Category: Subversion

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Bills C-398/C-399: The “Right” Of Homeless Encampments, And Immigration “Equity”

Just before Parliament took its Summer recess in 2024, NDP Member of Parliament, Jenny Kwan, introduced 2 Private Member’s Bills: C-398 and C-399.

Both are in the introductory stage in the House of Commons. While Private Bills don’t commonly become law, there’s always the possibility they will. There’s also the prospect that the contents will simply be incorporated into a larger, Government Bill.

Starting with Bill C-398, it would create the “right” to set up homeless encampments on Federal land. It would amend the National Housing Strategy Act in several places. Authorities would be prevented from blocking them, or shutting them down. And for reference:

Homeless encampment means an outdoor settlement of one or more temporary structures, such as tents, vehicles or other structures that are not designed or intended for permanent human habitation but that one or more persons experiencing homelessness use as their residence.‍ (campement d’itinérants).

(e) establish measures to prevent the removal of homeless encampments on federal land and to identify alternatives to homeless encampments following meaningful engagement with their residents; and

(f) provide for processes to ensure that Indigenous peoples are actively involved and supported in determining and developing culturally appropriate housing-related programs and that responses to homeless encampments respect their rights.

Bill C-398 does talk about “identifying alternatives to homeless encampments”. Presumably this means providing people with low or no-cost housing. Interestingly, there’s nothing in the legislation that says it will only apply to Canadian citizens, or permanent residents, or landed immigrants.

Logically, anyone who entered the country illegally, who who overstayed their visa, would be entitled to the same protections.

Mandate
10 (1) The mandate of the Ombud is to examine the practices of the Department of Citizenship and Immigration to ensure that they are fair, equitable, unbiased, non-racist and non-discriminatory, and to conduct investigations if the Ombud has reasonable grounds to believe that a person or group of persons has been the victim of unfairness, inequity, bias, racism or discrimination — including systemic racism and systemic discrimination — in the Department’s decision-making process.

Duties and functions
(2) The Ombud’s duties and functions include
(a) reviewing the Department of Citizenship and Immigration’s policies, programs, initiatives, training procedures and processing standards to identify fairness or equity problems in the Department’s administration of the Citizenship Act and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, including those resulting from biases and discrimination — including systemic racism and systemic discrimination;
(b) receiving and, if appropriate, investigating complaints, including complaints about the problems referred to in paragraph (a);
(c) monitoring trends and patterns in complaints in order to identify the problems referred to in paragraph (a); and
(d) making recommendations to the Minister regarding any unfairness, inequity, bias or discrimination — including systemic racism and systemic discrimination — that the Ombud identifies.

Kwan wants to create an ombudsman to ensure that “equitable” policies and practices are being implemented by the Ministry of Citizenship and Immigration. She also wants that ombudsman to make recommendations to the Minister in order to help this along.

Now, while the connection may seem tenuous, consider this:

The New Democrats and experts agree that the problem on orderly crossings is the safe third country agreement. For over a year now, I have been calling on the government to invoke article 10 of the safe third country agreement and to provide written notice to the United States that we are suspending the agreement.

If the safe third country agreement is suspended, asylum seekers can make safe, orderly crossings at designated ports of entry. This will protect the rights of the asylum seekers, provide safety and stability to Canada’s border communities most impacted by this influx, and allow for the government agencies, such as the RCMP, CBSA, IRCC, and the IRB, to strategically deploy personnel and resources necessary to establish border infrastructure instead of this ad hoc approach. This is the rational, reasonable response to this situation.

Back in April 2018, Kwan posted on her website that she had been calling on the Trudeau Government to suspend the Safe Third Country Agreement. The reason for doing this is so that people entering from the United States — to claim asylum — could simply stroll into any official port of entry.

In November 2018, Kwan called for the Safe Third Country Agreement to be suspended, claiming that the U.S. (under Donald Trump) wasn’t a “safe country”.

In March 2020, she wrote to Trudeau and Freeland, protesting that illegals trying to cross from the U.S. were being turned back.

Taken together, what does this all mean?

It means that Kwan, who is pro-open borders, supports having illegals come in from the U.S., and presumably elsewhere as well. On one hand, she introduces Bill C-398, which entrenches the “right” of people to set up encampments on Federal land. On the other, she has Bill C-399, which creates and ombudsman to ensure that “equitable” immigration policies are enforced, and to make recommendations to the Minister.

Will taxpayer funded “housing for illegals” become a human right?

(1) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/44-1/c-398
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Members/en/jenny-kwan(89346)
(3) https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/bill/C-398/first-reading
(4) https://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/n-11.2/FullText.html
(5) https://www.parl.ca/LegisInfo/en/bill/44-1/C-399
(6) https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/bill/C-399/first-reading
(7) https://www.jennykwanndp.ca/on_irregular_border_crossings
(8) https://www.jennykwanndp.ca/emergency_study_on_irregular_border_crossings
(9) https://www.jennykwanndp.ca/open_letter_to_deputy_prime_minister_on_border_restriction

Private Member Bills In Current Session:
(1) Bill C-206: Decriminalizing Self Maiming To Avoid Military Service
(2) Bill C-207: Creating The “Right” To Affordable Housing
(3) Bill C-219: Creating Environmental Bill Of Rights
(4) Bill C-226: Creating A Strategy For Environmental Racism/Justice
(5) Bill C-229: Banning Symbols Of Hate, Without Defining Them
(6) Bill C-235: Building Of A Green Economy In The Prairies
(7) Bill C-245: Entrenching Climate Change Into Canada Infrastructure Bank
(8) Bill C-250: Imposing Prison Time For Holocaust Denial
(9) Bill C-261: Red Flag Laws For “Hate Speech”
(10.1) Bill C-293: Domestic Implementation Of Int’l Pandemic Treaty
(10.2) Bill C-293: Concerns Raised In Hearings Over Food Supplies
(11) Bill C-312: Development Of National Renewable Energy Strategy
(12) Bill C-315: Amending CPPIB Act Over “Human, Labour, Environmental Rights”
(13) Bill C-367: Removing Religious Exemptions Protecting Against Antisemitism
(14) Bill C-373: Removing Religious Exemptions Protecting Against Antisemitism 2.0
(15) Bill C-388: Fast Tracking Weapons, Energy, Gas To Ukraine
(16) Bill C-390: Expanding Euthanasia Into PROVINCIAL Frameworks
(17) Bill S-215: Protecting Financial Stability Of Post-Secondary Institutions
(18) Bill S-243: Climate Related Finance Act, Banking Acts
(19) Bill S-248: Removing Final Consent For Euthanasia
(20) Bill S-257: Protecting Political Belief Or Activity As Human Rights
(21) Bill S-275: Adding “Sustainable And Equitable Prosperity” To Bank Of Canada Act

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CSASPP Defamation Appeal To Be Heard In January 2025

A high profile defamation Appeal is now scheduled to be heard in the new year. The Court of Appeal for Ontario will hear arguments on January 13th, 2025, to determine whether or not Justice Chalmers should have thrown out a lawsuit in late 2023 under anti-SLAPP laws. There’s also a challenge to the $132,000 cost award that was handed down.

