Various central banks around the world — including the Bank of Canada — have fully embraced the climate change scam. They promote “green finance” as a way to enact larger social change.
The pandemic, central banks and climate change
• COVID-19 is a shock and an opportunity
• Pivot to a greener, smarter economy?
• Focus here on climate-related issues
• Our contributions to scenario analysis
• To start: how we view climate change risk
For those who are unfamiliar, the GREAT RESET is a plan hatched a long time ago, which involved using this “pandemic” as an excuse to bring about larger social change. Check out the previous piece on the World Economic Forum.
2. BoC Calls Climate Change A “Vulnerability”
Climate change creates important physical risks both in Canada and globally. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the average world temperature in 2017 was around 1°C higher than pre-industrial levels and is projected to rise by 0.2°C per decade. One consequence is an increase in extreme weather events such as flooding, hurricanes and severe droughts. Insured damage to property and infrastructure in Canada averaged about $1.7 billion per year from 2008 to 2017, up from $200 million per year from 1983 to 1992. Canada is particularly affected—it is estimated to be warming significantly faster than the rest of the world.27
The move to a low-carbon economy involves complex structural adjustments, creating new opportunities as well as transition risk. Investor and consumer preferences are shifting toward lower-carbon sources and production processes, suggesting that the move to a low-carbon economy is underway. Transition costs will be felt most in carbon-intensive sectors, such as the oil and gas sector. If some fossil fuel reserves remain unexploited, assets in this sector may become stranded, losing much of their value. At the same time, other sectors such as green technology and alternative energy will likely benefit.
Both physical and transition risks are likely to have broad impacts on the economy. Moving labour and capital toward less carbon-intensive sectors is costly and takes time. Global trade patterns may also shift as production costs and the value of resources change. The necessary adjustments are complex and pervasive and might lead to increased risk for the financial system. In addition to insurance companies, many other parts of the financial system are exposed to risks from climate change. Banks have loans to carbon-intensive sectors as well as to connected sectors—for example, those upstream or downstream in supply chains. Asset managers hold carbon-intensive assets in and outside Canada. The Government of Canada’s Expert Panel on Sustainable Finance is studying these issues.
(From part 5), the Bank of Canada has written off the oil & gas sector, and others, in favour of “transitioning to a low carbon economy”. It would be nice for those people in Alberta, BC and Saskatchewan to have been made aware of this. It’s not like their communities will be gutted.
3. BoC & “Greening Financial System”
In response, central banks are stepping up efforts to assess climate-related risks. The current suite of central bank economic models, however, do not incorporate climate-change effects. Uncertainty over future developments related to climate change also makes assessing these risks challenging. These developments include policy developments, technological developments and changes in the natural environment.
Some central banks and private financial institutions are developing tools to carry out climate-related scenario analysis. Scenario analysis examines different plausible future states of the world. It forecasts a set of situations that could happen rather than predicts what will happen. It can help users evaluate a range of hypothetical outcomes based on different assumptions of what may occur. Scenario analysis is particularly useful for climate change, where the evolution of key variables is uncertain. To be the most useful, these scenarios should be extreme yet plausible. This will give a sense of the full range of possible risks.
Rather than focusing on monetary policy, which is its mandate, the Bank of Canada has decided to wade into the climate change agenda. The BoC alleges that climate change is directly tied to the financial health of the country.
4. Initiative Launched December 2017
The Network of Central Banks and Supervisors for Greening the Financial System (NGFS), was launched on December 12, 2017. It started off with 8 central banks, but has grown exponentially since. Many more, including the Bank of Canada, are now part of this group.
Joint statement by the Founding Members of the Central Banks and Supervisors Network for Greening the Financial System
Financing the transition to a green and low carbon economy consistent with the ‘well below 2°celsius’ goal set out in the Paris agreement and promoting environmental sustainable growth are among the major challenges of our time. In the process of responding to environmental and climate challenges, there are both opportunities and vulnerabilities for financial institutions and the financial system as a whole.
Post Paris, official sector and private-led initiatives have accelerated the awareness of climate related financial risks and the scaling up of green financing. The G20 Green Finance Study Group and the FSB Task Force on Climate-Related Financial Disclosures also recommended steps towards encouraging financial institutions to conduct environmental risk analysis and to improve environment- and climate-related information disclosure. We are very pleased to announce today that eight central banks and supervisors decided to collectively commit to establish a Network of Central Banks and Supervisors for Greening the Financial System. The Network will help to strengthen the global response required to meet the goals of the Paris agreement and to enhance the role of the financial system to manage risks and to mobilize capital for green and low-carbon investments in the broader context of environmentally sustainable development.
This group was started by the central banks of 8 countries. It has since grown to encompass many more. People should be skeptical that organizations involved in the monetary system are getting involved in the climate change industry.
6. NGFS Scaling Up “Green Finance”
This section provides an overview of the workstream’s mandate.
The workstream on scaling up green finance is structured around 3 main topics:
1) Promoting the adoption of sustainable and responsible principles in central banks’ investment approaches
2) Understanding and monitoring the market dynamics of green finance
3) Providing a joint central banks’ view on the various challenges climate change raises for the conduct of monetary policy
7. Mark Carney, Former Bank Of Canada Head
Mark Carney used to be the Head of the Bank of Canada, and later headed the Bank of England. Anyway, this man is now in charge of “UN Climate Finance”, and openly threatens to bankrupt companies who don’t play ball with the climate change scam. It used to be that gangsters would burn down your business if you didn’t pay. Now, they just pass laws to make it impossible to operate.
You know all that hype about the Bank of Canada looking to push some form of digital currency to replace money? Well yes, they are actually looking into it.
9. Should Banks Push Climate Agenda?
Banks, like any institution, should stick to their assigned role and not meddle elsewhere. Why stray so far into unrelated areas? It’s because they have an agenda, and are just using the financial sector as a means and excuse of implementing that agenda.
Bank for International Settlements (Immunity) Act
S.C. 2007, c. 35, s. 140
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Assented to 2007-12-14
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An Act to provide immunity to the Bank for International Settlements from government measures and from civil judicial process
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[Enacted by section 140 of chapter 35 of the Statutes of Canada, 2007, in force on assent December 14, 2007.]
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Marginal note: Short title
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1 This Act may be cited as the Bank for International Settlements (Immunity) Act.
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Marginal note: Immunity — government measures
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2 The Bank for International Settlements, its property and any property entrusted to it are exempt from the measures referred to in Article 1 of the Protocol regarding the immunities of the Bank for International Settlements that was ratified by Canada on January 20, 1938.
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Marginal note: Immunity — judicial process
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3 (1) The Bank is immune from the juris-diction of any court in respect of a civil proceeding.
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Marginal note: Immunity — property
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(2) The Bank’s property and any property entrusted to it are immune, in respect of any civil proceeding, from attachment and execution.
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Marginal note: Binding on Her Majesty
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(3) Subsections (1) and (2) are binding on Her Majesty in right of Canada.
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Marginal note: Non-application of sections 2 and 3
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4 For reasons of national security or for the purposes of the conduct of Canada’s international affairs or the implementation of Canada’s international obligations, the Governor in Council may determine that, to the extent specified by the Governor in Council,
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(a) the Bank, its property and any property entrusted to it are not exempt under section 2;
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(b) the Bank is not immune under subsection 3(1); and
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(c) the Bank’s property and any property entrusted to it are not immune under subsection 3(2)
In short, the Bank for International Settlements is immune from any jurisdiction in Canada.
It’s true that there is a provision that allows the Governor in Council to waive some or all of that immunity. However, when politicians see no issue with turning control of Canadian finances over to foreign, private interests, one has to wonder what it would take to be in Canada’s national interests.
1. Budget & Econ Statement Impl Act, (2007)
For reference, the Bank of International Settlements Immunity Act was just one part, Part 6, of the Budget and Economic Statement Implementation Act, 2007 (S.C. 2007, c. 35).
Throughout the 1930s, various nations signed on to ensure the Bank for International Settlements had legal immunity from legal restrictions or orders in member states. This was almost a century ago.
Article 1
Legal personality
The Swiss Federal Council acknowledges the international legal personality and the legal capacity within Switzerland of the Bank for International Settlements (hereinafter referred to as “the Bank”).
Article 2
Freedom of action of the Bank
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1. The Swiss Federal Council shall guarantee to the Bank the autonomy and freedom of action to which it is entitled as an international organisation.
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2. In particular, it shall grant to the Bank, as well as to its member institutions in their relations with the Bank, absolute freedom to hold meetings, including freedom of discussion and decision.
Article 3
Inviolability
. 1. The buildings or parts of buildings and surrounding land which, whoever may be the owner thereof, are used for the purposes of the Bank shall be inviolable. No agent of the Swiss public authorities may enter therein without the express consent Headquarters Agreement with Switzerland 37 of the Bank. Only the President, the General Manager of the Bank, or their duly authorised representative shall be competent to waive such inviolability.
