadian interventions at the UN regarding economic sanctions approved by the Security Council; Canadian positions on the NPT (Non-proliferation treaty) review conference; Canadian involvement in the Israel-Palestinians peace process.
Myanmar/Burma: Rohinga refugees and displaced persons: For Canada to augment humanitarian allocations to assist the Rohinga refugees in Burma and Bangladesh and implement elements of the recommendations submitted by The Hon. Bob Rae regarding the Rohinga refugee population.
National Holocaust Memorial: To ensure that the Government of Canada provide resources for year-round access to the memorial as well as educations supports for visitors to the Holocaust Memorial
Qualifications for refugee status claimants and citizenship and immigration requirements for new immigrants related to standards for qualification for entry
Raoul Wallenberg “Park of the Righteous”: For the Government to establish a national park in honour of Raoul Wallenberg paying tribute to individual Canadians who have made a significant contribution to humanitarian causes.
South Sudan humanitarian relief: For Canada to increase humanitarian support for the South Sudanese, especially in the area of food security.
Taxation and Finance: Discussions regarding CRA tax policies with respect to charitable organizations, and general policies.
Transportation: Assisting in the development of briefings on airport security by Israeli officials for Transport Canada – including ministerial staff.
WAR CRIMES PROSECUTIONS (continuing advocacy to push the denaturalization and deportation of persons found in Canada who lied about their records in the Second World War or more recent conflicts and the prosecution of war criminals when sufficient evidence is adduced.)
Broadcasting: Discussions regarding the award of new broadcast licenses by the CRTC
Conflict of Interests, Ethics, Lobbying, Canada Revenue Agency. Ensuring CIJA fully respects all its legal and regulatory obligations while advocating for the current framework to be more efficient and respectful of the needs, objectives and resources of cultural and religious communities.
Dairy Board: tariff exemptions for kosher cheese products: To ensure that kosher cheese products not produced domestically be designated as tariff-exempt dairy products.
Department of Citizenship and Immigration Act, related to the application of and the issuance of visas.
PSC (Public Safety Canada) and Infrastructure Canada seeking program applicability to full range of Jewish communal institutions with respect to the timing of the program and the scope and determination of reimbursements
Tax credit for volunteerism: proposing that a process be added to provide tax credits for individuals who contribute time to charitable activities on a sustained basis.
Government Institutions
Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada (AAFC)
Canada Revenue Agency (CRA)
Canadian Food Inspection Agency (CFIA)
Canadian Heritage (PCH)
Canadian Human Rights Commission (CHRC)
Canadian Human Rights Tribunal (CHRT)
Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC)
Competition Tribunal (CT)
Correctional Service of Canada (CSC)
Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada (CIRNAC)
Elections Canada
Employment and Social Development Canada (ESDC)
Environment and Climate Change Canada (ECCC)
Finance Canada (FIN)
Global Affairs Canada (GAC)
Health Canada (HC)
House of Commons
Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC)
Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB)
Indigenous Services Canada (ISC)
Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada (ISED)
International Development Research Centre (IDRC)
Justice Canada (JC)
National Defence (DND)
National Research Council (NRC)
Natural Resources Canada (NRCan)
Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council (NSERC)
Office of the Information Commissioner of Canada (OIC)
Office of the Privacy Commissioner of Canada (OPC)
Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
Privy Council Office (PCO)
Public Safety Canada (PS)
Public Service Commission of Canada (PSC)
Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP)
Senate of Canada
Shared Services Canada (SSC)
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC)
Statistics Canada (StatCan)
Transportation Safety Board of Canada (TSB)
Transport Canada (TC)
Treasury Board Of Canada Secretariat (TBS)
Veterans Affairs Canada (VAC)
Can we drop any pretense that there is nothing wrong with this? This Jewish/Israeli group is lobbying huge numbers of politicians and their staff. They are trying to influence major parts of our government and society.
It’s all parties involved in this, and at all levels. No one’s hands are clean. It is an outright sell out of our country by Zionist shills.
While this is not exhaustive, let’s look at a few initiatives that the Center for Israel and Jewish Affairs has been up to
7. CIJA Is Anti-Free Speech
Weren’t people up in arms when Iqra Khalid pushes M103 (the blasphemy motion) through Parliament? This is even worse. Instead of some “non-binding” motion, it would actually criminalize what is considered hate speech.
Of course with this group, criticism of their BEHAVIOUR is often tagged as hate speech. So good luck getting that exception through.
8. CIJA Wants Media Regulation
The CRTC has recently made many recommendations, including forcing those in the media to get licenses. Understandably, the Minister, Steven Guilbeault, and the Federal Government are taking a lot of flak over this.
But something is missing from the discussion. Who’s behind it? Who’s pushing to make it mandatory for people in the media to be licensed. From their own lobbying information, CIJA is advocating for exactly that.
9. CIJA Supports Animal Cruelty
Do you support animal rights, as in the humane treatment of animals? Do you want animals killed for food to be treated without being tortured? Well, stop being a bigot. Kosher is something that CIJA is pushing.
Is it any different than halal food? Not really, but it’s anti-Semitic to criticize it.
10. CIJA Wants Holocaust Memorial
Want to have something burned into your brain for you had absolutely no role in doing? Do you want to feel endless white guilt? Now you can. CIJA wants the Holocaust Memorial to be preserved and protected to constantly remind people that they are victims.
11. CIJA Pressuring Ottawa On Durban II
CIJA is pressuring Canada regarding the Durban II conference, which it views as an attack on Israel itself. That is more than a little hypocritical, considering Israel conducts DNA testing to prove Judaism, and it was upheld as legal by the courts.
12. CIJA Controls Our Government
There will certainly be followups to this article, but know this: CIJA is lobbying politicians in all parties on a variety of topics. Indeed, it is an attack on Canadian sovereignty.
But good luck getting conservatives, or “Conservative Inc.” to address this assault on our country. They have little to no interest in addressing such matters.
13. Double Standard For ADL
Worth a look, as the ADL has the same double standard as CIJA when it comes to diversity and tolerance.
Furthermore, bi-nationalism is unworkable given current realities and historic animosities. With historically high birth rates among the Palestinians, and a possible influx of Palestinian refugees and their descendants now living around the world, Jews would quickly be a minority within a bi-national state, thus likely ending any semblance of equal representation and protections. In this situation, the Jewish population would be increasingly politically – and potentially physically – vulnerable.
It is unrealistic and unacceptable to expect the State of Israel to voluntarily subvert its own sovereign existence and nationalist identity and become a vulnerable minority within what was once its own territory.
But no objection to forcing OTHERS to become minorities in their lands.
Canadians, and people in general, need to know what is going on in the world around them.
With all of the shoddy and corrupt journalism that goes on, it is important to know if a media outlet is pushing a particular agenda. It’s also necessary to see what allegiances the outlet has, and is it what it claims to be? Post Media Corp controls most of the media in Canada, and has a virtual stranglehold on “conservative” media. This applies not only to MSM content, but to the alternative media as well. Many “conservative” talking heads have ties to Koch/Atlas and other globalist groups.
The last piece covered TRUE NORTH CANADA, consisting of a renamed/repurposed charity and a non-profit that Candice Malcolm “founded”. Very deceptive to the readers, especially given that TNC sold itself as independent journalism and research, focusing on immigration.
Now we get to THE POST MILLENNIAL. Who is behind it, and what exactly are they pushing? The public might be interested in knowing some answers.