This is the $1.1 million “intimidation lawsuit” brought against CSASPP, the Canadian Society for the Advancement of Science in Public Policy, and one of their donors. For more background, see the decision and the cost award. They provide the necessary information to understanding how events played out.

Supposedly, it was over a “defamatory” email to Dan Dicks of Press for Truth, and a posting on CSASPP’s FAQ page. In reality, the suit was filed to derail the Law Society of Ontario (LSO) complaint filed by Donna Toews.

[89] With respect to the claim against Ms. Toews, I am of the view that “what is really going on” is an attempt to intimidate members of the public who may be considering making a complaint about the Plaintiff to the LSO. The effect of the action against Ms. Toews would be to obstruct the regulatory process. The harm this would cause in the LSO’s ability to receive and process complaints about lawyers is, in my view significant.

[98] For the reasons set out above, I find that the Plaintiff brought this action for the improper purpose of stifling debate with respect to his handling of a proposed class action that is being funded by public donations. I also note that the Claim was brought one day before the Plaintiff submitted a response to the LSO with respect to Ms. Toews complaint. I find that the Claim was brought for the improper purpose of limiting the LSO investigation, and to intimidate others from making any LSO complaints about him.

Justice Chalmers made it clear in paragraphs 89 and 98 of his decision that this was an intimidation lawsuit, designed at least in part to stop others from filing complaints with the LSO.

And it didn’t stop there. The LSO itself was sued in 2022, and again, in 2023, to further bury the Toews complaint. The earlier one was struck for failing to state a Cause of Action (ask for something the Court can actually provide). No amended Statement of Claim has been filed, and the other case appears inactive.

Included are the Factums of both sides, which are the arguments submitted. For reference, the Appellant(s) are the ones who commence the proceedings, while the Respondents are the ones who have to answer. There is an Appeal Record of several thousand pages, but it’s primarily a compilation of documents previously submitted.

Anyhow, here are some points to note.

Appeal Attempts To Reargue Entire Motion

The Appellant’s Factum attempts to reargue the Motion which led to Justice Chalmers throwing the case out. Instead, he should have been outlining the errors the Judge (allegedly) made.

When asking to have a Decision reviewed, there are only a few options.

TYPE OF ERROR STANDARD FOR REVIEW
Error of Fact Overriding, Palpable Error
Error of Pure Law Correctness
Mixed Fact & Law Spectrum, Leaning To Overriding, Palpable Error
Discretionary Orders Overriding, Palpable Error

The correctness standard in law is meant to ensure that litigants are treated fairly, and held to the same standards. If a Lower Court hasn’t done this, then the Higher Court is able to step in.

The overriding, palpable error standard reflects that Judges are often in the best position to oversee the case, and that their decision making ability is owed a deal of deference. This applies to factual findings, and discretionary orders, such as costs and damages. Nonetheless, clear errors can still be fixed.

This is what should have been done: spell out the errors (if any) made by Justice Chalmers. The standard is Housen v. Nikolaisen, set over 20 years ago. Instead, it comes across as a demand to have the original matter reheard. This isn’t the role of the Appellate Courts, and he should know better.

The Respondents’ Factum addresses this quite well.

Appellant’s Ridiculous Demands Regarding Costs

One amusing thing of note is the Relief sought. In fairness, litigants are free to ask for whatever they want, but this is comical. The Appellant asks for costs both for this Appeal, and for the original Motion that he lost. In the alternative, he wants costs waived altogether. Doesn’t work like that.

Repeatedly Implying Justice Chalmers Rigged Decision

31. The Appellant states that not only did Justice Chalmers not apply this binding case from the Ontario Court of Appeal to the facts and evidence before him, Justice Chalmers completely ignored it, and thus erred in law.

41. …. The Plaintiff states that is clearly present in the within action. Justice Chalmers ignored the Supreme Court of Canada jurisprudence in applying the test.

42. …. In the within case there is “grounds to believe”, and “reasonably capable of belief”, that the Plaintiff can succeed on at least one of the “stings”, which he clearly can based on the statements, and law. Again, Justice Chalmers ignored the binding Supreme Court of Canada jurisprudence. Justice Chalmers finding that the assertions were backed up by hyperlinks, makes a final determination that they are “true”. They are not. They are not even “partial truths” and Justice Chalmers does not deal with the Plaintiffs evidence in this respect.

43. …. Again, which is applicable to the within action, more than a single basis exists. Justice
Chalmers ignored this evidence and jurisprudence

44. …. The Plaintiff states that not only did the Society’s website “FAQ” exceed this privilege but coupled with the email to Mr. Dicks, the Defendants went out their way to depict the Plaintiff as incompetent, unprofessional, and dishonest and a fraud. The Defendants’ assertion that they were responding to queries as to the connection between them as the Plaintiff rings false. They could have simply stated that there was no connection between them and the Plaintiff and left it there. Furthermore, their assertions of being flooded with queries and complaints about the Plaintiff also rings false as they could only produce one (1) such query/complaint on cross-examination. Justice Chalmers ignored this binding jurisprudence.

45. …. The Plaintiff states that this also applies to the within action, and that Justice Chalmers ignored this jurisprudence and did NOT deal with an[y] of the above, which was before him and argued by the Plaintiff.

46. …. It is worth noting that, in the within action, all the facts on the findings by the Supreme Court of Canada Bent v. Platnick are more than present here in the within action. The Defendants, engaged in reckless statements and innuendo, without sober investigation, in a singularly distorted and targeted exercise of painting the Plaintiff as generally incompetent, unprofessional, dishonest, and a “fraud”. Any defence of qualified privilege, on fair comment, or responsible publication is therefore defeated. Justice Chalmers does not deal with this argument nor the evidence to support it.

50. …. The Appellant states that the evidence is that, as a result of the defamatory publications the Plaintiff was subject to hostile and viscous reaction from the public at large, including threats to bodily harm, as well as an obliteration of donations to the Constitutional Rights Centre (CRC) as set out in the affidavit evidence. This evidence was not only ignored by Justice Chalmers, but stated not to exist, which is a palatable and blatant error

55. Justice Chalmers further ignores and does not address the Plaintiff’s submissions, and evidence supporting those submissions, on the conspiracy tort pleaded.

56. Justice Chalmers further ignores and does not address the Plaintiff’s submissions and evidence supporting those submissions, contained in paragraphs 59 to 73 of the Plaintiffs factum before the Court.

These quotes are from the Appellant’s Factum. He repeatedly claims that Justice Chalmers “ignored” the information that was put in front of him. One can interpret this as an allegation that the Motion was rigged. Elsewhere in the Factum, it’s implied that he was grossly incompetent.

This really isn’t a good look, if one wants the Ontario Court of Appeal to take this case seriously.

Although not part of the Appeal, the Court probably won’t be amused by this either. At a virtual press conference back on March 27, 2023, he claimed that Judges “are pretending they weren’t pointed to the jurisprudence”. In other words, it’s an accusation that the judicial system is corrupt. Should lawyers be saying such things?