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2. The archives of the Bank and, in general, all documents and any data media belonging to the Bank or in its possession, shall be inviolable at all times and in all places.
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3. The Bank shall exercise supervision of and police power over its premises.
Article 4
Immunity from jurisdiction and execution
1. The Bank shall enjoy immunity from jurisdiction, save:
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(a) to the extent that such immunity is formally waived in individual cases by the President, the General Manager of the Bank, or their duly authorised representatives;
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(b) in civil or commercial suits, arising from banking or financial transactions, initiated by contractual counterparties of the Bank, except in those cases in which provision for arbitration has been or shall have been made;
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(c) in the case of any civil action against the Bank for damage caused by any vehicle belonging to or operated on behalf of the Bank.
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2. Disputes arising in matters of employment relations between the Bank and its Officials or former Officials, or persons claiming through them, shall be settled by the Administrative Tribunal of the Bank. The Board of Directors of the Bank shall determine the constitution of the Administrative Tribunal, which shall have exclusive and final jurisdiction. Matters of employment relations shall be deemed to include in particular all questions relating to the interpretation or application of contracts between the Bank and its Officials concerning their employment, of the regulations to which the said contracts refer, including the provisions governing the Bank’s pension scheme and other welfare arrangements provided by the Bank.
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3. The Bank shall enjoy, in respect of its property and assets, wherever located and by whomsoever held, immunity from any measure of execution (including seizure, attachment, freeze or any other measure of execution, enforcement or sequestration, and in particular of attachment within the meaning of Swiss law), except:
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(a) in cases where execution is claimed on the basis of a final
judgment rendered by a court which has jurisdiction over
the Bank in accordance with paragraph 1(a), (b) or (c)above;
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(b) in cases of execution of an award made by an arbitral tribunal pursuant to Article 27 of this Agreement.
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4. All deposits entrusted to the Bank, all claims against the Bank and the shares issued by the Bank shall, without the express prior agreement of the Bank, wherever located and by whomsoever held, be immune from any measure of execution (including seizure, attachment, freeze or any other measure of execution, enforcement or sequestration, and in particular of attachment within the meaning of Swiss law).
The Swiss Government recognizes the Bank for International Settlements as an international organization, and gives it full immunities and powers over its land.
To be clear, the BIS already had very high levels and immunity long before Canada’s BIS Immunity Act in 2007. That just further cemented that immunity from Canadians or Canadian Officials.
It’s also worth pointing out that the property rights enshrined to this “international organization” far exceed the rights awarded to individuals in most nations.
The pandemic is therefore a stark reminder that preventing climate change from inflicting permanent harm on the global economy requires a fundamental structural change to our economy, inducing systematic changes in the way energy is generated and consumed.
With brutal clarity, the current crisis has exposed two major risks to the global economy: first, the farreaching damages imposed on our society by a lack of prevention and early action, fostered by disbelief in science, in the face of a global shock that threatens not only the economy but our lives.
And, second, the repercussions of a failure to act collectively in a globalised world where inaction in one part of the globe can lead to highly disruptive and long-lasting spillover effects in other parts, hitting the poorest and most vulnerable in our societies most severely.
In this sense, the pandemic has been a warning shot with regard to the much greater challenge arising from climate change. In his famous speech, Mark Carney, then Governor of the Bank of England, has argued that “the catastrophic impacts of climate change will be felt beyond the traditional horizons of most actors – imposing a cost on future generations that the current generation has no direct incentive to fix”.[3] Moreover, studies have uncovered a significant lag in discerning the benefits of mitigation measures,[4] which makes it much harder to impose costs on society today if measurable results are available much later.
By making the costs of a major, truly global crisis more tangible, the pandemic may help to remove the “tragedy” from Mark Carney’s horizon: after COVID-19, the dramatic consequences of a global climate crisis may be much easier to imagine. And given the need for fundamental structural change after this crisis, the willingness to use this chance to take precautions against the even bigger risk of a climate crisis may have increased.
In order to achieve the European Union’s target of net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, our response to the growing risks of climate change has to start with the way we rebuild our economies after the pandemic.
In my remarks this morning, I will argue that three complementary pillars are needed to accelerate the transition towards a low-carbon economy: an effective carbon price, a strong investment programme and a greener financial market.
I will also argue that central banks have a role to play in mitigating climate-related risks, even within their
traditional mandates, because global warming poses severe risks to price stability.
These comments come from the European Central Bank, on July 17, 2020. They argue for using this so-called crisis for other purposes.
What a coincidence, that this “pandemic” gives these people the opportunity to impose a larger social agenda that they would never otherwise have been able to get away with.
5. BIS, UN, Carney Pushing “Climate Finance”
This was addressed in Part 7. Mark Carney was head of both the Bank of Canada, and the Bank of England. Now he’s in charge of “climate finance” at the UN, and openly threatens to make companies go bankrupt if they don’t play along with the climate change scam.
6. BIS Arguing For Bigger Change
It should be alarming to people that an organization that is not accountable to the public, (in any country), is using its powers to argue for larger societal changes. However, our politicians are puppets who simply do as they are told.
Elizabeth May joined the Trudeau Foundation in 2005. Could that be part of why the Liberal party has always been so friendly towards her?
May is also a supporter of the (still hypothetical concept) of a world government run by the United Nations. She’s one of many globalist Canadian politicians.
In terms of globalist politicians in Canada, Elizabeth May largely gets a pass. A significant part of it is that the Green party of Canada has only 3 seats, and is not a prominent party. It’s growing, yes, but it still relatively small.
Another reason may be that May might be ignored, and no actual digging into her past, is who she is connected to. Shining some more sunlight onto her may serve the public interest well.
Sierra Club
International Institute for Sustainable Development
Various groups lobbying her as an MP
Trudeau Foundation
Eco demonstrating
While May seems like just a typical environmental supporter, her various associations and affiliations should give people cause for concern. She is not who she appears to be.
3. May Ex-Executive Director, Sierra Club
Between April 1997, and February 2006, there are 17 communications reports between Elizabeth May and the Federal Government. She is a prior eco-lobbyist, and spent nearly a decade trying to influence policies in Canada.
Also noteworthy: now a Member of Parliament, May is frequently lobbied by various groups. Guess it has come full circle. In total, Elizabeth May’s name is attached to 525 communications reports, on a wide variety of topics.
May’s lobbying as head of the Sierra Club seems to be all environment related, but it does raise an interesting question: When she sits as a Member of Parliament, is she acting as the representative of the riding, or as a member of the ideology?
Sierra Today
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Today, the Sierra Club Canada Foundation (SCCF) is a national registered charity that includes four chapters: Atlantic, Québec, Ontario, and Prairie, plus the Sierra Youth Coalition, a group whose mandate is to empower young people to become community leaders.
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On the national level, we have earned an excellent reputation for our thoroughly researched positions and our ability to serve as a spokesperson for environmental issues Canada wide. On a regional level, the commitment of our volunteers makes us an effective advocate on the environmental issues affecting Canadians in their communities.
Following in the footsteps of John Muir, we sponsor programs that help to bring nature into the lives of children and adults.
From it’s HISTORY page, Sierra claims to be an advocacy organization devoted to environmental causes, and bringing awareness to the general public. Elizabeth May used to be the head of this organization.
Interesting side note: The Sierra Club (not just in Canada), used to be against having high levels of immigration. The main reason being that increased numbers of people put more strain on the environment. However, for a $100 million donation from David Gelbaum, the Sierra Club was completely willing to flip its stance. It seems anything is negotiable. More information on Gelbaum is available.
Reporting Period Ending December 31, 2014
Receipted donations $284,311.00 (36.48%)
Non-receipted donations $37,392.00 (4.80%)
Gifts from other registered charities $314,732.00 (40.39%)
Government funding $34,287.00 (4.40%)
All other revenue $108,567.00 (13.93%)
Total revenue: $779,289.00
Charitable programs $625,543.00 (69.95%)
Management and administration $177,577.00 (19.86%)
Fundraising $24,599.00 (2.75%)
Political activities $6,563.00 (0.73%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $60,041.00 (6.71%)
Total expenses: $894,323.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$474,307.00
Full-time employees (7)
Part-time employees (13)
Professional and consulting fees
$22,677.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$1 to $39,999
$40,000 to $79,999 (4)
Reporting Period Ending December 31, 2015
Receipted donations $294,471.00 (46.34%)
Non-receipted donations $8,124.00 (1.28%)
Gifts from other registered charities $242,348.00 (38.14%)
Government funding $13,862.00 (2.18%)
All other revenue $76,647.00 (12.06%)
Total revenue: $635,452.00
Charitable programs $295,412.00 (52.37%)
Management and administration $189,330.00 (33.57%)
Fundraising $59,347.00 (10.52%)
Political activities $19,962.00 (3.54%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $564,051.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$271,281.00
Full-time employees (5)
Part-time employees (13)
Professional and consulting fees
$87,031.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$1 to $39,999 (4)
$40,000 to $79,999 (2)
Reporting Period Ending December 31, 2016
Receipted donations $269,907.00 (60.64%)
Non-receipted donations $7,471.00 (1.68%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $26,251.00 (5.90%)
All other revenue $141,474.00 (31.78%)
Total revenue: $445,103.00
The Sierra Club claimed $434,604.00 in expenses in its T3010 filings
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$200,693.00
Full-time employees (6)
Part-time employees (9)
Professional and consulting fees
$128,893.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$1 to $39,999 (5)
$40,000 to $79,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending December 31, 2017
Receipted donations $319,801.00 (58.98%)
Non-receipted donations $28,410.00 (5.24%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $88,471.00 (16.32%)
All other revenue $105,526.00 (19.46%)
Total revenue: $542,208.00
The Sierra Club also claimed $551,737.00 in expenses that year — line 4950 in it’s T3010 for that year.