4. Matthew Azrieli Is David Azrieli’s Grandson
Matthew Azrieli Co-Founder and Chief Executive Officer of The Post Millennial, according to his LinkedIn page. However, according to his profile, he holds another job at the same time. He is the Chief Operations Officer of VIVA!DIVA! CAN INC.
Sharon Azrieli, daughter of media giant, David Azrieli, is a Director of VIVA!DIVA! CAN INC., which Matthew Azrieli claims to be managing as well. Is she Matthew’s mother? Is David his grandfather? Well, actually, yes he is.
Just check out David Azrieli’s profile page on the Azrieli Foundation website. It lists who his children and grandchildren are.
Beloved husband of Stephanie Lefcort for 57 years, loving father, father-in-law and grandfather of Rafi Azrieli; Sharon Azrieli Perez, Avi Perez, Matthew and Solomon Azrieli; Naomi Azrieli, François Blanc, Joseph, Gabriel and Madeleine; Danna Azrieli, Danny Hakim, Galia and Ella. David will be truly missed by all of us who loved him so dearly.
Interesting note: Matthew Azrieli lists 2 organizations (along with details), on his LinkedIn page. Here is the quote from both of them.
America-Israel Cultural Foundation
organization date
Sep 2017 – Present
organization position Board Member
organization description
The mission of the America-Israel Cultural Foundation is to support and develop artistic life in Israel by awarding grants. By encouraging Israeli artists and supporting institutions and programs, AICF makes a vital contribution to the cultural foundation of Israel and strengthens her relationship with the United States.
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Since 1939, AICF has played a leading role in the development of Israel’s arts and culture. Due to its early support for nearly all of Israel’s largest institutions and its reputation for nourishing the finest artists, the name AICF has become synonymous with culture in Israel. With nearly 18,000 artists impacted by our efforts over our 78-year history, the results are nothing short of remarkable:
Over $160 million has been disbursed by AICF to benefit Israeli culture since 1939
Over 400 young artists receive support each year
Nearly every notable AICF recipient credits AICF’s recognition as a significant factor in their success
AICF alumni are represented globally in nearly every top ballet and modern dance company; museum and gallery; operatic, theatrical, and symphonic stage; and film festival.
Israel Bonds
organization date
Jan 2017 – Present
organization position Board Member – New Leadership Division
organization description
Praised for consistency and dependability, the Bonds organization has helped build every sector of Israel’s economy.
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Facilitating investment in Israel through the sale of Israel bonds is global in scope. Worldwide sales since the first bonds were issued in 1951 are now approaching $40 billion.
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Proceeds from the sale of Israel bonds have played a decisive role in Israel’s rapid evolution into a groundbreaking, globally emulated leader in high-tech, cleantech and biotechnology. Today, the purchase of Israel bonds supports a technological superpower continually pushing the boundaries of innovation, with extraordinary implications reaching far beyond the nation’s borders.
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Member FINRA
https://www.facebook.com/IsraelBondsNewLeadership/
So the head of the “alternative media” Post Millennial outfit is Matthew Azrieli, the grandson David Azrieli, the billionaire and Israeli media tycoon. Good to see some real opposition to the status quo here in Canada.
Now, let’s take a look at the 2 foundations which Matthew Azrieli is a board member of.
5. America-Israel Cultural Foundation
One group that Azrieli is a board member of, but doesn’t list on his Post Millennial biography, is the America-Isreal Cultural Foundation. One would think that a CEO of a “Canadian” media outlet would be interested in Canadian culture, but it seems not.
6. Israel Bonds
Take a look at the National Directors. While Azrieli is supposedly the CEO of a media organization for Canadian news, he is also a board member of an organization promoting sales of bonds to boost Israel. Funny, he doesn’t mention that conflict of interest either.
7. Jeff Ballingall: Navigator, Can-Proud, Ontario Proud, Erin O’Toole Operative
On the “ABOUT” page, Ballingall is listed as being the Chief Marketing Officer, and specializes in user growth, advertising, and digital media distribution. This sounds harmless enough, but Jeff omits very relevant parts of his past on his TPM biography.
Creator of popular conservative Ontario Proud page joins Erin O’Toole campaign team
.
Jeff Ballingall has made a name for himself over the past few years in pioneering the use of Facebook to spread conservative messaging
Ballingall was also part of the public effort to oust Andrew Scheer as leader after the 2019 election, creating a group called “Conservative Victory” with fellow Conservatives Kory Teneycke and John Reynolds. “When a political leader fails, they resign,” the group’s website said.
In a 2019 Toronto Life interview, Ballingall said he was working at crisis communications firm Navigator when he came up with the plan for Ontario Proud, largely to fight back against the anti-conservative ad campaigns often run by labour unions. He figured nobody was effectively using Facebook to organize a third-party campaign. “The ecosystem was changing,” he told the magazine.
In the past two days, O’Toole has featured prominently on sites run by Ballingall. On Wednesday, both the Ontario Proud and Canada Proud pages posted a 15-second video created by O’Toole to thank Canadian energy workers for keeping homes heated during a cold snap.
The next day, both Canada Proud and Ontario Proud posted flattering quotes about O’Toole from a Toronto Sun article discussing all of the candidates. They then shared a Post Millennial article on leadership candidate Peter MacKay being attacked by Conservative MP Scott Reid, and then another Post Millennial article praising O’Toole’s “toughness” on criminal justice policy. Finally they posted a joint video profile of O’Toole and fellow MP Pierre Poilievre, and promised further profiles would be coming on other candidates.
Ballingall was working at the “crisis communications” firm called Navigator, when he came up with the idea of Ontario Proud. In essence, it would be for pushback against ideas than ran contrary to the Conservative Inc. doctrine that his people wanted to push. He is also involved in a Federal counterpart.
Nothing nefarious about having political beliefs. However, the fact that Ballingall is a “crisis communicator” by profession, and a conservative partisan, greatly reduces the chances that he is involved in unbiased journalism.
The grandson of an Israeli media tycoon and billionaire (Azrieli), and a professional mouthpiece (Ballingall), team up to run independent media. But let’s see what the story is on some of the other players.
8. 3rd Party Donors, Ontario Proud
Donor Name
Amount Given
Aiello, Jamie
$110
Allen, Scott
$125
Alliston Lumber Co. Ltd
$10,00
Ball, Mike
$150
Ballantry Homes Inc
$10,000
Basecrete Inc.
$10,000
Bent, Stephen
$290
Berze, Paul
$200
Bloomberg, Jonathan
$1,000
Braylea Investments Inc
$2500
Callian Capital Partners Inc.
$10,000
Carmichael, Kerry
$2500
Corrado Carpentr Contractor Ltd
$10,000
Davie Real Estate
$2500
Denford Estates Inc
$2500
Fielding, Kenneth
$1600
Fulcrum
$15,000
Garden Village Development Inc
$2500
Giampaolo Invetments Ltd
$10,000
Grosso McCarthyh Inc
$7000
Lakeview Homes Inc.
$10,000
Maple Drywall Inc
$10,000
Mattamy Homes
$100,000
Merit Ontario
$50,000
Metalco Inc
$10,000
Michael Bros. Excavating
$10,000
Midhaven Homes Ltd
$1,000
Millrun Investments Inc
$2,500
Nashville Delevopments
$50,000
Opportunities Asia Ltd
$30,000
Primo Mechanical
$10,000
Res Prescast Inc
$10,000
Riva Plumbing Ltd
$10,000
Salamon, Steven
$7,000
Shiplake Properties Limitted
$25,000
Smith, Philip
$1,000
Solmar Corp
$10,000
Speedy Contractors
$10,000
Triple M Metal Corp.