Repeatedly Citing (Largely Irrelevant) Case: Bent V. Platnick

The 2020 Supreme Court of Canada case, Bent v. Platnick, was repeatedly quoted in the original Motion, and again in the Appeal. It was another defamation case, but the allegations made there were far worse than anything CSASPP had published. The levels are so different that it’s actually quite unhelpful.

Appeal Nearly Dismissed For Unnecessary Delay

Once an Appellant files all of their major “books”, there’s a final document called the Certificate of Perfection that needs to be included. Aside from the extra fee, it tells the Court that everything has been done, and that a hearing date should be set.

Apparently, it wasn’t done here properly. It was only after a Motion to Dismiss had been brought, that it was filed. Now, it could be sloppiness, but CSASPP believes it to be intentional delay.

Champerty And Maintenance: VCC Donors Paying For Appeal?

Both Ted Kuntz and Tanya Gaw submitted Affidavits in support of the original claim.

On Exhibit #C, page 21 of Kuntz’s Affidavit, there are remarks indicating that Vaccine Choice Canada had used donor money to finance defamation actions on behalf of doctors on social media. Presumably, this refers to Kulvinder Gill and Ashvinder Lamba.

Now the obvious question: are donors paying for this as well?

Overall, the Appeal comes across as a delay tactic. This is partly to avoid paying the $132,000 in costs that are owed, and partly to avoid the consequences of commencing a lawsuit to sabotage the Toews LSO complaint. But in the end, this Appeal will be dismissed as well.

Ontario’s anti-SLAPP laws (Section 137.1 of the Courts of Justice Act) have “full indemnity” as a default position for costs. This means that if a Defendant is successful in getting such a lawsuit tossed, they are presumptively entitled to 100% of their costs back. This makes defamation suits very risky to pursue.

Of course, a competent lawyer should know that.

CSASPP/RG DOCUMENTS (June 2022)
(1) CSASPP RG Statement Of Claim
(2) CSASPP RG Moving Party Motion Record Volume 1
(3) CSASPP RG Moving Party Motion Record Volume 2
(4) CSASPP RG Moving Party Motion Record Volume 3
(5) CSASPP RG Responding Motion Record Volume 1
(6) CSASPP RG Responding Motion Record Volume 2
(7) CSASPP RG Responding Motion Record Volume 3
(8) CSASPP RG Moving Party Supplemental Motion Record
(9) CSASPP RG Moving Party Record Motion To Strike
(10) CSASPP RG Plaintiffs Responding Record Motion To Strike
(11) CSASPP RG Transcript Brief
(12) CSASPP RG Moving Party Factum (Arguments)
(13) CSASPP RG Responding Plaintiff Factum
(14) CSASPP RG Moving Parties Reply Factum
(15) CSASPP RG Reasons For Judgement
(16) CanLII Posting Of Decision

CSASPP/RG APPEAL DOCUMENTS (2024)
(1) CSASPP Defamation Appellant Factum
(2) CSASPP Defamation Respondent Factum
(3) https://www.covidconstitutionalchallengebc.ca/status-updates
(4) https://www.scribd.com/document/768627727/2024-09-12-Notice-of-Merit-Hearing-13-January-2025
(5) https://www.scribd.com/document/758138683/2024-08-06-Defendant-Respondents-Motion-Record-to-Dismiss-for-Delay

1ST LAW SOCIETY OF ONTARIO CLAIM (July 2022)
(1) Law Society Of Ontario Statement Of Claim
(2) Law Society Of Ontario Intent To Defend
(3) Law Society Of Ontario Amended Statement Of Claim
(4) Law Society Of Ontario Requisition For Amended Claim
(5) Law Society Of Ontario Motion Record, To Strike
(6) Law Society Of Ontario Moving Party Factum To Strike
(7) Law Society Of Ontario Plaintiff Responding Factum

2ND LAW SOCIETY OF ONTARIO CLAIM (July 2023)
(1) Law Society Of Ontario Second Statement Of Claim

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HateGate, Part 4: A Look At Hategan’s Book “Race Traitor”

This continues the series on “HateGate”. This is the fake scandal which supposedly showed that the Emergencies Act was invoked because of a meme. More broadly, this ongoing series covers Diagolon, the fed honeypot used as an intelligence gathering operation.

Parts 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 of the Schill gun grab are here.
Parts 1, 2 and 3 of the HateGate scam are available as well.

Followers of this cult repeat the talking point that the group was “vindicated” by the HateGate Report. This was the 85 page document from Caryma Sa’d and Elisa Hategan. The short version is that the RCMP, CSIS and Government relied on speculative reporting (such as from the Canadian Anti-Hate Network), and wrongly sounded the alarm.

Aside from the fact that the “smoking gun” 1,082 page FOIPIP package doesn’t support this, there’s a lot of background information missing about the story.

Turns out that Hategan, one of the co-authors of the HateGate Report wrote a book years back called Race Traitor. She’s also posted about her desire to lock up “racists“. It’s a little bizarre that she would work to clear people who despise her for being Jewish and a lesbian.

Hategan talks at length about her time with “Heritage Front”, which was a prominent neo-Nazi group back in the 1980’s and 1990’s. She was involved with it as a teenager, even committing illegal acts. She also writes about how one of the co-founders, Grant Bristow, in fact worked for CSIS. As it turns out, CSIS was largely responsible for creating, financing and growing it.

And why? To act as a honeypot to identify and gain intelligence about whites concerned about demographic changes.

The parallels between Heritage Front and Diagolon are striking. Despite this, Sa’d and Hategan go out of their way to avoid asking the obvious question: is Diagolon just another operation?

Summary Of Hategan’s Book: Race Traitor

Hategan’s book is available online. Unsurprisingly, it’s a biography, told in first person. To avoid any frivolous claims of copyright infringement, the text won’t be included. However, here are some of the more interesting sections, with page numbers.

(Page 5) The Prologue starts. Hategan is quite open and upfront that Heritage Front was in fact created and partially funded by CSIS, and that Grant Bristow was a CSIS agent. She also testified in Court about several of the members.

(Page 48) Hategan gets into details about recruitment of Heritage Front, and about how its goals included preventing what was already underway in Europe with illegals invading.

(Page 92) Hategan has discussions about the books: (a) The Turner Diaries; and (b) Day of the Rope. Incidently, those books are also promoted by Jeremy MacKenzie and Diagolon.

(Page 110) Hategan talks about going to rallies with Heritage Front. She also acknowledges that media attention helped make the group a household name. Didn’t the same thing happen with MacKenzie and Diagolon?

(Page 124) Hategan talks about efforts to infiltrate the Reform Party, led by Preston Manning at the time. Interestingly, the same claim is made today about Poilievre and Bernier’s organizations. Hategan admits that had Bristow been charged then, a lot of people wouldn’t have been harassed.

(Page 131) Hategan goes into detail about surveillance and intelligence gathering methods used by Heritage Front. These included:

  • Cracking answering machine passwords
  • Using phone books and pretext phone calls to get addresses
  • Impersonating the targets
  • Impersonating journalists
  • Attending rallies in disguise
  • Using utility records and voting registries to get addresses
  • General stalking

Now, considering Diagolon’s “Road Rage Terror Tour” over the summer, can one see how it might be used to gather information on supporters?