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$315,747.00
Full-time employees (5)
Part-time employees (17)
Professional and consulting fees
$128,912.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$1 to $39,999 (3)
$40,000 to $79,999 (2)
Reporting Period Ending December 31, 2018
Receipted donations $250,400.00 (43.92%)
Non-receipted donations $7,977.00 (1.40%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $78,217.00 (13.72%)
All other revenue $233,593.00 (40.97%)
Total revenue: $570,187.00
Charitable programs $387,583.00 (61.61%)
Management and administration $114,807.00 (18.25%)
Fundraising $61,351.00 (9.75%)
Political activities $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $65,327.00 (10.38%)
Total expenses: $629,068.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$337,381.00
Full-time employees (6)
Part-time employees (15)
Professional and consulting fees
$62,104.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$1 to $39,999 (3)
$40,000 to $79,999 (3)
The Sierra Club doesn’t take in anywhere near as much money as the Trudeau Foundation. Still, interesting to see how much it does get. The next one however, is swimming in money
Our big-picture view allows us to address the root causes of some of the greatest challenges facing our planet today—ecological destruction, social exclusion, unfair laws and economic rules, a changing climate. Through research, analysis and knowledge sharing, we identify and champion sustainable solutions that make a difference. We report on international negotiations, conduct rigorous research, and engage citizens, businesses and policy-makers on the shared goal of developing sustainably.
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With offices in Winnipeg, Geneva, Ottawa and Toronto, our work impacts lives in nearly 100 countries. IISD is a registered charitable organization in Canada and has 501(c)(3) status in the United States.
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IISD receives core and project funding support from numerous governments inside and outside Canada, United Nations agencies, foundations and the private sector. For more detail, view our annual report.
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IISD’s work is organized around six programs and a core set of strategic goals. Our brochure provides a snapshot of our strategy and programs.
That is from the ABOUT section in the International Institute for Sustainable Development website. Much more information is available.
Reporting Period Ending March 31, 2015
Receipted donations $30,150.00 (0.17%)
Non-receipted donations $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $2,695,846.00 (15.39%)
All other revenue $14,791,567.00 (84.44%)
Total revenue: $17,517,563.00
Charitable programs $15,178,878.00 (80.70%)
Management and administration $932,920.00 (4.96%)
Fundraising $1,398,027.00 (7.43%)
Political activities $969,206.00 (5.15%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $330,272.00 (1.76%)
Total expenses: $18,809,303.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$7,550,002.00
Full-time employees (55)
Part-time employees (10)
Professional and consulting fees
$6,609,852.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$80,000 to $119,999 (1)
$120,000 to $159,999 (4)
$160,000 to $199,999 (1)
$200,000 to $249,999 (1)
$350,000 and over (1)
Reporting Period Ending March 31, 2016
Receipted donations $58,330.00 (0.27%)
Non-receipted donations $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $4,096,046.00 (19.09%)
All other revenue $17,303,126.00 (80.64%)
Total revenue: $21,457,502.00
Charitable programs $18,176,377.00 (88.66%)
Management and administration $868,967.00 (4.24%)
Fundraising $757,087.00 (3.69%)
Political activities $295,296.00 (1.44%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $403,270.00 (1.97%)
Total expenses: $20,500,997.00
Total compensation for all positions
$7,894,255.00
Full-time employees (55)
Part-time employees (9)
Professional and consulting fees
$7,051,688.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$80,000 to $119,999 (3)
$120,000 to $159,999 (4)
$160,000 to $199,999 (1)
$200,000 to $249,999 (1)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending March 31, 2017
Receipted donations $58,313.00 (0.27%)
Non-receipted donations $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $5,392,587.00 (25.14%)
All other revenue $15,996,324.00 (74.58%)
Total revenue: $21,447,224.00
Charitable programs $17,713,128.00 (84.06%)
Management and administration $1,318,103.00 (6.26%)
Fundraising $1,043,767.00 (4.95%)
Political activities $611,182.00 (2.90%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $385,607.00 (1.83%)
Total expenses: $21,071,787.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$8,488,461.00
Full-time employees (62)
Part-time employees (6)
Professional and consulting fees
$6,699,377.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$80,000 to $119,999 (4)
$120,000 to $159,999 (3)
$160,000 to $199,999 (1)
$200,000 to $249,999 (1)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending March 31, 2018
Receipted donations $108,522.00 (0.45%)
Non-receipted donations $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts from other registered charities $369,353.00 (1.54%)
Government funding $8,278,278.00 (34.59%)
All other revenue $15,173,667.00 (63.41%)
Total revenue: $23,929,820.00
Charitable programs $20,661,401.00 (90.39%)
Management and administration $2,135,148.00 (9.34%)
Fundraising $58,686.00 (0.26%)
Political activities $2,450.00 (0.01%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $22,857,685.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$9,025,983.00
Full-time employees (75)
Part-time employees (6)
Professional and consulting fees
$7,462,609.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$120,000 to $159,999 (5)
$160,000 to $199,999 (3)
$200,000 to $249,999 (1)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending March 31, 2019 Operations Outside Canada
10 countries
Other countries in Africa
Other countries in Europe
UGANDA
INDONESIA
CHINA
Other counties in North America
KENYA
JAMAICA
VIET NAM
Other countries in Central and South America
Receipted donations $168,502.00 (0.65%)
Non-receipted donations $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts from other registered charities $65,000.00 (0.25%)
Government funding $5,458,098.00 (21.17%)
All other revenue $20,088,179.00 (77.92%)
Total revenue: $25,779,779.00
Charitable programs $22,511,518.00 (90.91%)
Management and administration $2,133,829.00 (8.62%)
Fundraising $115,844.00 (0.47%)
Political activities $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $0.00 (0.00%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$9,945,650.00
Full-time employees (79)
Part-time employees (8)
Professional and consulting fees
$8,501,328.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$120,000 to $159,999 (5)
$160,000 to $199,999 (3)
$200,000 to $249,999 (2)
Should we be concerned that Elizabeth May’s former institution accepts money from the World Health Organization, and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation?
Side note: The Azrieli Foundation is named after David Azrieli, the late Israeli media baron and billionaire. His grandson, Matthew Azrieli, owns the Post Millennial.
5. Lobbying Elizabeth May As An MP
The above examples are just a sample of the information that is available when searching “ELIZABETH MAY” in the lobbying registry. It seems that many eco-groups see an “in” for their cause with May in office. Of course May is being lobbied by other types of groups, but this bunch seems particularly prominent.
6. May Is Member Of Trudeau Foundation
Elizabeth May is an environmentalist, writer, activist and lawyer. She is a graduate of Dalhousie Law School and was admitted to the Bar in both Nova Scotia and Ontario. She has held the position of Associate General Council for the Public Interest Advocacy Centre, representing consumer, poverty and environment groups in her work. In 1986, she became Senior Policy Advisor to then federal Environment Minister, Tom McMillan.
Ms. May is the author of seven books, BudwormBattles (1982), Paradise Won: The Struggle to Save South Moresby (1990), At the Cutting Edge: The Crisis in Canada’s Forests (Key Porter Books, 1998), Frederick Street; Life and Death on Canada’s Love Canal (Harper Collins, 2000, co-authored with Maude Barlow,) How to Save the World in Your Spare Time (Key Porter, 2006), Losing Confidence: Power, Politics and the Crisis in Canadian Democracy (McClelland and Stewart, 2009), and, with Zoe Caron, Global Warming for Dummies (John Wiley and Sons, 2008). Recipient of many awards and honours, she became in 1998 the first chair-holder of the “Elizabeth May Chair in Women’s Health and Environment” at Dalhousie University. She holds honourary doctorates from Mount Saint Vincent University and the University of New Brunswick. In 2005, she became an officer of the Order of Canada.
Formerly the Executive Director of the Sierra Club of Canada, Ms. May is a past member of the board of directors of the International Institute for Sustainable Development, and a member of the advisory board to the Environmental Commissioner, Office of the Auditor General of Canada. She is leader of the Green Party of Canada.