$10,000
Verdi Inc.
$10,000
There are other donors, but this should prove the point. Ontario Proud, Jeff Ballingall’s organization, was heavily involved in the 2018 election, trying to get Doug Ford elected. See this piece from Canadaland.
Why should Ballingall be taken seriously in any journalistic sense? He is little more than a political fundraiser and mouthpiece.
Conservatism at its core is about a deep understanding of tradition, economics, and ultimately realistic choices. We believe that way forward is through personal responsibility and ultimately a society which those of us who work hard can succeed.
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We believe that Canada also has a culture that is deeply worth protecting. We accept per capita more immigrants than any other country and have done so with far fewer problems.
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That has occurred for generations due to Canadian culture.
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We lastly believe that a nation is meant to become strong. The Canadian government must therefore also build towards meeting the protection requirements for all citizens.
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We promote these core values and hope that with your help we can make them everyday values at the election box.
I bet this group doesn’t feel the same way towards Israel. Letting in tons of immigrants (more per capita than any other nation), doesn’t do anything to protect your culture. He comes across as another Ben Shapiro, speaking out both sides of his mouth.
More diversity and migrants for thee.
Less diversity and migrants for me.
But I digress.
10. Barrett Wilson: Who Is That?
Barrett Wilson is apparently a pen name for one of their senior editors. There is vague information about being a social justice warrior until the crowd turned.
In fairness, work here is done anonymously. It seems strange to happen on a “more legit” site though.
11. Spencer Fernando: Nat’l Citizens Coalition
Mentioned before, but worth repeating. An author for the Post Millennial is Spencer Fernando, a fellow at the lobbying firm National Citizens Coalition. Of course, this was Stephen Harper’s old organization.
12. Recycled Post Media Writers
While getting a variety of voices is always a nice thing to have, it seems that many of the authors who contribute have all been writing for various Post Media outlets. Not very independent when it is a lot of the same people from the mainstream media.
13. TPM On Journalistic Integrity
Conflict of Interests
The Post Millennial’s staff is dedicated to maintaining the newspaper’s credibility and integrity and, thus, has pledged against engaging in conflicts of interests which may compromise such maintenance. All staff are expected to report to senior staff members well before engaging in such actions. Disciplinary action may follow a conflict of interest.
Certainly being dedicated to upholding standards of accuracy and truthfulness are important. However, this statement reads like it was cut and pasted from several sources. Also, given the openly political activities the group engages in, what exactly are they doing to prevent any conflict of interest from taking place?
This outfit is actually more sleazy than True North Canada, and that is saying a lot.
Serious issues like smuggling or trafficking are routinely avoided in public discourse. Also important are the links between open borders and human smuggling; between ideology and exploitation; between tolerance and exploitation; between abortion and organ trafficking; or between censorship and complicity. Mainstream media will also never get into the organizations who are pushing these agendas, nor the complicit politicians. These topics don’t exist in isolation, and are interconnected.
Canada has signed several international treaties, relevant to the prevention of trafficking, smuggling, and other exploitation of people. These agreements include:
“Protocol to Prevent. Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons. Especially Women and Children. supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime”, in 2000
“Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography”
“ILO Convention 182 concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst forms of Child Labor”
The purpose, as you can imagine, is for governments around the world to cooperate in preventing these activities from happening. Also, it is to punish those responsible when it does happen. Accordingly, they must be taken seriously.
But what happens when certain governments turn a blind eye to people illegally crossing their borders? What happens when governments enact policies that openly encourage human smuggling and trafficking to occur? Does this not help circumvent the very treaties which are designed to keep vulnerable people safe?
This is a bit of a rhetorical question, but I believe the answers are “yes”. Should make for interesting discussion, especially if this ever gets advanced in court. As outlined in the last article, the appeal of the Prothonotary’s decision was dismissed. This is unjust, considering how big the issue of illegal crossings into Canada is.
4. Link Between Illegal Crossings/Trafficking
More on the research is available in this review. It details the size and scale of smuggling and trafficking, and gives much needed background information on the people who are likely to be involved. The original source is linked here, and well worth a read.
(There is a connection between smuggling and “irregular migration”)
(UN abhors smuggling, but fake refugees get a pass)
2.1 Smuggling of migrants and the concepts of irregular migration and trafficking in persons
2.1.1 Irregular migration
The relationship between irregular migration and smuggling of migrants has been discussed in the literature, with most authors acknowledging the crucial role of smuggling of migrants in facilitating irregular migration.
In looking at the relationship between the two concepts, Friedrich Heckmann stresses that smuggling of migrants plays a crucial role in facilitating irregular migration, as smugglers may provide a wide range of services, from physical transportation and illegal crossing of a border to the procurement of false documents.
Yes, this has been brought up before, but it is designed to hammer the point home. Smuggling of people across borders is directly connected to the “irregular migration” that occurs at the end. It is the end result of these actions which show no respect for national borders or sovereignty. The UN review is rather blunt on the subject.
2.2 Conceptualization of smuggling of migrants
2.2.1 Smuggling as an illegal migration business
The conceptualization of smuggling as a migration business was formally developed by Salt and Stein in 1997, even if one may find reference to this theory in earlier literature. This new interpretation of the smuggling phenomenon had a great influence on academic circles, and the concept was then borrowed by many academics. In a critical analysis of this concept, Herman stresses that the focus of expert discussions then revolved around the notion of a migration industry and its professionalization, in which migrants are seen as “products” and “people who aid migrants are called ‘smugglers’, and are portrayed as illegal ‘entrepreneurs’”
Salt and Stein suggested treating international migration as a global business that has both
legitimate and illegitimate sides. The migration business is conceived as a system of institutionalized networks with complex profit and loss accounts, including a set of institutions, agents and individuals each of which stands to make a commercial gain.
The model conceives trafficking and smuggling as an intermediary part of the global migration business facilitating movement of people between origin and destination countries. The model is divided into three stages: the mobilization and recruitment of migrants; their movement en route; and their insertion and integration into labour markets and host societies in destination countries. Salt and Stein conclude their theory by citing the need to look at immigration controls in a new way, placing sharper focus on the institutions and vested interests involved rather than on the migrants themselves.
In some sense, this is quite obvious. Of course smuggling and trafficking are businesses, where the commodity being shipped is the people.
5. Protocol to Prevent, Suppress/Punish Trafficking
The full name of this treaty is the “Protocol to Prevent. Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons. Especially Women and Children. supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. New York, US November 2000”.
Canada is a signatory to this treaty, and as such, should be expected to participate in good faith. Here is the preamble to the treaty, followed by a few Articles contained within.
The States Parlies to this Protocol,
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Declaring that effective action to prevent and combat trafficking in persons, especially women and children, requires a comprehensive international approach in the countries of origin, transit and destination that includes measures to prevent such trafficking, to punish the traffickers and to protect the victims of such trafficking. including by protecting their internationally recognized human rights,
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Taking into account the fact that, despite the existence of a variety of international instruments containing rules and practical measures to combat the exploitation of persons, especially women and children, there is no universal instrument that addresses all aspects of trafficking in persons,
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Concerned that, in the absence of such an instrument, persons who are vulnerable to trafficking will not be sufficiently protected,
Recalling General Assembly resolution 53/111 of 9 December 1998, in which the Assembly decided to establish an open-ended intergovernmental ad hoc committee for the purpose of elaborating a comprehensive international convention against transnational organized crime and of discussing (he elaboration of, inter alia, an international instrument addressing trafficking in women and children,
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Convinced that supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime with an international instrument for the prevention, suppression and punishment of trafficking in persons, especially women and children, will be useful in preventing and combating that crime.