(Page 161) Hategan talks about a complaint filed with the Human Rights Commission, which was designed to shut down the “Heritage Hotline” that had been in operation.

(Page 191) Hategan talks about the names and addresses of members that she’d handed over to authorities. She also laments that she picked up an additional criminal charge — s.319 (inciting hate). While rich “Nazis” would be able to delay Court matters for years, she’d have to answer for it.

(Page 210) Hategan was now gathering intelligence on international “hate groups”, all of which she would be turning over to authorities.

(Page 248) Hategan talks about being the star witness for the Canadian Human Rights Commission in their case against Heritage Front.

(Page 306) Hategan claims that the Government essentially whitewashed the operation, including the full scale of what Grant Bristow had been involved with. Bristow’s conduct amounted to harassment, intimidation, threatening and stalking of activists. He wasn’t charged with any of it.

There’s also a lot of personal backstory included, some of it relevant.

This is by no means the complete book, just some of the highlights. Hategan also comes across as very bitter that Bristow was placed in witness protection, while she was not. She reasons that her testimony directly led to people being locked up, while he didn’t.

In any event, this took up years of Hategan’s life. It’s inconceivable that she wasn’t aware (or at least very suspicious) of the rise of MacKenzie and Diagolon. There are simply too many parallels.

While it’s true that “podcast culture” wasn’t a thing in the 1990’s, the tactics used then eerily resemble what’s been going on today.

They All Had To Have Known Ahead Of Time

Back in January 2021, Hategan posted on Twitter some biographical information. An even earlier post (2017) has her bragging about “sending racists to jail”.

Even further back, in 2020, Hategan posted on Twitter that she had directly caused 3 white supremacists to go to jail. She also published that she had produced some 30 Affidavits for the police (actually, the Ontario Provincial Police) to help them with gun related crime.

Hategan had a “continuous relationship with law enforcement”.

Isn’t that what Jeremy MacKenzie stated he was interested in having?

So, why were there no questions about the HateGate Report that she co-authored? In fact, she’s claimed several times to have been the main author of it. Why then, would Diagolon members be celebrating the work of a police informant who would have them locked up for their views?

As an aside, Hategan threatened to sue Derek (Rants) Harrison over him including her in his (satire?) book called “Meme Kampf”. One would think that this would cause him to look a bit deeper into the people who supposedly “cleared” his organization. But apparently not. It takes effort to be this uninterested in the truth.

When the Report was released in September 2023, Hategan posted this online. While promoting this book, she quite openly stated that CSIS played a large role in creating Heritage Front.

One then has to ask the obvious question: why downplay or minimize the obvious connection that Diagolon could also be a Government honeypot? If it was done once, who says it couldn’t be again?

Misrepresenting Content Of 1,082 Page FOIPIP

Ever wonder why this “smoking gun” FOIPIP package is never released? Hategan bragged about how this was real investigative journalism. This was supposed to be the proof of gross police incompetence and coverup, remember?

Most likely, it’s because the full package doesn’t support their conclusions. Instead, a few cherry-picked emails are used as the basis of this conspiracy.

The FOIPIP request didn’t act for all records related “to the invocation of the Emergencies Act”. It just asked for records on Diagolon itself. From there, Sa’d and Hategan made the assumption that this was a complete record of everything that transpired.

So-called alternative media such as Viva Frei and Harrison Faulkner apparently never bothered to do any digging into the story. If they had, they’d have uncovered all kinds of holes. But it’s not just the mainstream press that can’t be trusted.

Questions for “Diagolon” members:

(1) Does it concern you at all that the primary author of the HateGate Report was a law enforcement asset? She cooperated with police over a long period of time.

(2) Does it concern you she was working for a CSIS honeypot?

(3) Are you at concerned about the reliability of your HateGate Report, considering Hategan has publicly stated that she wants to see racists jailed? And by “racists”, she means the kind of people who tune in to see the Raging Dissident.

(4) Does it concern you that Hategan would write a book outlining all this information, and people either never knew, or never cared?

(5) Do any of the parallels between Heritage Front and Diagolon alarm you?

HATEGAN TWEETS:
(1) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1348702631653474306
(2) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/844242243989004292
(3) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1701729593147732412
(4) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1703824776999940260
(5) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1099915146732978176
(6) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1758258494740832409
(7) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1709587192715124829
(8) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1757851798147117192
(9) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1762255316429803597/
(10) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1798395395887997146
(11) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1797682910516195560
(12) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1734060656960090558
(13) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1783193060005818703

HATEGATE FOIPIP PACKAGE (FULL RELEASE):
(0) Previously Published Documents
(1) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 1
(2) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 2
(3) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 3
(4) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 4
(5) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 5
(6) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 6
(7) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 7
(8) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 8
(9) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 9
(10) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 10
(11) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 11
(12) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 12
(13) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 13
(14) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 14
(15) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 15
(16) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 16
(17) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 17
(18) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 18
(19) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 19
(20) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 20
(21) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 21

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HateGate, Part 3: Why The Final Report Is Misleading

This continues the series on “Diagolon”. This is a so-called “meme” organization that shows the signs of being a honeypot run by either law enforcement or intelligence. Even if the members themselves aren’t connected directly, they function as “useful idiots” for the Government.

Parts 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 of the Schill gun grab are here.
Parts 1 and 2 of the HateGate Scam are available as well.

Back in the Fall of 2023, this 85 page document was written by Caryma Sa’d and Elisa Hategan, and released by Crier Media. It supposedly proved the Emergencies Act had been invoked because of shoddy intelligence and poor research. Authorities engaged in a clownish series of acts and panicked over an edgy podcast.

This is in no way an attempt to justify the loss of freedoms that had been going on since 2020. That said, there are questions to ask about this report.

The strongest evidence is said to be the 1,802 page FOIPIP document. It’s comprised of emails, letters and memos between Government officials and law enforcement.

Interestingly, the massive FOIPIP released from the RCMP is quoted, but never linked. Nor was it included by any of the “media” outlets who covered the expose. Was was this receipt left out?

Here are just a few points to consider:

What Data Did FOIPIP Request Actually Ask For?

Any and All records, files (etc), documents, memos, e-mails, communication records, and reports on the subject of “Diagolon” or in relation or reference to the subject of Diagolon. Search term: Diagolon Also referred to as the Diagolon Network or Diagolon Militia.
Timeframe: January 01 2021 to August 15 2022

From this, Sa’d and Hategan went on to draw the conclusion that police are taking their information primarily from the media. After that, the police would feed this data — primarily from the Canadian Anti-Hate Network — to politicians, who (among other things) invoked the Emergencies Act. They apparently all fed off of each other, which was referred to many times as the “circle jerk”.

However, Sa’d and Hategan — in their FOIPIP request — didn’t ask for all “records, files (etc), documents, memos, e-mails, communication records, and reports” that resulted in the EA being invoked. Instead, the request was specific to the group, Diagolon. They then decided that these records were sufficient. It’s worth noting that the FOIPIP didn’t inquire about any other (alleged) extremists.