Talk about controlled opposition. The (now former) leader of the Green Party is also a member of the Trudeau Foundation, which is named after Pierre Elliot Trudeau. Guess there isn’t really much ideological differences between the parties.
Justin Trudeau pushed for Elizabeth May to be included in the 2011 debates, despite the Greens not holding a seat at the time. The Liberal Party and Green Party also previously agreed to not run candidates in the ridings of the other’s leader. May has always seemed friendly with Trudeau and the Liberals, and her membership here offers another explanation as to why that is.
This isn’t all of them, of course, but a few that are available publicly.
The Trudeau Foundation comprises Justices, and many high ranking officials from across parties. Elizabeth May is just one of the people in this organization. So why isn’t this heavily reported by the media? Also, how much money does the Foundation take in annually?
From a search on Revenue Canada’s website, we are able to see that the Trudeau Foundation takes in millions annually. It is a registered charity, so the information is publicly available. Here is data from recent years.
Reporting Period Ending August 31, 2015
Here are the Directors at the time.
Receipted donations $617,210.00 (7.17%)
Non-receipted donations $16,251.00 (0.19%)
Gifts from other registered charities $1,000.00 (0.01%)
Government funding $0.00 (0.00%)
All other revenue $7,977,622.00 (92.63%)
Total revenue: $8,612,083.00
Charitable programs $5,891,783.00 (89.40%)
Management and administration $683,008.00 (10.36%)
Fundraising $0.00 (0.00%)
Political activities $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $15,521.00 (0.24%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $6,590,312.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$971,144.00
Full-time employees (9)
Part-time employees (2)
Professional and consulting fees
$376,636.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$40,000 to $79,999 (5)
$80,000 to $119,999 (3)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending August 31, 2016
Here are the Directors at that time.
Receipted donations $122,066.00 (2.72%)
Non-receipted donations $122,798.00 (2.74%)
Gifts from other registered charities $52,500.00 (1.17%)
Government funding $0.00 (0.00%)
All other revenue $4,191,679.00 (93.38%)
Total revenue: $4,489,043.00
Charitable programs $6,551,877.00 (88.80%)
Management and administration $686,611.00 (9.31%)
Fundraising $124,183.00 (1.68%)
Political activities $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $15,250.00 (0.21%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $7,377,921.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$1,186,681.00
Full-time employees (9)
Part-time employees (3)
Professional and consulting fees
$349,738.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$40,000 to $79,999 (5)
$80,000 to $119,999 (2)
$120,000 to $159,999 (1)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending August 31, 2017
Charitable programs $5,189,590.00 (85.03%)
Management and administration $733,680.00 (12.02%)
Fundraising $164,533.00 (2.70%)
Political activities $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $15,200.00 (0.25%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $6,103,003.00
Strangely, very strangely, there is no REVENUE being reported here. Did they not take any in, or is it just missing from the filings that are available?
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$1,204,006.00
Full-time employees (11)
Part-time employees (2)
Professional and consulting fees
$409,860.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$40,000 to $79,999 (7)
$80,000 to $119,999 (2)
$120,000 to $159,999 (1)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting Period Ending August 31, 2018
Here are the Directors listed at that time.
Receipted donations $25,374.00 (0.42%)
Non-receipted donations $39,503.00 (0.65%)
Gifts from other registered charities $50,000.00 (0.82%)
Government funding $0.00 (0.00%)
All other revenue $5,996,497.00 (98.12%)
Total revenue: $6,111,374.00
Charitable programs $3,996,014.00 (72.03%)
Management and administration $1,124,793.00 (20.27%)
Fundraising $412,005.00 (7.43%)
Political activities $0.00 (0.00%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $15,000.00 (0.27%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $5,547,812.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$1,418,973.00
Full-time employees (10)
Part-time employees (8)
Professional and consulting fees
$801,966.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$40,000 to $79,999 (6)
$80,000 to $119,999 (2)
$120,000 to $159,999 (1)
$250,000 to $299,999 (1)
Reporting period ending August 31, 2019
Here are the Directors listed on the T3010
Receipted donations $7,917.00 (0.13%)
Non-receipted donations $135,618.00 (2.23%)
Gifts from other registered charities $0.00 (0.00%)
Government funding $0.00 (0.00%)
All other revenue $5,936,983.00 (97.64%)
Total revenue: $6,080,518.00
Charitable programs $5,560,040.00 (86.25%)
Management and administration $739,268.00 (11.47%)
Fundraising $135,708.00 (2.11%)
Gifts to other registered charities and qualified donees $11,350.00 (0.18%)
Other $0.00 (0.00%)
Total expenses: $6,446,366.00
Compensation
Total compensation for all positions
$1,361,701.00
Full-time employees (11)
Part-time employees (5)
Professional and consulting fees
$607,970.00
Compensated full-time positions:
$1 to $39,999 (1)
$40,000 to $79,999 (5)
$80,000 to $119,999 (4)
$250,000 to $299,999
As the data shows (and it’s all freely available on the CRA website), the Foundation takes in millions annually. Why isn’t the group and its donors more carefully probed by the media?
It could be that several members of the mainstream media in Canada are also part of the Trudeau Foundation. Can’t exactly hold these people to account when they are part of the swamp as well
Yes, this could very well be why the Canadian media seems to have little interest in digging into Elizabeth May, or into the Trudeau Foundation more broadly. Huge conflict of interest here.
There is a ton of information on the Trudeau Foundation that needs to be public. That will be the focus of a separate article. But since many members of the Canadian media are also affiliated with the Trudeau Foundation, they won’t do meaningful reporting into the organization.
Nor will they report of the huge conflict of interest that Elizabeth May has, in leading the Green Party of Canada, but being part of a group named after a Liberal ex-Prime Minister.
7. Trans Mountain Pipeline Protests
[1] THE COURT: Ms. May’s circumstances and her conduct do not fit the pattern of others who have pleaded guilty to criminal contempt in these proceedings and who have been subject to $500 fines or community work service orders. Ms. May is not only a member of parliament, she is also the leader of a political party whose purpose is to have increasing influence on public opinion on matters of importance in Canada. In this instance Ms. May has sought to influence others to disobey the injunction.
[2] The rule of law is not a guaranteed feature of Canadian life. It needs constant vigilance to be sustained. It is not only judges who have that obligation; so does everyone else, most particularly those members of parliament who lead political parties. We can easily look to other places in the world to see where the rule of law has never existed or has been lost. The dire consequences are on the daily news that we all see. The law applies to everyone. Nobody is entitled to pick and choose the laws or the court orders they will obey because they believe they have a higher obligation. If they choose to do so and offer public defiance of a court order, the judges of this Court have a duty to respond to that defiance.
[3] As well as being a member of parliament, Ms. May is a lawyer. Lawyers enjoy privileges in our society such as that of professional advocates in the courts. With privilege comes responsibility. In this case Ms. May had a responsibility to obey the injunction and to persuade others to do so.
[4] I note that no law or order has prevented Ms. May or any other persons from protesting the building of the Trans Mountain Pipeline even near to the worksites. The injunction expressly preserves the right to peaceful, lawful and safe protest.
On March 23, 2018, May violated a court order and staged a protest against the Trans Mountain Pipeline. She was arrested, and ultimately fined $1,500.
May has no problem with the illegal demonstration, even as she is a sitting Member of Parliament. How exactly does this help out her constituents?
8. Greens Support Wet’suwet’en Protests
The Official policy of the Green party is to support the protests against the Coastal GasLink Pipeline. However, even as the protests appear to be foreign funded, the Greens still support it. Included is a very interesting video by Rebel Media, exposing money coming in from the Tides Foundation, and other eco groups.
About Our Organization
The Office of the Wet’suwet’en was created as a central office for the Wet’suwet’en Nation. The Office offers many services throughout the traditional territories focusing on the main areas of Lands and Resources, Fisheries & Wildlife, Human and Social Services and Governance.
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The Office of the Wet’suwet’en is located in Smithers, BC. Our office has been in its operation since 1994 however was affiliated with the Gitxsan Nation for many years. Our office is not an Indian band or tribal council. The Office of the Wet’suwet’en does not receive core funding (continuous funding from one year to the next) from any form of Government.
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Based on the priorities set by the Board of Directors, staff must negotiate program funding through various sources from; federal and provincial governments and foundations. This situation creates added responsibility for management to ensure that programs meet goals to illustrate successes and generate support for continued funding. Accessing new monies requires proactive and persistent leadership while ensuring program goals are being met and growth is effective.
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Our office is governed by the Wet’suwet’en Hereditary Chiefs residing throughout the traditional territories. The Chiefs meet at least monthly and often weekly to address specific issues that management needs direction for. Meetings are held throughout the territories in various locations.
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As a non-profit society, the Office of the Wet’suwet’en does not provide donations due to shortage of funds.
The Office is not an Indian band or tribal council? So it is just a group of people masquerading as Band members. It is an open admission that the group is a total fake.
It relies on funding from Federal and Provincial Governments, and Foundations? Would be interesting to see which foundations are vested in seeing this group through, especially since it isn’t actually the people with land rights.