Have agreed as follows:
The goal is pretty straightforward, to create a universal and inclusive agreement on how to combat human trafficking.
The main difference between smuggling and trafficking is one of consent. Smuggled people are willing accomplices, while trafficked people are essentially prisoners. While this treaty specifically refers to trafficked people, the same measures should be taken considered people who are smuggled.
First, you can’t usually tell right away if the person is willing or not.
Second, the nations these people are entering should have some rights.
Article 2
Statement of purpose The purposes of this Protocol are:
(a) To prevent and combat trafficking in persons, paying particular attention to women and children;
(b) To protect and assist the victims of such trafficking, with full respect for their human rights: and
(c) To promote cooperation among States Parties in order to meet those objectives.
Article 11
Border measures
I. Without prejudice to international commitments in relation to the free movement of people, States Parties shall strengthen, to the extent possible, such border controls as may be necessary to prevent and detect trafficking in persons.
2. Each State Party shall adopt legislative or other appropriate measures to prevent, to the extent possible. means of transport operated by commercial carriers from being used in the commission of offences established in accordance with article S of this Protocol.
3. Where appropriate, and without prejudice to applicable international conventions, such measures shall include establishing the obligation of commercial carriers. including any transportation company or the owner or operator of any means of transport, to ascertain that all passengers are in possession of the travel documents required for entry into the receiving State.
4. Each State Party shall take the necessary measures, in accordance with its domestic law, to provide for sanctions in cases of violation of the obligation set forth in paragraph 3 of this article.
5. Each State Party shall consider taking measures that permit, in accordance with its domestic law, the denial of entry or revocation of visas of persons implicated in the commission of offences established in accordance with this Protocol.
6. Without prejudice to article 27 of the Convention. States Parties shall consider strengthening cooperation among border control agencies by, inter alia. establishing and maintaining direct channels of communication.
Our current process of letting the RCMP escort people across the border only to release them a few hours later does the public no good at all. Even if people are being willfully smuggled (as opposed to trafficked against their will), we should not be letting such people enter the country on these terms.
The 2000 agreement Canada signed onto “should” mean something substantive. It shouldn’t allow people to flaunt our laws, with possibly trafficked persons in the group.
6. Rights Of Child Not To Be Exploited
This UN Protocol is called the “Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children,
child prostitution and child pornography”.
Considering also that the Convention on the Rights of the Child recognizes the right of the child to be protected from economic exploitation and from performing any work that is likely to be hazardous or to interfere with the child’s education, or to be harmful to the child’s health or physical, mental, spiritual, moral or social development,
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Gravely concerned at the significant and increasing international traffic in children for the purpose of the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography,
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Deeply concerned at the widespread and continuing practice of sex tourism, to which children are especially vulnerable, as it directly promotes the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography,
.
Recognizing that a number of particularly vulnerable groups, including girl children, are at greater risk of sexual exploitation and that girl children are disproportionately represented among the sexually exploited,
Article 9
1. States Parties shall adopt or strengthen, implement and disseminate laws, administrative measures, social policies and programmes to prevent the offences referred to in the present Protocol. Particular attention shall be given to protect children who are especially vulnerable to such practices.
2. States Parties shall promote awareness in the public at large, including children, through information by all appropriate means, education and training, about the preventive measures and harmful effects of the offences referred to in the present Protocol. In fulfilling their obligations under this article, States Parties shall encourage the participation of the community and, in particular, children and child victims, in such information and education and training programmes, including at the international level.
3. States Parties shall take all feasible measures with the aim of ensuring all appropriate assistance to victims of such offences, including their full social reintegration and their full physical and psychological recovery.
4. States Parties shall ensure that all child victims of the offences described in the present Protocol have access to adequate procedures to seek, without discrimination, compensation for damages from those legally responsible.
5. States Parties shall take appropriate measures aimed at effectively prohibiting the production and dissemination of material advertising the offences described in the present Protocol.
Article 10
1. States Parties shall take all necessary steps to strengthen international cooperation by multilateral, regional and bilateral arrangements for the prevention, detection, investigation, prosecution and punishment of those responsible for acts involving the sale of children, child prostitution, child pornography and child sex tourism. States Parties shall also promote international cooperation and coordination between their authorities, national and international non-governmental organizations and international organizations.
2. States Parties shall promote international cooperation to assist child victims in their physical and psychological recovery, social reintegration and repatriation.
3. States Parties shall promote the strengthening of international cooperation in order to address the root causes, such as poverty and underdevelopment, contributing to the vulnerability of children to the sale of children, child prostitution, child pornography and child sex tourism.
4. States Parties in a position to do so shall provide financial, technical or other assistance through existing multilateral, regional, bilateral or other programmes.
This protocol seems reasonable enough. Making sure that children are not being harmed or exploited is a valuable societal function.
However, when we allow people to enter Canada illegally, and release them into the country soon afterwards, we have no way of knowing what will happen. Our system, which rewards people for deliberately bypassing official border crossings does everyone a disservice.
No decent person wants children to be exploited, sexually or otherwise. But having laws that make it easy to do so ensures that it will happen at some point.
7. Eliminating Worst Child Labour
This international agreement is the “CONVENTION CONCERNING THE PROHIBITION AND IMMEDIATE ACTION FOR THE ELIMINATION OF THE WORST FORMS OF CHILD LABOUR ADOPTED BY THE CONFERENCE AT ITS EIGHTY-SEVENTH SESSION, GENEVA, 17 JUNE 1999”.
Article 2
For the purposes of this Convention, the term “child” shall apply to all persons under the age of 18.
Article 3
For the purposes of this Convention, the term “the worst forms of child labour” comprises:
(a) all forms of slavery or practices similar to slavery, such as the sale and trafficking of children, debt bondage and serfdom and forced or compulsory labour, including forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict;
(b) the use, procuring or offering of a child for prostitution, for the production of pornography or for pornographic performances;
(c) the use, procuring or offering of a child for illicit activities, in particular for the production and trafficking of drugs as defined in the relevant international treaties;
(d) work which, by its nature or the circumstances in which it is carried out, is likely to harm the health, safety or morals of children.
Article 4
1. The types of work referred to under Article 3(d) shall be determined by national laws or regulations or by the competent authority, after consultation with the organizations of employers and workers concerned, taking into consideration relevant international standards, in particular Paragraphs 3 and 4 of the Worst Forms of Child Labour Recommendation, 1999.
2. The competent authority, after consultation with the organizations of employers and workers concerned, shall identify where the types of work so determined exist.
3. The list of the types of work determined under paragraph 1 of this Article shall be periodically examined and revised as necessary, in consultation with the organizations of employers and workers concerned.
Article 5
Each Member shall, after consultation with employers’ and workers’ organizations, establish or designate appropriate mechanisms to monitor the implementation of the provisions giving effect to this Convention.
Article 6
1. Each Member shall design and implement programmes of action to eliminate as a priority the worst forms of child labour.
2. Such programmes of action shall be designed and implemented in consultation with relevant government institutions and employers’ and workers’ organizations, taking into consideration the views of other concerned groups as appropriate.