Nor did the FOIPIP request to obtain any “records, files (etc), documents, memos, e-mails, communication records, and reports” about how so-called violent extremists groups are defined, surveilled and dealt with.

Nor did the FOIPIP request to obtain any “records, files (etc), documents, memos, e-mails, communication records, and reports” about what information and evidence had been gathered on Diagolon. They didn’t ask to see anything from law enforcement directly. Granted, this would likely have been withheld, if investigations were ongoing.

The documents included here do have significant redactions, so there’s a lot of information that’s being withheld. Nonetheless, Sa’d and Hategan can apparently still piece together what was going on.

Point is, a lot of conclusions were drawn on a very incomplete record.

Authors Interviewed No Witnesses To Draw Conclusions

Pages 57 to 62 of the HateGate report quote some emails between various law enforcement and Government. From this, the authors conclude that the RCMP was working blindly to fulfill demands to dig up dirt on various extremist groups.

Problem is: going through their report, it doesn’t look like they interviewed a single witness, or even attempted to. Since the FOIPIP only asked about “Diagolon”, most likely there are many other emails not included. Given the gaps in the record (see previous section), one would think they would try to contact at least a few of the officers involved. After all, their email addresses were listed.

This isn’t to justify — in any way — the heavy handed approach that was used on peaceful protesters. Far from it. But these are very serious allegations to make, and it’s very speculative.

RCMP Expressed Doubt About Reliability Of CAHN Articles

Pages 16 through 26 of the 2nd FOIPIP package are worth a read. The RCMP does discuss Diagolon at length, and admits that a lot of the information they get came from CAHN. However, they also admit that it’s almost impossible to verify any of it, and that it’s unclear how CAHN can make these assertions with any level of confidence.

The RCMP also expresses doubts about a University of New Brunswick Professor named David Hofmann. They don’t know how he can state that Diagolon is an “American-style militia movement”.

They conclude that “operational information” would be needed to build any profile, since none of the open source claims can be verified.

Is this self serving? Maybe, but these are the same FOIPIP documents that are being used to make them look incompetent and dishonest. Yes, the RCMP does monitor the content CAHN puts out — that’s obvious — but they have doubts about its reliability.

MacKenzie’s Stream From February 15th, 2022

Starting at page 47 of the 6th FOIPIP package, MacKenzie’s video is mentioned, along with several quotes. He refers to himself (presumably sarcastically) as the Neo-Nazi Militia Commander. He mentions the patches that were found in Coutts, but suggests they were planted. He also goes on about the “country” being a meme.

It’s baffling to understand what kind of idiot would post a video with such a title. If authorities aren’t understanding what’s satire v.s. reality, why give them this kind of bait? And it’s hardly the first time he’s done something like this.

MacKenzie either doesn’t know — or pretends not to know — that posting this content can have serious consequences. Hard to claim he’s being smeared by CAHN when this is how he describes himself.

There are also remarks in various streams about “hunting circs”, which police take to mean “hunting circulons”, or people who subscribe to different ideologies. While this is likely in jest, authorities take them at their word.

Part of the reason authorities had such difficulty understanding what Diagolon was likely had to do with the endless mixed messages. MacKenzie and his friends routinely said things that would be considered fed-posting, only to follow it up with “it’s all just a joke”. Comments about “gun or rope” and the like are also just jokes.

Yeah. The majority of the content was – especially considering the time, it was very anti-COVID, anti-vaccine, anti-government material. There was a lot of conspiracy theory material in that. There was a lot of what I would define as White nationalists, White supremacy ideology existing within that space. There was also a lot of what I would define as militia-type discussions. There was a lot of talk of acquiring weaponry, body armour, ammunition, planning meet-ups, organizing community events, and then also articulating the purpose of these events beyond simply….

Going back to the Schill gun grab of May 2024, Carmichael testified that there were meet-ups in person. There were also conversations around weapons, ammnition, and body armour.

He also testified that the in-person meetings were surveilled.

One has to wonder how long this has been going on for. How extensive it the information that has been gathered? This is another reason to think that more information should have been asked for with the FOIPIP request.

Are MacKenzie, Harrison, Vriend and the others completely oblivious to what’s being set in motion? All of this talk about being a militia, going shooting, etc… is being taken at face value. And now with the hard anti-immigration push, it looks even worse.

RCMP Has Their “Talking Points” Available For The Media

Back in April 2022, the RCMP had their “talking points” ready for media inquiries. This is from the beginning of the 1st FOIPIP package. In essence, there were scripts already prepared, including what to say if pressed further.

Page 31 of the 9th FOIPIP package has a similar script, dated February 20th, 2022. No specifics can be given, but there’s a “trust us” response.

Far from being unique, it seems likely that most (or all) press conferences are structured this way. There’s the set script, and then the “extra information” to be released if there’s any pushback.

Diagolon is mentioned in the context that body armour from Coutts, AB had their markings on it. Yes, it is labelled a “militia” in this memo. Can’t figure out why.

Authors Insert Themselves Greatly Into Report

The HateGate report is 85 pages, or less, if covers, table of contents, etc… are removed. Pages 10 and 11 are about Caryma Sa’d, and 31 to 44 are about Elisa Hategan. 16 pages, or approximately 20% of the report’s content is information on the authors and their experiences. There’s about as much detail on them as there is on MacKenzie. And that leads to another concern….

Other Agendas From The Authors?

As an aside, it’s comical how the “independent” media who broke HateGate never bothered to do the slightest bit of due diligence into the people writing the report.

Part 1 of this series covered Elisa Hategan, one of the co-authors. She had been involved with a group called Heritage Front back in the 1990’s. She later acted as an “asset” for the Ontario Provincial Police, helping to bring them down. Hategan’s story is widely available, and she even published a book titled: “Race Traitor”.

Heritage Front turned out to be a CSIS operation, quite literally. It was co-founded by Grant Bristow, who was at one point the second-in-command of the group. This means the group was created, at least in part, by CSIS. Who’s to say that Diagolon isn’t the next iteration?

Part 2 covered Hategan’s lawfare against Bernie Farber, and Elizabeth (Moore) Frederiksen. Justice Ferguson found that Hategan had engaged in doxing, stalking, harassment, and invading privacy. Not content to lose in Court, she kept it going in Appellate Court for another 2 years.

Hategan’s involvement in writing the HateGate report is suspicious because: (a) she glosses over the “honeypot” possibility; and (b) given her recent history with Farber, this looks like revenge.

Thoughts On The FOIPIP And HateGate Report?

The claim has been going around since September 2023 that this was “proof” that an intelligence failure around Diagolon and MacKenzie led to the EA being invoked. But the request only asks for information on Diagolon, and is structured in a way that ensures such proof won’t be included. It would have been far more productive to request all records related to the declaration of emergency in the first place.

Alternatively, multiple FOIPIP requests could have been made, even if there would be overlap in the disclosure.