9. May Is Member Of CAAPD
Elizabeth May is part of CAPPD, the Canadian Association of Parliamentarians on Population and Development. Among other things, it is a heavily pro-abortion group.
10. May & International Banking Cartel
Both Green Party Leader Elizabeth May, and ex-NDP leader Jack Layton knew full well about the international banking cartel, but never used it as a serious issue. See original video here. Both were, in fact, a form of controlled opposition.
11. May Isn’t Who She Claims To Be
Elizabeth May is a “Mentor” at the Trudeau Foundation, named after Liberal PM Pierre Elliot Trudeau. It partially explains why the Liberal Party is so friendly towards her, as she is part of that same organization. If the media weren’t in bed with the Trudeau Foundation, they would have reported on just how deep this runs.
May is a former Executive Director with the Sierra Club of Canada, a charity which takes in about half a million a year from various sources. She’s silent about the donations received in order for Sierra to become neutral on the topic of immigration. While acting as the Director, she lobbied the Federal Government on at least 17 occasions for various environmental issues. Now, a sitting Member of Parliament, she is lobbied herself by a host of various special interest groups.
May also was with the International Institute for Sustainable Development, which receives many millions a year. The IISD gets money from places like the World Health Organization, and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.
She has been arrested for criminal contempt for violating a court order, and her party supports the obviously fraudulent protests in BC.
These items are not an exhaustive list, but should provide some insight into the interests who are really controlling May and the environmental movement as a whole.
CLICK HERE, for an intro to the climate change scam. CLICK HERE, for Disruptive Innovation Framework. CLICK HERE, for humanizing transitions, energy justice.
CLICK HERE, for Max Boykoff’s article in Scientific American. CLICK HERE, for Boykoff’s war on science, part I. CLICK HERE, for Boykoff’s war on science, part II.
2. A Shoutout To Uppity Peasants
It’s only fair to cite the source of these articles, as in the person who shared them. They came from a Prairie Nationalist who’s frequently busy sharpening her pitchfork. Go check out Uppity Peasants for this and other topics.
3. Context For This Article
The topic of climate propaganda has been covered on this site several times (see links in Section #1). However, rather than doing a complete review for each of the remaining articles, a brief commentary will be added.
It’s downright creepy how the emotional manipulation and shameless hucksterism of climate change are treated seriously in academia. Rather than admitting there “may” be something wrong with climate research, the idea is to double down and look for alternative ways to sell the scheme.
Still, if plunging into the messed up world of climate propaganda appeals to you, then you have two options:
(a) Get professional help; or
(b) Keep reading more.
4. Heuristic Of Creative Destruction
Moving beyond the heuristic of creative destruction: Targeting exnovation with policy mixes for energy transitions Martin David Helmholtz Centre for Environmental Research – UFZ, Germany.
Scholars looking at policy mixes for the energy transition and seeking to facilitate a move away from fossil-based structures are increasingly addressing the opposite side of innovation. To describe this, the article introduces the concept of exnovation, referring to attempts to end fossil-based technological trajectories in a deliberate fashion. It applies a framework that encompasses innovation and exnovation alike in order to investigate the policy mix of the German energy transition. Beside finding that energy transition policy mixes need to emphasize regulatory instruments more in order to bring about decarbonization, the article also describes some general aspects of the policy mix design required to govern the innovation-exnovation nexus.
Typically, most people want to ADVANCE their societies, but this one considers doing the opposite: leading the public down a less developed lifestyle in order to combat climate change.
5. Bringing About Disruptive Change
A heuristic for conceptualizing and uncovering the determinants of agency in socio-technical transitions Mert Duygana, Michael Stauffachera, Grégoire Meylanb
There has been a growing interest in transition studies on the role of agency in bringing about disruptive change. Previous studies have examined how actors perform institutional work to create legitimacy and transform institutions. In doing so, they have provided insights into specific practices and strategies that actors follow. This paper seeks to complement existing studies by elucidating the foundations of agency that transforms institutions through institutional work. Drawing on institutional sociology and organizational studies, resources, discourses and networks of actors are identified as key elements enabling institutional work practices. The agency of each actor is conceived of as dependent on the configurations it possesses with respect to these elements. A heuristic is presented that helps to determine the configurations associated with a strong agency in empirical settings and use Swiss waste management as an illustrative case example. The heuristic enables a systematic analysis of agency across different organizational fields.
Some research into methods and techniques for bringing about serious and disruptive changes in Western society deemed necessary for environmental protections.
6. Disruption & System Transformation
Disruption and low-carbon system transformation: Progress and new challenges in socio-technical transitions research and the Multi-Level Perspective Frank W. Geels
This paper firstly assesses the usefulness of Christensen’s disruptive innovation framework for low-carbon system change, identifying three conceptual limitations with regard to the unit of analysis (products rather than systems), limited multi-dimensionality, and a simplistic (‘point source’) conception of change. Secondly, it shows that the Multi-Level Perspective (MLP) offers a more comprehensive framework on all three dimensions. Thirdly, it reviews progress in socio-technical transition research and the MLP on these three dimensions and identifies new challenges, including ‘whole system’ reconfiguration, multi-dimensional struggles, bi-directional niche-regime interactions, and an alignment conception of change. To address these challenges, transition research should further deepen and broaden its engagement with the social sciences.
This gem takes the BUSINESS concept of disruptive innovative framework which is meant to introduce new products and technologies into the market. It then tries to apply it to the CLIMATE CHANGE industry in getting changes made.
7. Fighting Opposing “Regime” Against Change
Regime Resistance against Low-Carbon Transitions: Introducing Politics and Power into the Multi-Level Perspective
Frank W Geels University of Manchester and King Abdulaziz Universit
Abstract
While most studies of low-carbon transitions focus on green niche-innovations, this paper shifts attention to the resistance by incumbent regime actors to fundamental change. Drawing on insights from political economy, the paper introduces politics and power into the multi-level perspective. Instrumental, discursive, material and institutional forms of power and resistance are distinguished and illustrated with examples from the UK electricity system. The paper concludes that the resistance and resilience of coal, gas and nuclear production regimes currently negates the benefits from increasing renewables deployment. It further suggests that policymakers and many transition-scholars have too high hopes that ‘green’ innovation will be sufficient to bring about low-carbon transitions. Future agendas in research and policy should therefore pay much more attention to the destabilization and decline of existing fossil fuel regimes.
This paper views political and media types who are skeptical of the climate change industry as “resistance” and studies way around them. No real sense that they may bring up valid points. Instead, they are an obstacle to progress.
8. Humanizing And “Energy Justice”
Humanizing sociotechnical transitions through energy justice: An ethical framework for global transformative change
Kirsten Jenkins, Benjamin K. Sovacoolb, Darren McCaule
Poverty, climate change and energy security demand awareness about the interlinkages between energy systems and social justice. Amidst these challenges, energy justice has emerged to conceptualize a world where all individuals, across all areas, have safe, affordable and sustainable energy that is, essentially, socially just. Simultaneously, new social and technological solutions to energy problems continually evolve, and interest in the concept of sociotechnical transitions has grown. However, an element often missing from such transitions frameworks is explicit engagement with energy justice frameworks. Despite the development of an embryonic set of literature around these themes, an obvious research gap has emerged: can energy justice and transitions frameworks be combined? This paper argues that they can. It does so through an exploration of the multi-level perspective on sociotechnical systems and an integration of energy justice at the model’s niche, regime and landscape level. It presents the argument that it is within the overarching process of sociotechnical change that issues of energy justice emerge. Here, inattention to social justice issues can cause injustices, whereas attention to them can provide a means to examine and potential resolve them.
The social justice nonsense which universities push is about to get a new member, so-called “energy justice”. Consider this a bastardized child of cultural Marxism and the climate change scam.
9. Regime Destabilization, Pulp & Paper
Explaining regime destabilisation in the pulp and paper industry
Kersti Karltorp, Björn A. Sandén
abstract
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A transition to a carbon neutral society will require a shift from fossil to renewable resources. This will affect the conversion of biomass and related industries such as the pulp and paper industry. The purpose of this paper is two-fold: first, to describe and analyse the transformation processes in the Swedish pulp and paper industry and the adoption of biorefinery options, and second, to demonstrate how conceptualisations from strategic management can be used to describe regime destabilisation. The industry’s adoption of biorefinery options has been modest so far, but there is development along two trajectories. The first centres on gasification and the second on separation and refining. Such diverging strategies in response to external pressure can be explained by differences that exist between firms. Signs of increasing firm divergence, or ‘regime fragmentation’, might indicate the entry into a phase of regime destabilisation, and a critical point in a transition.
Sure, let’s make the pulp and paper industry completely unprofitable and put all of those workers out on the street. Rather than finding better solutions, let’s sabotage what already exists. While it is true you can’t make an omelette without breaking a few eggs, this seems excessive.