All of these articles are completely reasonable, and admirable goals. However, to repeat from earlier, how do we enforce these things we have committed ourselves to doing if we aren’t willing to properly enforce a border? How can we make sure the children (and adults too) are being let in under the pretenses we are told?
Without taking the time to check thoroughly, how can the RCMP, (and Border Services) ensure that they are not unwitting accomplices to human trafficking or human smuggling?
8. What If People Aren’t Who They Claim?
Canada of course has other international obligations. These listed are just 3 of them related to prevent of people being exploited.
“Protocol to Prevent. Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons. Especially Women and Children. supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime”, in 2000
“Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography”
“ILO Convention 182 concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst forms of Child Labor”
Let’s take a look at what is happening across the U.S./Mexico border: people are abducting children in order to pass as a “family unit” when illegally crossing into the U.S.
The government warned federal judges in 2016 that their attempts to create a catch-and-release policy for illegal immigrant families would lead to children being “abducted” by migrants hoping to pose as families to take advantage.
The court brushed aside those worries and imposed catch-and-release anyway.
Two years later, children are indeed being kidnapped or borrowed by illegal immigrants trying to pose as families, according to Homeland Security numbers, which show the U.S. is on pace for more than 400 such attempts this year. That would be a staggering 900 percent increase over 2017’s total.
This Washington Times article details how adults wanting to illegally cross into the U.S. are actually abducting children to appear as a “family unit”. That’s right, children are being kidnapped to make it easier for others to stay in the United States illegally. An article in May 2019 suggested that 1/3 of “families” crossing were not blood related at all.
Sure, the adults use children to cross the border. What happens to them afterwards?
Is permitting illegal crossings a violation of international agreements? In context, many people who say yes they are.
9. How Diligent Is IRB/CBSA?
This evidence transcript is from a Parliamentary meeting on the illegal crossings going on. Let’s look at a few sections of the testimony.
Spoiler, it’s not very encouraging. 16 month wait times, and it’s based largely on the honour system. Of course, we take people at their word that they, and “their” children, are who they claim to be.
The response team has both operational and adjudicative thrusts. I’d like to underline that this response has not diminished in any way IRB’s ongoing commitment to one of the key objectives of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, which is the security of Canadian society. For example, the IRB has a publicly accessible policy that requires that the RPD not accept a refugee claim until CBSA has had a reasonable opportunity to complete its security screening. This policy remains in place for all claims, including those heard through the response team. There are other processes related to security matters that I would be happy to discuss during the question period, if they are of interest.
Since July 1, more than 8,000 claims were referred to the RPD. Before this, we were projecting an intake of 40,000 cases for this fiscal year. The strain on the organization to handle this many people’s hearings is enormous, as our capacity to hear cases this fiscal year, following a plan of action for efficiency and internal reallocation of funds, is roughly 2,000 per month, or 24,000 per year.
Naturally, claimants whose hearings are not brought before a decision-maker of the response team in the next two months will wait to be scheduled like other claimants. Wait times before the Lacolle arrivals were already at approximately 16 months per person. Intake in the eastern region, in the month of September alone, was equal to the eastern region’s intake for all of 2016.
Mr. Larry Maguire:
What kind of lag time would we see in that?
Ms. Shereen Benzvy Miller:
We have a 16-month wait time for our regular stream. But are you asking me about when the basis of claim form will be expected?
That practice notice is just a temporary practice notice. We’re going to wait to see probably until the end of November before we reconsider whether or not we suspend that practice notice in which case it would go back to 15 days.
Mr. Larry Maguire:
How do you keep track of those people in the meantime? Where are they?
Ms. Shereen Benzvy Miller:
If you go to our website, it says that you need to submit all the information around tombstone data, like address, and you have to keep us apprised of your changes of address and contact information. If you have counsel or if you have a consultant who is working with you, we need their contact information as well.
We are in contact with them about the scheduling and their claim processing.
Mr. Larry Maguire:
Are either of you aware of any process that CBSA or others would use to make sure they know where all the illegal immigrants that come across are in Canada at all times?
Ms. Shereen Benzvy Miller:
Do you mean by that, people who have crossed the border irregularly?
Mr. Larry Maguire:
Yes.
Ms. Shereen Benzvy Miller:
You have to ask CBSA but we all keep track of the claimants relative to the information they’ve given us. They are responsible for keeping all of us up to date on their changes of address and where they are in the country, which is how my colleague was able to describe where the secondary migration to other cities has happened.
Mr. Larry Maguire:
When you say “they”, is that information that immigration or CBSA has given you, or is it the individuals themselves?
Ms. Shereen Benzvy Miller:
The claimants are responsible for maintaining their files up to date. Like any court procedure, you would always be responsible to that tribunal for your information. These are very official processes with the claimants.
Mr. Larry Maguire:
You were saying there were 8,000 crossings since September 1, or was it July 1?
Ms. Shereen Benzvy Miller:
That’s the number that had been referred to us since July 1, and we don’t keep the statistics about the number of people crossing. We only become seized with the matter when the referral has been by CBSA or IRCC. Our data are always about our caseload, not about the number of people who have interfaced with IRCC or CBSA.
(There is a connection between smuggling and “irregular migration”)
(UN abhors smuggling, but fake refugees get a pass)
(UN High Commission on Refugees)
(UN insists terrorists be allowed to return home)
This is a continuation to the last article, and the UN Office on Drugs and Crime. While the basics were laid out before, there is so much more detail to be included. In fact, the UN has done a surprising amount of research on this topic.
Yet they seem to have learned nothing from this research, or the results are being deliberately ignored.
To reiterate from last time: it is extremely hypocritical for the UN to claim that they are AGAINST smuggling and trafficking of people, yet SUPPORT mass illegal entries (which they minimize as “irregular”).
The connection between “irregulars” (or illegal aliens) and smuggling is straight forward. Human smugglers are the people who facilitate and coordinate these mass movements of people. They directly cause these “irregulars”, which the UN demands Western nations provide for. However, the UN, and other groups condemn the smuggling that is at the heart of it. The illegal aliens themselves are willing participants.
The difference between traffickers and smugglers is one of consent. Smugglers take people against their will. While victims of trafficking are not to blame for their situation, they are not legal immigrants either. And calling them “irregulars” deliberately blurs the line here.
A cynic may wonder if the UN is speaking out both sides of its mouth: demanding that Western nations take hoards of people from the 3rd World, all while pretending to reject the smuggling that at least facilitates this mass invasion.
2.1 Smuggling of migrants and the concepts of irregular migration and trafficking in persons
2.1.1 Irregular migration
The relationship between irregular migration and smuggling of migrants has been discussed in the literature, with most authors acknowledging the crucial role of smuggling of migrants in facilitating irregular migration.
In looking at the relationship between the two concepts, Friedrich Heckmann stresses that smuggling of migrants plays a crucial role in facilitating irregular migration, as smugglers may provide a wide range of services, from physical transportation and illegal crossing of a border to the procurement of false documents.
Yes, this has been brought up before, but it is designed to hammer the point home. Smuggling of people across borders is directly connected to the “irregular migration” that occurs at the end. It is the end result of these actions which show no respect for national borders or sovereignty. The UN review is rather blunt on the subject.