While the FOIPIP package is over 1,000 pages, there’s very little in there. Many of the emails are chains, so the same content keeps coming up. A lot of pages have little to no content on them.

Sa’d and Hategan fill in the blanks with their own assumptions. Without talking to witnesses, they speculate and give their views about what was going on. If this was clearly explained to be opinion, that would be one thing, but people interpret this as fact.

Taking the FOIPIP documents at face value, it’s clear that the RCMP (and presumably CSIS too) do in fact monitor the news in general. They also have looked at what CAHN has said about others, including Diagolon. However, while these articles are quoted, and shared, there’s no hard proof that it led to anything, let alone the invocation of the Emergencies Act.

Yes, other countries (such as New Zealand) have been contacted about Diagolon. However, given the kinds of comments MacKenzie and his followers routinely make, this doesn’t seem outrageous.

The HateGate report comes across much more as an advocacy piece that something objective. MacKenzie’s take on things is always given deference. People like Bernie Farber are always pushing ideological agendas. The authors (in particular Hategan) use their own experiences as material and for reference points.

Overall, this is nowhere near the “breaking story” that had been portrayed.

It’s interesting, but that’s about it.

Again, this is in no way to justify the declaration of emergency, or the crackdown on protesters, or the freezing of bank accounts. None of that was called for.

HATEGATE FOIPIP PACKAGE (FULL RELEASE):
(0) Previously Published Documents
(1) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 1
(2) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 2
(3) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 3
(4) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 4
(5) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 5
(6) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 6
(7) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 7
(8) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 8
(9) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 9
(10) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 10
(11) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 11
(12) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 12
(13) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 13
(14) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 14
(15) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 15
(16) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 16
(17) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 17
(18) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 18
(19) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 19
(20) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 20
(21) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 21

SCHILL HEARING:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/oncj/doc/2024/2024oncj249/2024oncj249.html
(2) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 1
(3) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 2, Cross Examination

HERITAGE FRONT/CSIS:
(1) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d8CQ6pjKaJ8
(2) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gy7U8AOXhuw
(3) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A1cBOmr3pWg
(4) https://crier.co/the-hategate-affair-unmasking-canadas-hate-industry/
(5) Full Text Of HateGate Report (85 Pages)
(6) https://www.amazon.com/Race-Traitor-Canadian-Intelligence-Services-ebook/dp/B00JA05FYM
(7) https://open.canada.ca/en/search/ati
(8) https://open.canada.ca/en/search/ati/reference/0deb7fad4bfd4546cfd5e016c1667454
(9) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1709587192715124829
(10) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1757851798147117192
(11) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1758258494740832409
(12) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1762255316429803597/
(13) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1798395395887997146
(14) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1797682910516195560
(15) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1734060656960090558
(16) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1783193060005818703

HATEGAN STALKING CIVIL CASE:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onsc/doc/2021/2021onsc874/2021onsc874.html
(2) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onca/doc/2022/2022onca217/2022onca217.html
(3) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onca/doc/2022/2022onca715/2022onca715.html
(4) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onca/doc/2023/2023onca57/2023onca57.html

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HateGate, Part 1: Report’s Co-Author Involved With “Heritage Front”, A CSIS Operation

This continues the series on “Diagolon”. This is a so-called “meme” organization that shows the signs of being a honeypot run by either law enforcement or intelligence.

Parts 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 of the series relate to the Schill gun grab. There’s a lot more to get into, all of it ignored by so-called “alternative” media.

Viewers of my last video weren’t too happy. Included were various video clips, along with references to the Zaugg and Schill incidents. Apparently, that wasn’t enough, and it was necessary to research HateGate to have an informed opinion.

The gist of it was (supposedly) that Diagolon and Jeremy MacKenzie (a.k.a. Raging Dissident) were being wrongfully smeared by the hate industry in Canada. The allegations were all baseless, and all founded on distortions of a podcast-based community. The investigative reporting had cleared them of any wrongdoing — beyond being loud, crude and obnoxious.

A quick search led to an article on Crier Media, with an 85 page report attached. It was co-authored by Caryma Sa’d and Elisa Hategan. To be fair, the report itself is quite interesting, and is heavily sourced. This isn’t merely rambling on their part, but the result of considerable work.

But a few things immediately stood out.

Quotes From HateGate Report

Taking Down the Heritage Front
In the early 90s, sixteen-year-old Romanian immigrant Elisa Hategan (then Elisse) was held up as the innocent young face of an Ontario neo-Nazi, white supremacist group known as the Heritage Front. With over 200 members, including violent skinheads with convictions for aggravated assault, kidnapping and attempted murder, and implicated in firebombings, it was considered the most dangerous white supremacist group in modern Canadian history. Elisa was groomed as a media spokesperson to soften the image of violent skinheads, even appearing on The Montel Williams Show at age seventeen to repeat scripted talking points that concealed the group’s hateful ideology.

It was a cynical, yet effective strategy. But the adult puppeteers failed to account for personal agency, nor for Elisa’s identity as a closeted lesbian with Jewish roots, later confirmed through DNA tests. Elisa began to secretly provide information to anti-racist activists, at great personal risk, revealing details about illegal weapons and the identity of a Toronto police officer who was a group member. At age eighteen, she defected from the group, stealing part of Holocaust denier Ernst Zundel’s membership list. Months later, her courtroom testimony was instrumental in securing the convictions of three Heritage Front leaders—a fatal blow that triggered the group’s decline and eventual demise.

While the leaders were serving jail time, co-founder and second-in-command leader Grant Bristow was exposed as an undercover CSIS operative by Toronto Sun reporter Bill Dunphy, in part due to scrutiny that arose after Hategan’s affidavits and testimony pointed to Bristow being an agent provocateur who directed criminal activity such as the It Campaign, a brutal harassment campaign directing Indigenous community leaders and anti-racist activists.

Despite having incurred serious death threats, including being questioned at knifepoint by Front members the day before her defection, Elisa was inexplicably denied entry into the RCMP’s Witness Protection Program. Grant Bristow, however, was promptly relocated to Alberta, given a home, cars and a generous monthly paycheck for years afterwards, despite the fact that his five years of work in Operation Governor had not led to the arrest and conviction of a single Canadian neo-Nazi.

Forced to live in hiding across Canada for more than two years, relying on kind strangers, homeless shelters, and dumpster-diving to survive, Elisa, a ninth-grade high-school dropout with a history of familial abuse and foster care, managed to earn a Nova Scotia GED and was accepted into the University of Ottawa’s prestigious criminology program.

Motivated to understand how extremists target youth for radicalization, Elisa made the best of her second chance, engaging in volunteer work inside prison and youth detention centres, while working two jobs and relying on student loans to stay afloat. In 1999, aged 25, she graduated magna cum laude with a double major in criminology and psychology.

Starting on page 31, the report talks about Hategan’s backstory, including how she had been groomed as a “spokesperson” for Heritage Front, a white supremacist gang. It turned out that Grant Bristow, a co-founder of the group, was in fact a CSIS agent. Of course, this raises the obvious question of whether (and to what degree) the group was created at the behest of authorities in Canada.