10. Apply Pressure To Destabilize Industries
Sequence and alignment of external pressures in industry destabilisation: Understanding the downfall of incumbent utilities in the German energy transition (1998–2015) Gregor Kungla, Frank W. Geels
ABSTRACT
This article makes two contributions to the emerging research stream on regime and industry destabilisation in the transition literature. First, we replicate the multi-dimensional framework developed by Turnheim and Geels with a more contemporary study that has closer links to sustainability transitions. Drawing on a wide range of primary and secondary sources, we analyse the destabilisation of the German electricity industry, which faced multiple external pressures: renewable energy technologies, nuclear phase-out policy, the financial-economic crisis, and negative public debates. Second, we elaborate the role of multiple pressures in industry destabilisation, focusing in particular on their sequence and alignment. We inductively identify patterns such as the ‘masking effect’ of highly visible macro-shocks, ‘perfect storm’ pattern, a ‘killer blow’ effect, and spillover dynamics between external environments.
Not sure what to add to this. If industries are considered to be environmentally unsound, let’s apply various pressures in order to destabilize and destroy them.
11. Politically Accelerated Transitions
Conditions for politically accelerated transitions: Historical institutionalism, the multi-level perspective, and two historical case studies in transport and agriculture Cameron Roberts, Frank W. Geels
ABSTRACT
This article investigates the conditions under which policymakers are likely to decisively accelerate sociotechnical transitions. We develop a conceptual framework that combines insights from historical institutionalism and the Multi-Level Perspective to better understand the political dimension in transitions, focusing particularly on the mechanisms of political defection from incumbent regime to niche-innovation. We distinguish two ideal type patterns, one where external (landscape) shocks create a ‘critical juncture’ and one where gradual feedbacks change the balance of power between niche-innovation and regime. We also identify more proximate conditions such as external pressures on policymakers (from business interests, mass publics, and technologies) and policy internal developments (changes in problem definitions and access to institutional arrangements). We apply this framework to two historical case studies in which UK policymakers deliberately accelerated transitions: the transition from rail to road transport (1920–1970); and the transition from traditional mixed agriculture to specialised wheat agriculture (1920–1970). We analyse the conditions for major policy change in each case and draw more general conclusions. We also discuss implications for contemporary low-carbon transitions, observing that while some favourable conditions are in place, they do not yet meet all the prerequisites for political acceleration.
This is basically the same concept as before: gutting and destroying various industries. However, this one involves using political pressure in order to achieve it.
12. Plant Based Milk?
Rage against the regime: Niche-regime interactions in the societal embedding of plant-based milk
Josephine Mylana, Carol Morris, Emma Beech, Frank W. Geel
This paper engages with the debate on niche-regime interactions in sustainability transitions, using a study of plant-based milk and its struggles against the entrenched liquid dairy-milk regime, which has various sustainability problems. Plant-based milk isunder-studied, so our empirical contribution consists of an exploration of its diffusion in the UK. We make three conceptual contributions. The first calls for a bidirectional analysis that addresses niche-orientedactivities by incumbent actors, in addition to the outward-oriented activities by niche advocates presented in most studies of niche-regime interaction.The second contribution nuances Smith and Raven’s fit-and-conform and stretch-and-transform typology: using a societal embedding framework which distinguishes four environments, we suggest that hybrid patterns are possible in which innovations follow a ‘fit’ pattern in one environment but ‘stretch’ in another. The third contribution highlights th epotential role of cultural meanings in galvanizing transitions by eroding positive associations that support theregime and stabilise consumer purchasing.
Plant based milk?
Okay, hello unemployed dairy farmers.
13. Destructiveness Of This Agenda
Under the guise of “protecting the environment”, these academics conduct research in how to undermine and destabilize existing industries. There seems to be no concern for the workers and families who will be impacted if these efforts are successful.
Of course, there are many more authors doing this sort of work, but this is a fairly accurate representation of what is going on. Ways to impose their agenda on others.
These people are serious about it.
They really want to bring about the end of Western society.
(Goldman Sachs Exec-VP John Rogers served in Reagan Administration)
(Fox covered the collapse of Chicago Carbon Exchange)
1. Debunking The Climate Change Scam
The entire climate change industry, (and yes, it is an industry) is a hoax perpetrated by the people in power. See the other articles on the scam, the propaganda machine in action, and some of the court documents in Canada. Carbon taxes are just a small part of the picture, and conservatives are intentionally sabotaging their court cases.
The CCX was set up in 2000 in anticipation of the United States joining Europe and other countries around the world to create a market that would reduce the emission of greenhouse gases. Under the system, factories, utilities and other businesses would be given an emissions target. Those that emitted less fewer regulated gases than their target could sell the “excess” to someone who was above target. Each year, the target figures would be reset lower.
The Exchange was the brainchild of Richard Sandor, an economist and professor at Northwestern University, and it was modeled after a successful program that was launched in 1990 and helped control acid rain in the Midwest. It was initially funded by a $1.1 million grant from the Joyce Foundation of Chicago, and President Obama was a board member at the time.
After the Democrats won the White House, the House and the Senate in 2008, businesses and investors flocked to the exchange, believing Congress would quickly approve the program. And it almost happened.
This is a huge conflict of interest to be involved in. Barry Soetoro, (a.k.a. Barrack Obama) was a Director for an organization that helped establish the Chicago Climate Exchange. His policies (had it passed), been able to drive a great deal of consumer and tax money to the scheme.
CCX will administer this pilot program for emission sources, farm and forest carbon sinks, offset projects and liquidity providers in North America. To foster international emissions trading, offset providers in Brazil can also participate. The development of CCX resulted from feasibility and design studies that were funded by grants from the Chicago-based Joyce Foundation and administered by Northwestern University’s Kellogg Graduate School of Management. Environmental Financial Products, LLC conducted the research and development effort.
John Rogers serves as Executive Vice President, the firm’s Chief of Staff and Secretary to the Board of Directors. He oversees Executive Administration and is responsible for the firm’s corporate affairs functions, including public, investor and government relations, as well as corporate engagement. Mr. Rogers is a member of the Management Committee, Firmwide Client and Business Standards Committee and Firmwide Reputational Risk Committee. He is also Chairman of the Goldman Sachs Foundation. Mr. Rogers joined Goldman Sachs in 1994. He was named Managing Director in 1997 and Partner in 2000.
Previously, Mr. Rogers served as Under Secretary of State for Management at the US Department of State from 1991 to 1993. From 1988 to 1991, he was Executive Vice President of the Oliver Carr Company. Earlier, Mr. Rogers served as Assistant Secretary of the Treasury from 1985 to 1987 and as an Assistant to the President of the United States at the White House from 1981 to 1985.
John Rogers is Executive Vice President for Goldman Sachs, and spent time in the Reagan and George Bush Sr. administrations. He is very politically connected. (Archive)
Ms. Smith previously served on the US Treasury Department’s Commission on the Auditing Industry. She is a member of the Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales.
Another Vice President of Goldman Sachs, Sarah Smith, also is a former member of the U.S. Government. She previously served in the Treasury Department.
Previously, Ms. Hammack was Global Head of Short Term Macro trading and global Repo trading. This included franchise market making in short dated G10 interest rate swaps, FX forwards, cross currency basis and repo. Before that, she was Co-Head of US Interest Rate Products cash trading, which included government bonds, agencies and mortgage pass-throughs. Ms. Hammack joined Goldman Sachs in 1993 as an Analyst in Capital Markets and then moved to the Interest Rate Products trading desk, where she traded a variety of instruments focused primarily on options and later agencies. She was named Managing Director in 2003 and Partner in 2010.
Ms. Hammack is Chair of the Treasury Borrowing Advisory Committee and a member of the Treasury Market Practices Group. She also serves on the board of Math for America.
Secretary Paulson arrived at Treasury in July 2006 well prepared for the challenges he would face. He came from a 32-year career in finance with a leading global investment bank, Goldman Sachs, where he served eight years as Chairman and CEO. Paulson assembled a team of experienced professionals and reinstituted regular meetings of the President’s Working Group on Financial Markets. The coordinated efforts of the PWG’s financial regulators would later prove critical to the U.S. government’s ability to prevent the collapse of the financial system.
Secretary Paulson’s non-partisan leadership enabled him to convince Congress to grant the unprecedented emergency powers necessary to stem the crisis. Looking to the future, Secretary Paulson and his Treasury team crafted a regulatory blueprint to fix an outdated financial regulatory structure, including reforms that ultimately became part of the Dodd/Frank financial reform legislation that would eventually be signed into law by President Obama.
Together with President Bush, Secretary Paulson established the G20 as the premier leaders’ forum for global financial reform and economic recovery, guiding the work of the first Summit that established the roadmap for future leaders meetings.