2. Smuggling As A Business Model
2.2 Conceptualization of smuggling of migrants
2.2.1 Smuggling as an illegal migration business
The conceptualization of smuggling as a migration business was formally developed by Salt and Stein in 1997, even if one may find reference to this theory in earlier literature. This new interpretation of the smuggling phenomenon had a great influence on academic circles, and the concept was then borrowed by many academics. In a critical analysis of this concept, Herman stresses that the focus of expert discussions then revolved around the notion of a migration industry and its professionalization, in which migrants are seen as “products” and “people who aid migrants are called ‘smugglers’, and are portrayed as illegal ‘entrepreneurs’”
Salt and Stein suggested treating international migration as a global business that has both
legitimate and illegitimate sides. The migration business is conceived as a system of institutionalized networks with complex profit and loss accounts, including a set of institutions, agents and individuals each of which stands to make a commercial gain.
The model conceives trafficking and smuggling as an intermediary part of the global migration business facilitating movement of people between origin and destination countries. The model is divided into three stages: the mobilization and recruitment of migrants; their movement en route; and their insertion and integration into labour markets and host societies in destination countries. Salt and Stein conclude their theory by citing the need to look at immigration controls in a new way, placing sharper focus on the institutions and vested interests involved rather than on the migrants themselves.
In some sense, this is quite obvious. Of course smuggling and trafficking are businesses, where the commodity being shipped is the people.
However, the solution seems almost designed to fail. Let’s focus on the institutions themselves and not the migrants?! If the migrants want what they view as a “better life” in Western nations, the demand will remain high. And as long as there is a demand, with customers willing to pay, then there will be people willing to take the risks.
The migration business theory seems still to be dominant in the literature analysing smuggling trends in North America, South-east Asia and the Pacific region, where smugglers are portrayed as “migration merchants”, while the smuggled migrants are considered clients paying for a service. However, it seems that academic views have evolved recently, with a greater number of authors, such as Zhang and Herman, looking at the role of family members and social networks in the smuggling process. While still endorsing the “migration business” theory, authors such as Doomernik and Kyle call for a more nuanced approach, as the empirical reality includes a mix of people with both altruistic and profit-making goals. empirical research led by Van liempt and Doomernik in the Netherlands in 2003 and 2004 looked at how smugglers of migrants may depict themselves as serving migrants rather than as profit-makers, despite the fees involved. equally, migrants may not use the word “smugglers” when they talk about the person who “helped” them. According to Aranowitz, the “mother of All Snakeheads”—a major Chinese smuggler is probably the symbol of the dual reality of smuggling of migrants, as she was a revered figure in New York’s Chinatown and considered a saint for “reuniting families”.
While this is interesting on some level, it does not change the basic reality. Helping to get people illegally into other countries is smuggling, regardless of whether it is driven by profit or humanitarian reasons.
3. Data From Interviews
3.2 Qualitative methodologies
3.2.1 Interviews with smuggled migrants
Methodological issues
Qualitative information can be extracted from various sources. For example, it can be the outcome of fact-finding missions carried out by researchers in source, transit and/or destination countries, involving interviews with actors in and witnesses of the smuggling process (migrants, migrants’ relatives and smugglers). The collection of direct information seems to be the most problematic, and research projects often require a combination of sources, such as interviews and police and court files.
Researchers may face difficulties in interviewing smuggled migrants and persons directly involved in the smuggling process. According to Düvell, Triandafyllidou and Vollmer, migrants are reluctant to participate, as they fear retaliation from smugglers and are also afraid that the information provided might be used against them and lead to deportation. Collyer, however, insists on the difficulties of getting a representative sample and of carrying out a proper interview, given the interviewees’ living conditions. Owing to these constraints, the interview technique varies greatly: while some researchers carry out observation in police stations or shelters, others conduct interviews on the basis of a standard questionnaire. Some academics use a mix of interviews and observations.
According to Heckmann, smuggled persons tend to cooperate in interviews when basic conditions are met, such as respect for anonymity, or when the interviewer is a person who comes from the same community as the smuggled person. Smuggled migrants may want to speak out of frustration with the smugglers or, after having achieved safe status, for political reasons. According to Bilecen, command of the migrant’s native language seems to be an imperative asset, together with being from the same community. Given the reluctance of smuggled migrants and smugglers, some authors have used tricks such as enrolling as social workers at the reception centre of Sangatte (France) or pretending to be irregular migrants.
Pretending to be a social worker or a fellow illegal is actually an interesting tactic. True, it is deception. But the entire presence and transport of these smuggled illegal aliens is based on deception, so it can be viewed as fighting fire with fire.
Of course getting direct information can be tricky. The entire point of these smuggling operations is …. wait for it …. to smuggle people. Giving direct and honest information can lead to their deportation, and to possible criminal charges as well.
Sure, speaking the same language can go a long way. Anyone familiar with police interrogations will tell you that having a connection with a suspect will help you get information.
3.2.2 Interviews with smugglers
There is a lack of research focusing on the smugglers’ perspectives that would allow insight into the subjective dimension of the phenomenon. According to Neske, this gap is understandable since smugglers are not interested in exposing themselves to publicity or law enforcement.
Yes, this is pretty obvious.
Now, let’s address some estimates about the size and scale of human smuggling and trafficking across borders.
4. Scope Of Int’l Smuggling
4. The scope of smuggling of migrants
Bearing in mind the methodological limitations on estimating the movement of smuggled migrants in the broader context of irregular migration, this chapter will outline quantitative information about the extent of smuggling of migrants with a focus on sub-regions and key countries. This information is scattered and/or imprecise for two reasons. Firstly, reports often mix up statistics on and refer interchangeably to irregular migration, trafficking in persons and smuggling of migrants. Secondly, quantitative assessments are limited mainly to smuggling towards industrialized Western countries, while intraregional movements in the southern hemisphere are largely ignored.
This chapter then looks at the current state of knowledge regarding smuggling routes. The literature reviewed reveals a dual perspective. On the one hand, the “traditional” view holds that all smuggling trends are converging towards the industrialized Western States. This perspective is dominant in the literature published in the early 1990s. On the other hand, more recent research shows that smuggling routes are far more diverse and that Western-centric views may not accurately represent the complex dynamics of smuggling of migrants. In any case, the routes outlined below provide only an overview of smuggling routes as described in the literature. Further details about the organization of sea, air and land movements are provided in chapter 9.
The report says that “irregular migrants” (who are really illegal aliens) get mixed up with people who are smuggled and trafficked. It seems that the authors are the ones contributing to this problem. They repeatedly try to make a distinction where none exists.
Part of the assumption that illegals head to Western nations is the fact that they have the best social programs. They also have lawyers and others who work hard to circumvent national laws. Heading to the West offers the best rate of return in most cases.
It will be interesting to read onward and see where these additional routes are. True, there is the belief that smuggling and trafficking heads mostly here.
The report spends some time giving estimates of the number of illegals in various regions. However, it is clear that these are estimates (often conflicting estimates) and that they have few real answers.
5. Profile Of Smuggled Migrants
5.1 General profile of smuggled migrants
5.1.1 Social and educational background
According to figures in the IOM World Migration Report 2008, the vast majority of migrants around the world are young people, including a great proportion of underage persons. many developing countries have very young populations: in most African countries and many in Asia, about half of the population is under the age of 14. As stressed by Doomernik and Kyle, such countries encourage their young people to emigrate since they are facing severe underemployment and unemployment. Some authors have considered the role of State authorities—in particular in the Philippines and Spain—in migrant-exporting schemes. Although there are no consolidated global figures on the age pyramid of smuggled migrants, the figures shown by regional research tend to confirm that smuggled migrants are usually recruited from the young population.