Granted, the 1980’s and early 90’s didn’t have internet culture, so it’s not the same as today. But there are many things to be asked.

Hategan isn’t shy about her involvement with Heritage Front. She has a video on her YouTube channel, which is still accessible today. She also has a book for sale called Race Traitor.

All of this said, the HateGate report seems to avoid addressing the elephant in the room: was CSIS doing the same thing with Diagolon that they were with Heritage Front? Could MacKenzie, Harrison and/or Vriend really be working for the Government? Could they (alternatively) be considered assets?

Hategan Counselled To Commit Crimes — As A Minor

Critics who distrust CAHN’s claim of expertise on far-right extremism will cite a noticeable double standard—the penchant to reserve the brunt of condemnations for political opponents, while overlooking and even forgiving misconduct by peers and members of their devoted fanbase. They point to situations where CAHN implies they are selective when choosing who gets publicly denounced as a bigot or extremist, and who is ignored.

For instance, relative unknowns get spotlighted and called heroes, even when there is no evidence to suggest they did anything to earn the accolades. To our knowledge, none of the former white supremacists promotes by CAHN has provided evidence of assistance to law enforcement organizations while still inside their hate groups. None testified against former comrades to help secure convictions.

There is arguably no better example to underscore concerns over CAHN’s personal biases affecting what is purported to be expert research, than the enduring friendship between Bernie Farber and Grant Bristow, the undisputed co-founder and self-appointed “Intelligence Chief” of the Heritage Front.

Prior to her defection from the Heritage Front, Elisa Hategan submitted approximately 30 affidavits to the Ontario Provincial Police. Several involved situations where Bristow purportedly counseled Elisa—initially still a minor—to engage in criminal activity, such as giving her instructions on how to anonymously harass and intimidate left-wing activists, hack into answering machines to collect data, and spy on the Irish Freedom Association of Toronto.

She, along with scores of neo-Nazi skinheads and white supremacists, were given names, addresses and telephone numbers and taught how to use voter registry information to gather details about individuals on the target list, such as the names of everyone residing at that domicile.

Bristow also boasted about his intention to drive a lesbian Anti-Racist Action (ARA) activist to mental breakdown and suicide. “I want to pound Ruth’s head in. I want to give her a facial massage with a sledgehammer,” he is described as saying in one of Elisa’s 1994 affidavits. He enlisted Elisa specifically because he needed a woman’s voice for that particular job—to record messages on adult personal ads while passing as Ruth, and give out her address and telephone number.

Beginning on page 48, Hategan outlines how she had been pushed to commit crimes, while still being a minor. She describes conduct that can best be described as harassment, stalking and doxxing. She mentions her extensive cooperation with the Ontario Provincial Police.

She also claims that Bernie Farber — the infamous head of CAHN, the Canadian Anti-Hate Network — had a long lasting friendship with Bristow. If this is true, then groups like Heritage Front are presumably in bed with the “anti-hate” and “anti-fascist” organizations that oppose them.

With this knowledge in mind, it again raises the obvious question: why didn’t the HateGate report seem to explore the possibility that Diagolon was a Government front? Hategan, more than nearly anyone, should have been aware of this.

Why Get Involved With These People At All?

Looking through Hategan’s many online postings, she quite proudly boasts of her Jewish heritage, and of being a lesbian.

That being said, the streams of “Raging Dissident” are filled with endless insults and comments about “the Jews”, and “faggots”. It’s baffling that Hategan would put in the work to try to clear them. Of course, this could just be an idealistic take on free speech.

Taking a look through her Twitter feed, it seems that relations between Hategan and Diagolon have collapsed. She’s even threatened lawsuits based on the content of Harrison’s book: Meme Kampf. Gee, who could foreseen such a possibility?

Full Posting Of 1,082 Page FOIPIP Release

(1) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 1
(2) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 2
(3) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 3
(4) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 4
(5) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 5
(6) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 6
(7) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 7
(8) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 8
(9) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 9
(10) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 10
(11) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 11
(12) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 12
(13) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 13
(14) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 14
(15) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 15
(16) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 16
(17) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 17
(18) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 18
(19) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 19
(20) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 20
(21) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 21

Most people are likely unaware of this, but when someone makes a freedom of information request, there’s an archive generated. From the Government’s perspective, it prevents duplication, in the event that someone else asks for the same (or similar) data. It wasn’t hard to find this specific one.

It’s unclear why the full summaries weren’t released along with the other citations. None of the media outlets that covered the story did either. Therefore, this site contacted the RCMP and requested a copy of the results.

This will be covered in a future article, but the results of the FOIPIP request don’t really support the conclusions that are drawn. Yes, there are accurate quotes pulled. However, the package — when read in full — leads toward other findings.

Probably the biggest misconception is that authorities panicked jumped to conclusions to justify invoking the Emergencies Act. The “Diagolon” group promotes this narrative non-stop. That isn’t justified though.

Is Diagolon An Intelligence Gathering Operation?

The recent “Road Rage Terror Tour” has concluded, with this group coming to towns across Canada. But it’s worth asking what exactly was the point? Was selling merchandise the goal? Or was it to gather names, photos and contact information of people to monitor?

Recently, the so-called Queen of Diagolon posted this tweet. Who makes comments — even as a joke — about recording people’s licence plates? Keep in mind, one of the things Hategan did for police was take down plate numbers.

Considering the content of these streams, doxxing is a legitimate concern.

Given that a few “Diagolon” patches found in Coutts was allegedly a smoking gun connection of a murder conspiracy, why the push to keep selling merch? Is it about extra money? Ego? Or is the goal to spread enough of it around that a connection can always be found?

Regular people would have been charged for saying a fraction of the things that are common on these livestreams. For some reason, Government goes out of its way to signal boost, rather than get it shut down. Remember:

There is arguably no better example to underscore concerns over CAHN’s personal biases affecting what is purported to be expert research, than the enduring friendship between Bernie Farber and Grant Bristow, the undisputed co-founder and self-appointed “Intelligence Chief” of the Heritage Front. (HateGate, Page 48)

This is directly from their text. According to the HateGate report, Bernie Farber and Grant Bristow were able to remain friends despite them being ideological enemies. It suggests the entire conflict was manufactured. Fast forward to today, could something similar happen again?

Could Evan Balgord and Alex Vriend secretly be friends? Is Diagolon really just Heritage Front 2.0?

As they say, history doesn’t repeat itself, but it does often rhyme.