Yet another Goldman Sachs executive who ended up working for the Treasury Department. In fact, he was Treasury Secretary. (Archive)
Formerly Gensler was chairman of the U.S. Commodity Futures Trading Commission, leading the Obama Administration’s reform of the $400 trillion swaps market. He also was senior advisor to US Senator Paul Sarbanes in writing the Sarbanes-Oxley Act (2002) and was Under Secretary of the Treasury for Domestic Finance, and Assistant Secretary of the Treasury during the Clinton Administration. In recognition for his service, he was awarded Treasury’s highest honor, the Alexander Hamilton Award. He is a recipient of the 2014 Frankel Fiduciary Prize.
Gensler is currently a member of the New York Fed Fintech Advisory Group and was chairman of the Maryland Financial Consumer Protection Commission (2017-2019). He has worked on various political campaigns, most recently as CFO for Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign, as a senior advisor to Hillary Clinton’s 2008 campaign, and subsequently as an economic advisor for the Obama 2008 campaign.
Prior to his public service, Gensler worked at Goldman Sachs (1979-1997), having become a partner in the Mergers & Acquisition department, headed the firm’s Media Group, led fixed income & currency trading in Asia, and lastly co-headed Finance, being responsible for the firm’s worldwide Controllers and Treasury efforts.
John Rogers worked for the Reagan Administration.
John Rogers worked for the George Bush Sr. Administration.
Gensler worked for Hillary Clinton’s 2008 and 2016 presidential run.
Henry Paulson worked for George Bush Jr.
Henry Paulson’s work was used in Obama Administration.
Gensler worked for the Obama Admin, Commodity Futures Trading Commission.
Steve Bannon works for the Trump Administration.
Sarah Smith served in the Treasury Department.
Beth Hammack served in the Treasury Department.
7. Australian PM, Goldman Sachs Partner
Former Australian PM Malcolm Turnbull was a partner in Goldman Sachs. No surprise, he pushed an energy policy which advances a carbon tax in all but the name. No surprise since Goldman Sachs is a huge beneficiary to the climate change scam.
8. Euro Central Bank, Goldman Sachs Exec.
Goldman Sachs Executive Mario Draghi has now been at the European Central Bank for 8 years now. It should surprise no one that the ECB supports the climate change agenda, and promotes various measures
9. Mark Carney, BoC, BoE, Goldman Sachs
As addressed in this previous post, Mark Carney is leaving the Bank of England for a UN position.
On 1 December 2019, in Madrid, Spain, the Secretary-General announced the appointment of Mr. Mark Joseph Carney, OC, of Canada as his Special Envoy on Climate Action and Finance. As Special Envoy, he will focus on ambitious implementation of climate action, with special attention to significantly shifting public and private finance markets and mobilizing private finance to the levels needed to achieve the 1.5°C goal of the Paris Agreement. This will include building the frameworks for financial reporting, risk management and returns in order to bring the impacts of climate change to the mainstream of private financial decision making and to support the transition to a net zero carbon economy.
We need unprecedented climate action on a global scale. And public and private financial systems must be transformed to provide the necessary finance to transition to low-emission and resilient systems and sectors. The Secretary-General will count on Mark Carney to galvanise climate action and transform climate finance as we build towards the 26th Conference of the Parties (COP) meeting in Glasgow in November 2020
Mr. Carney began his career at Goldman Sachs before joining the Canadian Department of Finance and later serving as the Governor of the Bank of Canada (2008-2013). He was born in Fort Smith, Northwest Territories, Canada in 1965. He received a bachelor’s degree in Economics from Harvard University in 1988. He went on to receive a master’s degree in Economics in 1993 and a doctorate in Economics in 1995, both from Oxford University.
Carney’s announcement sounds impressive, but let’s be clear: this is about wide scale wealth transfer. The claims about environmentalism and saving the planet are just pretexts for doing so.
It’s interesting to tap a former banker (heads of both Bank of Canada and Bank of England). Does he plan to use this “climate finance” agenda the same way that central banks control national finances?
Climate modelling over any length of time has never worked. Why? Because models are just guess, predictions. They aren’t proof of anything. And despite claims to the contrary, the people doing the estimating know so little about the environment that such precise predictions aren’t realistic. Also, scientific research is frequently politically driven.
A charitable take might be that Carney will lobby for more Carbon taxes to fund this scheme. A less charitable view might be that Carney will use his considerable power and influence to force nations to pay up.
And in keeping with the theme so far, Mark Carney was a Director at Goldman Sachs prior to working at the Bank of Canada, Bank of England, and now the UN.
10. Goldman Sachs, Chicago, CCX, White House Conspiracy
An interesting blogpost by Bob Beauprez ties a lot of it together, and connects the major players in this climate change scam. Please read the actual posting. (Archive)
By Bob Beauprez
When it was announced that the leaders of Goldman Sachs would be sitting in front of Congress, getting grilled over the financial crisis, most people knew it was nothing more than an opportunity for politicians to grandstand while beating down a straw man.
But this? A corruption scandal that is bigger than any other in the history of the United States. It could explain the “why” behind the “Climategate” scandal that broke last year but was ignored by the American mainstream media. Not only are several former Goldman Sachs executives working inside the Obama administration, but the banking giant has a 10% stake in cap and trade technology via the Chicago Climate Exchange, an entity that Barack Obama helped form as a Board member of the Joyce Foundation.
Political commentator and former Colorado Congressman, Bob Beauprez (R), has gotten an insider’s look at political theater, but when the congressional hearings that took place with Goldman Sachs executives is viewed through the lens of this kind of conspiracy, it sheds a whole new light on what is really going on behind the curtain.
Glenn Beck broke the story on his April 26th television show and regardless of how you view Beck, the odds of all these connections between all of these entities, tying each back to a $15 Trillion scam are far too long to be strictly a coincidence.
Here are the players and their roles:
Joyce Foundation – A group founded in 1948 that took a sharp turn to the left after it’s founder, Beatrice Joyce Kean died in 1972. Barack Obama – President of the United States and one time Board member of the Joyce Foundation. Largely responsible for creating the Chicago Climate Exchange by funneling money to it from the Joyce Foundation. Chicago Climate Exchange (CCX) – An exchange dealing exclusively with Cap and Trade passes, techonology, etc. It was formed largely due to Obama’s role as Board member on Joyce Foundation. Obama oversaw the funneling of money from that foundation to the CCX as well as to an entity headed by Bill Ayers’ brother. Valerie Jarrett – Senior advisor to Barack Obama and current Board member on the Joyce Foundation. Al Gore – Founder of London-based Generation Investment Management (GIM). London also happens to be in the same country where climategate broke. GIM owns 10% of the CCX. Goldman Sachs – Banking giant that, like Gore, owns 10% of the CCX. Also worthy of note is that at least six former Goldman Sachs executives work inside the Obama administration while Congress puts on a dog and pony show, publicly chastising other Goldman execs about their supposed complicity in the financial crisis. Franklin Raines – Former head of Fannie Mae. While there, Raines used taxpayer dollars from Fannie Mae to purchase cap and trade technology.
11. More On: Goldman, Chicago, CCX, White House
Another blogpost, called what really happened, further details the collusion and corruption between the Obama Administration, the City of Chicago, the Chicago Climate Exchange, Goldman Sachs, and the Clintons. Please check that out as well.
The connections between these parties are too great to ignore. The entire climate change industry is a scam, where environmentalism is used as a sales pitch.
So far so good; now the INTERESTING parts.
One ShoreBank co-founder, named Jan Piercy, was a Wellesley College roommate of Hillary Clinton. Hillary and Bill Clinton have long supported the bank and are small investors.
Another co-founder of Shorebank, named Mary Houghton, was a friend of Obama’s late mother. Obama’s mother worked on foreign MICRO-LOANS for the Ford Foundation. She worked for the foundation with a guy called Geithner. Yes, you guessed it. This man was the father of Tim Geithner, our present Treasury Secretary, who failed to pay all his taxes for two years.
Another founder of ShoreBank was Ronald Grzywinski, a cohort and close friend of Jimmy Carter.
The former ShoreBank Vice Chairman was a man called Bob Nash. He was the deputy campaign manager of Hillary Clinton’s presidential bid. He also sat on the board of the Chicago Law School with Obama and Bill Ayers, the former terrorist. Nash was also a member of Obama’s White House transition team.
(To jog your memories, Bill Ayers is a Professor at the University of Illinois at Chicago. He founded the Weather Underground, a radical revolutionary group that bombed buildings in the 60s and 70s. He had no remorse for those who were killed, escaped jail on a technicality, and is still an admitted Marxist).
When Obama sat on the board of the JOYCE FOUNDATION, he “funneled” thousands of charity dollars to a guy named John Ayers, who runs a dubious education fund. Yes, you guessed it. The brother of Bill Ayers, the terrorist.
Howard Stanback is a board member of Shorebank. He is a former board chairman of the Woods Foundation. Obama and Bill Ayers, the terrorist, also sat on the board of the Woods Foundation. Stanback was formerly employed by New Kenwood Inc., a real estate development company co-owned by Tony Rezko.