There are diverging views about the social and educational backgrounds of smuggled migrants. According to authors such as Aronowitz, smuggled persons are usually the most disadvantaged in their own countries, with poor job skills or little chance of successful employment at home. They are often women and children, as shown by the smuggling and trafficking patterns in countries in eastern and Central Europe and West Africa. According to IOM, research on the profile of persons using the service of smugglers in Central Asia would present similar characteristics.
We are getting some honesty here, and it undermines a major narrative of the asylum pushers. A large amount of people claiming to be refugees fleeing persecution are actually economic migrants seeking a better life. While it is understandable that people want to make better lives for themselves, it does not translate into a “right” to migrate.
6. Profile Of Smugglers Themselves
6. Profiles of smugglers of migrants
The main objective of this chapter is to look at the social background of smugglers of migrants and their motivations. It will highlight the similarities and differences in the profiles of smugglers in different parts of the world. Because of the lack of information and the diversity of situations, the present review refrains from drawing general conclusions about the social and educational background of the persons involved in migrant-smuggling activities. Regional profiles of smugglers will be established according to analyses of law enforcement activities or information gathered directly from smugglers. Complementary information is provided in chapter 9.
6.3 Conclusions
There is a striking lack of information regarding the profile of smugglers. Scholars’ views can be divided into a criminological and a sociological perspective. The information about the smugglers is based mainly on police and court records and, to a lesser extent, on interviews with migrants. Some recent research includes a psychological perspective, including interviews with the smugglers about their motivations and background. Research based on interviews with smugglers should be further developed, as it provides subjective insight into the migrant-smuggling phenomenon
There are a lot of generalities in this. But a few conclusions from the chapter:
(a) Smugglers never give the full truth about their operations, as it would lead to the authorities easily disrupting them.
(b) Greatest trust happens when smuggler and their “migrants” come from the same communities and speak the same language.
(c) Some do it purely for money, and others are driven — at least partly — by altruistic reasons. It seems to act as a self-rationalization.
7. Organizational Details Of Smuggling
8. Organizational structures of smuggling networks
This chapter considers typologies of organizational structures and actors involved in
migrant-smuggling activities and highlight similarities and differences in the organizational
structures of smuggling networks in different parts of the world. It then looks into details of how smugglers are organized in different parts of the world and reviews information about factors that influence the way smugglers are organized and elements that guide their evolution. Finally, it reviews information available to determine whether migrant-smuggling markets are increasingly dominated by transnational organizations.
8.1 General analysis of organizational structures of smuggling networks
8.1.1 Typology of structures
From a general standpoint, the literature has taken a great interest in the organizational structure of smuggling networks. Intergovernmental organizations and national administrations have published or sponsored research on this issue in order to increase the capacity to investigate and prosecute smuggling-related offences. The literature reviewed shows that smuggling of migrants can take many organizational forms, as indicated by the great diversity of concepts used to describe it. According to Heckmann, the methodology presented in the literature on smuggling of migrants is rather weak and often uses vague and ad hoc concepts, such as “the smuggling industry”, “migrant merchants”, “mom and pop smugglers” and “organized crime”.
8.3 Conclusions
Sources reviewed reveal a great disparity in the quantity and the quality of information about the organization of smuggling networks. Few regions have been researched, and there is often a critical lack of comprehensive and up-to-date research available. Specific research has not been carried out in North and West African countries; and investigative and judicial data from european sources have been used. Further research should be developed in order to get a more comprehensive understanding of the organization of smuggling networks around the world.
Some useful information is contained in the chapter.
While there are areas that are under researched, it may be that the methods used are similar to those that are more documented in other nations. After all, how many techniques can there be that are totally novel?
8. Human & Social Costs
10.1 Human costs
The literature reviewed is highly critical of the law enforcement strategy currently deployed at the maritime borders of EU, which is deemed to be both inefficient in preventing irregular migration and inhumane towards the migrants. According to Spijkerboer, increased border controls have led to the loss of more lives, and further tightening of external EU borders will intensify this trend. Heckmann stresses that improved border control measures have contributed to establishing a low-cost segment of the market, in which smugglers endanger the health and lives of the smuggled migrants. This opinion is shared by authors such as Carling, monzini, eylemer and Şemşit, to name but a few.
10.2 Social costs The literature reviewed provides little information on the social costs of smuggling of migrants, except in respect of Africa. The high failure rate of internal journeys in Africa seems to indicate that, in many situations, migration can drain local resources and leave the country of origin and the communities of co-nationals abroad even more impoverished than before. most migrants depart with the savings of their family and loans from friends, making their migration a long-term investment. If they find themselves in difficulty during the trip, they ask for more money and often have it transferred in order to pay for later stages of the journey. The sums, for the country of origin, are often very high and dry up the family economy for years. Therefore, according to Beneduce, in recent decades the geography of migration has changed, and the geography of humanitarian problems recently associated with irregular migration (poverty, exploitation, segregation and abuse) is changing as well. many of the migrants or asylum-seekers caught between the economic demands of the smugglers and a permanent fear of being arrested and deported by the authorities, are impoverished and become “stranded”.
This is one of the main arguments against immigration in general. What happens to those other nations when the wealthy and able people leave? What happens when their family wealth is drained?
As for the costs, one piece of the puzzle is left out: what about those 1st world nations who are now forced to cope with large numbers of “refugees” or “irregular migrants” who have been smuggled in? The nations never invited them, and the people never gave any democratic mandate.
9. Final Thoughts On Report
Let’s start with the obvious question: for all the research that has been done, why doesn’t the UN do more to prevent illegal crossings? Instead, they do all they can to facilitate mass, illegal invasions and force host nations to cope.
Another thing to address: prosecuting or punishing smugglers is to be expected, but why should these migrants get a pass? If they are willingly participating, then they are accomplices. It is selfish to effectively reward such a system.
Why does the UN keep repeating the “refugee” lie, when its own research concludes that it is mainly economic migrants looking for better opportunity? The UN appears to be willingly complicit in this industry.
How would agreements like the UN Global Migration Compact impact this issue? Is the UN oblivious, or this a deliberate attempt to make human smuggling easier? Remember what is in it:
(Objective 4) Ensure migrants have identity papers
(Objective 5) Enhance pathways for migration
(Objective 11) Manage borders in “integrated” manner
(Objective 13) Detention only as a last resort
(Objective 15) Provide basic services for all migrants
(Objective 17) Educating media, censorship
(Objective 20) Make remittances easier/cheaper to send
(Objective 22) Forced to pay out pensions, social benefits
This UN treaty only makes it easier to smuggle people into countries like Canada. After all, if we are required to provide social benefits, can’t lock them up, and can’t even criticize it, then what will discourage it?
(There is a connection between smuggling and “irregular migration”)
The United Nations has done a surprising amount of research on people being smuggled illegally across international borders. But there seems to be little interest in curbing the problem.
1. UN Review On Smuggling Migrants
(Page 11)
1. Introduction
The purpose of this thematic review is to survey existing sources and research papers on smuggling of migrants and to provide a gap analysis of existing knowledge from a global perspective. Indeed, despite the fact that smuggling of migrants has attracted great media and political attention over the last two decades, there has not been any comprehensive analysis of the state of expert knowledge. Great confusion still prevails about what smuggling of migrants is within the global context of irregular migration.