(You will remember that Tony Rezko was the guy who gave Obama an amazing sweet deal on his new house. Years prior to this, the law firm of Davis, Miner, Barnhill & Galland had represented Rezko’s company and helped him get more than 43 million dollars in government funding.Guess who worked as a lawyer at the firm at the time. Yes, Barack Obama).
Adele Simmons, the Director of ShoreBank, is a close friend of Valerie Jarrett, a White House senior advisor to Obama. Simmons and Jarrett also sit on the board of a dubious Chicago Civic Organization.
Van Jones sits on the board of ShoreBank and is one the marketing directors for “green” projects. He also holds a senior advisor position for black studies at Princeton University. You will remember that Mr. Van Jones was appointed by Obama in 2009 to be a Special Advisor for Green Jobs at the White House. He was forced to resign over past political activities, including the fact that he is a Marxist.
Al Gore was one of the smaller partners to originally help fund the CHICAGO CLIMATE EXCHANGE. He also founded a company called Generation Investment Management (GIM) and registered it in London, England. GIM has close links to the UK-based Climate Exchange PLC, a holding company listed on the London Stock Exchange. This company trades Carbon Credits in Europe (just like CXX will do here) and its floor is run by Goldman Sachs. Along with Gore, the other co-founder of GIM is Hank Paulson, the former US Treasury Secretary and former CEO of Goldman Sachs. His wife, Wendy, graduated from and is presently a Trustee of Wellesley College. Yes, the same college that Hillary Clinton and Jan Piercy, a co-founder of Shorebank attended. (They are all friends).
This blog, as with the last one, I do not claim to own. You should go check out the sites on your own for further information.
12. It’s All A Scam
Despite the media and political hype, this is a scam, and has been since day one. There is a collusion between corrupt parties who are ripping off the public based entirely on lies. Who are they? Well, the above 2 sections outline it pretty well.
Taxing the public and funnelling that money was never meant to prevent global warming, or climate change, or help the environment in any way. It was always a scam to fleece the public under the pretense of doing good.
CLICK HERE, for the Climate Change Scam Part I. CLICK HERE, for Part II, the Paris Accord. CLICK HERE, for Part III, Saskatchewan Appeals Court Reference. CLICK HERE, for Part IV, Controlled Opposition to Carbon Tax. CLICK HERE, for Part V, UN New Development Funding. CLICK HERE, for Part VI, Disruptive Innovation Framework. CLICK HERE, for Part VII, Blaming Arson On Climate Change. CLICK HERE, for Part VIII, Review Of Green New Deal. CLICK HERE, for Part VIII(II), Sunrise Movement & Green New Deal. CLICK HERE, for Part IX, Propaganda Techniques, Max Boykoff. CLICK HERE, for Part X, GG Pollution Pricing Act & Bill C-97. CLICK HERE, for part XI, Dr. Shiva Ayyadurai Explains Paris Accord CLICK HERE, for Part XII, Joel Wood and Carbon tax “option”. CLICK HERE, for Part XIII, controlled opposition going to SCC. CLICK HERE, for Part XIV, Mark Carney, UN Climate Finance Envoy. CLICK HERE, for UN global taxation efforts.
2. Why Focus On This Book?
Most “scientists” involved in the climate change business at least claim that their focus is on the science itself. However, a subset has emerged which focuses on the science of persuasion.
That’s right, the goal isn’t using scientific research to PROVE that climate change is a serious and ongoing global threat. Rather, the goal is using social science methods to CONVINCE people that the threat is real. These are two very different things.
In layman’s terms, this book reads like a propaganda manual for tricks and techniques of persuasion. There never appears a moment of doubt in Boykoff’s mind that climate change is urgent. He seems to views the public’s disengagement simply as a communications issue. As such, this book focuses on emotionally manipulative tactics to get around that.
The idea is creepy enough. The fact that there is an entire segment of academia that focuses on this area is very troubling. Unfortunately, Boykoff is entirely serious about his work. Also, the many, many sources he cites are serious.
Max’s research and creative work has developed primarily in two arenas:
(1) cultural politics of science, climate change and environmental issues = this refers to ways that attitudes, intentions, beliefs and behaviors of individuals and groups shape (and are shaped by) the perceived spectrum of possible action in the context of science-policy, climate change and environmental issues.
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(2) transformations of carbon-based economies and societies (with emphasis on the interface of science and practical action) = this refers to decarbonization politics, policies and decision-making, with particular interest in how these activities find meaning in people’s everyday lives, as well as how they, in turn, feed back into science-policy decision-making.
4. Specific Examples From CCC Book
(Page 18) Boykoff cites some research suggesting that racial and gender politics should be injected into the subject. Supposedly, racial minorities are going to be disproportionately impacted, and that needs to be discussed openly. Also, female researchers are more likely to have their work ridiculed and mocked. Obviously that is because of sexism and not poor research. That’s right, race and gender are now dimensions in the climate change debate.
(Page 21) A technique called “pre-bunking” is introduced. This is a form of inoculation, which climate change pushers will attempt to pre-empt criticism or questions ahead of time. They do it to sew seeds of doubts in people who would otherwise see obvious problems with the research.
(Page 23) One idea is go beyond simply telling the truth. The focus here is to go beyond simply stating facts and conclusions, and to introduce a “story-telling” element to it. By doing this, people are more accepting of the story, and are less likely to pick up on deficiencies in the arguments themselves.
(Page 26) This is the start of Chapter 2. This chapter gets shifting the discussion away from a scientific one, and appealing to a more emotional issue. By framing it as a social issue, there is more of a focus on people’s ability to act. One technique suggested is to keep it “upbeat” so that others will remain optimistic that their actions will have consequences. Boykoff’s sources also suggest moving away from the “DOOMSDAY APPROACH”. This should have the effect of keeping people more engaged if their aren’t told it is hopeless.
(Page 35) There is more detail about how to turn climate change into stories. Stories in general have: main characters, villains, plot, description, complexity, some ambiguity, and conflict resolution. Boykoff talks about telling the “facts” of climate change as if it were a story. This will do wonders to keep people engaged. Interestingly, the approach is to water down the hard facts, and to focus more on a compelling narrative.
(Page 45) The book heads towards cultural politics and interdisciplinary communication. What this means is that taking different approaches, or combining approaches, may work best depending on who the specific audience is. Page 47, Boykoff begins to detail the actual communication training that climate change pushers are being given in order to more effectively market this concept. Yes, there is now formal training in how to peddle this.
(Page 50) Boykoff talks about a “building bridges” approach, something he also refers to as a “common ground” approach. This involves making some effort to find out what other people are interested in, and building a relationship with them. Climate change information will gradually be introduced via this relationship. The other people will eventually be sold on the agenda, but without realizing that was your goal all along. The entire tactic is emotional manipulation, and the worse form of bonding that can take place.
(Page 58) Boykoff discusses some of the research that has been done across demographic groups and across political leanings. He also explains that the climate change agenda can still be pitched to almost everyone, but the message needs to be shifted depending on which group you are addressing.
(Page 96) We get into the idea of adding visualizations (images) to help sell the climate change agenda. The idea here is that if people can actually see what is happening, it should compel them more strongly to act. Now, it doesn’t really matter if what people see is what is truly happening. What’s important is that they see what they should.
(Page 132) Boykoff talks about the framing climate change in certain ways. One is as a sacrifice v.s. benefits approach. This is one where the experts will outline the sacrifices needed (such as your standard of life) and various benefits that will come. Always, there is the bit about making the world a better place for those in developing countries. After all, they had no hand in this. This is a combination of guilt tripping and a call to patriotism, and put together beautifully.
(Page 190) Boykoff explains more of this “silver buckshot approach”, as opposed to the silver bullet. In short, there have to be multiple forms and paths to spread the message of climate change at any given time. Since no one technique will work on everyone, we need many streams ready to convince people of the cause. And really, that is what this book is: listing and detailing these multiple paths.
In short, Boykoff suggests inserting climate change into the discussion wherever possible. Though he doesn’t explicitly add this, it’s implied that it should be done even when the above issue has nothing to do with it.
Make the connections. And make the other people see those connections. Sometimes best if done subtly, as you don’t want your agenda to be too obvious.
The examples above are by no means exhaustive, but should demonstrate how devious and cunning the author is. He outlines technique after technique to push the narrative. And these techniques are lifted directly from psychological and sociological research. Boykoff is applying those findings in his quest to do a better job of selling climate change to the public.
5. Boykoff Avoids Actual Research
You will likely notice that Max Boykoff never gets into the so-called climate change science. He mainly avoids any real detail on how climate change research is conducted. Why is that?
It’s because this entire book shies away from telling people the hard and fast truth (at least as he perceives it), and focuses on indirect and roundabout ways of getting people on board. In short, this book is still intended to push the climate change agenda, but just shows ways to be more sneaky and dishonest about it.
Was this a worthwhile read? Yes, in the context of knowing how your enemies are lying and manipulating you. Boykoff gives an in-depth, well researched book on exactly that. If nothing else, he if very thorough in detailing these underhanded methods.