To be honest, I wonder that myself. “Irregular migrants”, which are really illegal aliens, are being who have entered a country illegally, or who entered legally, but remained when their status changed. This could simply be trying to make a distinction where none exists.
Article 6 of the Smuggling of migrants Protocol, requires States to criminalize both smuggling of migrants and enabling a person to remain in a country illegally in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or other material benefit, as well as to establish as aggravating circumstances acts that endanger the lives or safety or entail inhuman or degrading treatment of migrants. By virtue of article 5, migrants are not liable to criminal prosecution for the fact of having been smuggled. It is therefore understood that the Protocol aims to target smugglers, not the people being smuggled
So, are we to give a pass to the people being smuggled and only focus on the smugglers? What happens if the people being smuggled are a willing part of it?
From a sociological perspective, smuggling of migrants may then include every act on a continuum between altruism and organized crime. Doomernik defines smuggling of migrants as “every act whereby an immigrant is assisted in crossing international borders whereby this crossing is not endorsed by the government of the receiving state, neither implicitly nor explicitly”.
(Page 12)
To the extent that the literature available allows a distinction to be made, the issues of irregular migration and trafficking in persons are deliberately not covered per se by this thematic review, despite the fact that these phenomena are closely connected with smuggling of migrants in practice.
They are not immigrants, but aliens.
Again, it seems to be searching for a difference where none exists. Illegal aliens (or “irregular migrants” in UN duck-speak) are people who enter other countries illegally. People who knowingly aid these illegal aliens are people smugglers. The UN engages in this mangling of the language in order to attempt to separate the two.
(Page 15)
2.1.1 Irregular migration
The relationship between irregular migration and smuggling of migrants has been discussed in the literature, with most authors acknowledging the crucial role of smuggling of migrants in facilitating irregular migration.
The legal definition of smuggling of migrants finds wide acceptance among the academic community, which usually refers to articles 3 and 6 of the Smuggling of migrants Protocol. Contrary to the concept of smuggling, the notion of irregular migration does not have a universally accepted definition; however, most academics and experts refer to the definition provided by IOM, which highlights that the most common forms of irregular migration are illegal entry, overstaying and unauthorized work.
In looking at the relationship between the two concepts, Friedrich Heckmann stresses that smuggling of migrants plays a crucial role in facilitating irregular migration, as smugglers may provide a wide range of services, from physical transportation and illegal crossing of a border to the procurement of false documents
Finally, we are getting some real honesty. Smuggling helps to facilitate so called “irregular migrants”, who are really illegal aliens. Smugglers transport these aliens, and often obtain false documents for them.
Why doesn’t irregular migration have a universally accepted definition? Is it done deliberately to obscure what is going on?
(Page 15)
2.1.2 Trafficking in persons
Smuggling of migrants must also be differentiated from the concept of trafficking in persons, defined under article 3 of the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (Trafficking in Persons Protocol) as: The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs
This is actually true. There is a difference between voluntarily arranging to come to another nation illegally, and being forced or coerced into doing so. This is a valid distinction.
(Page 18)
2.2 Conceptualization of smuggling of migrants
2.2.1 Smuggling as an illegal migration business
The conceptualization of smuggling as a migration business was formally developed by Salt and Stein in 1997, even if one may find reference to this theory in earlier literature. This new interpretation of the smuggling phenomenon had a great influence on academic circles, and the concept was then borrowed by many academics. In a critical analysis of this concept, Herman stresses that the focus of expert discussions then revolved around the notion of a migration industry and its professionalization, in which migrants are seen as “products” and “people who aid migrants are called ‘smugglers’, and are portrayed as illegal ‘entrepreneurs’
Salt and Stein suggested treating international migration as a global business that has both
legitimate and illegitimate sides. The migration business is conceived as a system of institutionalized networks with complex profit and loss accounts, including a set of institutions, agents and individuals each of which stands to make a commercial gain.
The model conceives trafficking and smuggling as an intermediary part of the global migration business facilitating movement of people between origin and destination countries. The model is divided into three stages: the mobilization and recruitment of migrants; their movement en route; and their insertion and integration into labour markets and host societies in destination countries. Salt and Stein conclude their theory by citing the need to look at immigration controls in a new way, placing sharper focus on the institutions and vested interests involved rather than on the migrants themselves.
Aranowitz puts forward a similar view and claims that smuggling could not have grown to such proportions if it were not supported by powerful market forces. Furthermore, Aranowitz argues that smugglers exhibit entrepreneur-like behaviour and circumvent legal requirements through corruption, deceit and threats. They specialize either in smuggling or in trafficking services, and the profit generated varies accordingly.
This is surprisingly well written. Smuggling and trafficking are businesses, and the people are the commodity. That being said, if the people are consenting to being smuggled, they are accomplices and not victims.
(Page 21)
The network theory also departs from the migration business theory by looking at the migrant as an actor in the migration process and not merely as an object, as in the organized crime theory. Van liempt and Doomernik have questioned the assumption that smuggled migrants are recruited by criminals and have little to say within the migration process. In their view, the relationship between the smugglers and the smuggled is more complex.
Looking at migrants as actors in the migration process, de Haas also insists on the need to depart from prejudiced views against smuggled migrants. According to him, rather than a desperate response to destitution, migration is generally a conscious choice made by relatively well-off individuals to enhance their livelihoods. Detailed discussions of migrants’ profiles and relationships with their smugglers are in chapters 5 and 7.
2.3 Conclusions
Sources reviewed reveal a strong interest among the academic community in analysing the phenomenon of smuggling of migrants from a conceptual perspective. In particular, experts have debated the link between smuggling of migrants and other forms of transnational movement of persons—in particular irregular migration and trafficking in persons. Recent literature has also attempted to improve concrete understanding of smuggling of migrants through the conceptualization of the phenomenon as a migration business, a security threat or a family (network) business.
Some useful points:
Smuggling is not usually that of desperate people, but rather well-off individuals looking for a better life. The refugee system is being gamed.
Also, there is a clear link between these illegals (no they are not “irregular”) and the smuggling that facilitates this. To suggest otherwise is to blur reality.
The book is some 148 pages, and is far too long to go through in a single article, but do have a read.
2. UN Hypocrisy On People Smuggling
This cannot be overstated. It is extremely hypocritical for the UN to condemn human smuggling, while promoting and excusing so-called “irregular migration”. It is well known that many of these illegals come to the West by means of smuggling.
If smuggling itself is to be rejected by society as a whole, then why is it okay for the accomplices of these smugglers to reap the rewards that come from it?
The UN also insists that nations have an obligation to allow terrorists to return home. Needless to say this endangers the public greatly. You can’t simultaneously expect this, and for nations to have safe borders.
This same behaviour also happens on the U.S./Mexico border. In 2018, the UN facilitated large “caravans” of economic migrants with the intention of bringing them up through Central America and overwhelming the U.S. border. How does this respect national sovereignty in any way at all?
3. Organizing “Irregulars” is Smuggling
As much as the UN would like to blur the line, arranging for migrants to enter other nations without permission is smuggling.
The UN insists that all migrants (even if in these countries illegally) are entitled to basic services. As such, the UN advocates for smuggling. The only reasonable conclusion is that having all these amenities will lead to more people trying to enter illegally.
As much as they try to engage in mental gymnastics, the UN is directly involved in people smuggling. They promote policies that only ensure the smuggling (and trafficking) will continue indefinitely.
The UN document claimed that migration is a huge industry. They were absolutely right about that.