SCHILL HEARING:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/oncj/doc/2024/2024oncj249/2024oncj249.html
(2) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 1
(3) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 2, Cross Examination

CARMICHAEL ASSAULTING A PRISONER:
(1) Ernest Carmichael Disciplinary Hearing Penalty Decision 25.07.2014
(2) https://toronto.ctvnews.ca/siu-lays-assault-charge-against-york-region-police-officer-1.1392108
(3) https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/york-police-officer-charged-with-assault/article_d1b43f97-a077-59b4-8603-747a94b76170.html

HERITAGE FRONT/CSIS:
(1) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d8CQ6pjKaJ8
(2) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gy7U8AOXhuw
(3) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A1cBOmr3pWg
(4) https://crier.co/the-hategate-affair-unmasking-canadas-hate-industry/
(5) Full Text Of HateGate Report (85 Pages)
(6) https://www.amazon.com/Race-Traitor-Canadian-Intelligence-Services-ebook/dp/B00JA05FYM
(7) https://open.canada.ca/en/search/ati
(8) https://open.canada.ca/en/search/ati/reference/0deb7fad4bfd4546cfd5e016c1667454
(9) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1709587192715124829
(10) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1757851798147117192
(11) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1758258494740832409
(12) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1762255316429803597/
(13) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1798395395887997146
(14) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1797682910516195560
(15) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1734060656960090558
(16) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1783193060005818703

POEC HEARINGS:
(1) https://publicorderemergencycommission.ca/
(2) PEOC Report, Volume 1: Overview
(3) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 1 Overview
(4) PEOC Report, Volume 2: Analysis (Part 1)
(5) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 2 Analysis Part 1
(6) PEOC Report, Volume 3: Analysis (Part 2)
(7) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 3 Analysis Part 2 Recommendations
(8) PEOC Report, Volume 4: Process and Appendices
(9) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 4 Process And Appendices
(10) PEOC Report, Part 5: Policy Papers
(11) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 5 Policy Papers

MOSLEY DECISION:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2024/2024fc42/2024fc42.html#par41

CASELAW ON REVOKING FIREARMS PERMITS:
(1) R. v. Zeolkowski, 1989 CanLII 72 (SCC), [1989] S.C.J. No. 50, at para 12, 16, 17, 18
(2) British Columbia (Chief Firearms Officer) v. Fahlman, 2004 BCCA 343, at para 25.
(3) R. v. Christiansen, 2006 BCCA 189, at para 7.
(4) R. v. Bokhari, 2009 ONCJ 691, at para 10, relying on R. v. Day, [2006] O.J. No. 3187 (S.C.J.) and R. v. Morgan, [1995] O.J. No. 18 (Ont.Ct.(Prov.Div.)).
(5) R. v. Peacock-McDonald, 2007 ONCA 128, at para 40
(6) R. v. Douglas, 2013 ONCJ 649, at paras 45, 57.
(7) R. v. Mourtzis, 2015 ONCJ 74, at para 25.
(8) R. v. Roman, 2018 ONCJ 344, at para 89.
(9) R. v. Hurrell, 2002 CanLII 45007 (ON CA), [2002] O.J. No. 2819, at para 48.
(10) R. v. Christiansen, supra, at para 7.
(11) Fahlman, supra, at para 25.
(12) R. v. Peacock-Macdonald, supra, at para 40.
(13) R. v. Roman, supra, at para 89.
(14) R. v. Wiles, 2005 SCC 84, at para 9.

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Summary Judgement Motion To Be Heard In Injection Mandate For Hundreds Of Healthcare Workers

Next week, on Tuesday August 13th, hundreds of Ontario health care workers will hear a Motion to determine whether or not their lawsuit can proceed.

The Statement of Claim (and the amended version) are both extremely poorly written. They fail to plead the necessary information to support any of the major allegations. And what has been pleaded is largely irrelevant. Here’s the previous review of the case.

For clarity, there are actually 2 separate Motions filed. One is from the Ontario Government, and the other from the various hospitals and health care employers. It seems that the latter have banded together in an effort to mitigate their costs.

1. Vast Majority Of Plaintiffs Are/Were Union Members

Out of the 473 named Plaintiffs, some 387 of them, or more than 80%, belong to unions. These include CUPE, Unifor, OPSEU, and others. Starting at page 58 in the hospitals Factum, the Plaintiffs, Defendants and respective unions are all listed. There are additional Plaintiffs who are simply “John Doe”.

Why does this matter? It’s because unions are typically governed by collective bargaining agreements. These include the processes to grieve matters. Almost universally, grievances that cannot be resolve end up getting sent to arbitration, whereas litigation is prohibited.

There are limited exceptions to this, such as workers suing their unions for failing to represent in good faith. However, none of these exceptions are listed, nor are any facts pleaded that would allow for them.

Unfair as it may be, the Courts are consistently ruling that injection mandates are essentially relating to the terms and conditions of employment. In essence, unionized workers don’t have the right to sue.

In theory, the non-union Plaintiffs could still go ahead. However, the pleading is full of serious defects, which will make that impossible. Read the last review. And the Factums (written arguments) filed outline additional problems.

In Court proceedings, there’s an overarching principle that cases are to be conducted as swiftly and cost effectively (cheaply) as possible. That’s going to be a problem for several reasons.

2. Motion Record Of 13,000 Pages Submitted

There was apparently a 23 volume Motion Record, comprising some 13,000 pages. A Motion Record is a collection of documents (typically the Notice, and Affidavit evidence) that will be used at the hearing.

Why 13,000 pages? This is because the Statement of Claim, and the amended one, don’t plead any facts or particulars about specific Plaintiffs. Nor do they plead facts or particulars about any facts or particulars for any Defendants. Essentially, the Defendants are having to provide basic information to the Court about the parties.

This is something the Plaintiffs are typically expected to do.

While this does seem like an absurd amount of material, consider that there are 473 named Plaintiffs. That works out to an average of about 27 pages per person, including employment agreements and union documentation.

This isn’t a effort to justify injection mandates. However, it is unfair — in terms of due process — to sue on behalf of so many people, yet provide no information about their circumstances.

3. Moron Lawyer Sues 59 Separate Defendants

There are 59 separate Defendants in this case. Yes, the usual Government ones are named, such as Doug Ford, Christine Elliott, the Attorney General and the Province of Ontario. This is to be expected.

However, dozens more are listed, and they are scattered across Ontario. Various hospitals and health centres are named, and have to respond. These organizations have little to no connection with each other.

In the Katanik case, organized by Take Action Canada, counsel made the decision to sue 47 different Defendants, including 20 municipalities, as well as the Ontario Government. This resulted in over 20 lawyers being involved to defend that case.

In this case, the various non-Government Defendants have pooled their money to file a single Motion to cover everyone. This was done to reduce overall expenses. And good for them, because this could have been a lot worse in terms of costs.

4. Hundreds Of Plaintiffs With No Connection

It has been pointed out in the Factums that the vast majority of the Plaintiffs don’t even live or work in Toronto, where this case was filed.

The Defendants argue that it’s improper to lump so many Plaintiffs together.

While some do work together and know each other, the Plaintiffs are scattered across the country. Now, this case could have been commenced as a Proposed Class Action (notwithstanding the union issue), but it wasn’t. It clogs up the Courts to bring so many unrelated cases together.

5. Pleading Is “Bad Beyond Argument” In Terms Of Quality

See the previous review. It outlines the major defects in the pleading, and provides constructive criticism about how it should have been done.

6. CSASPP Gets Honourable Mention Here

Back in late 2023, Justice Chalmers dismissed a $1.1 million defamation lawsuit brought against CSASPP, the Canadian Society for the Advancement of Science in Public Policy. He ruled that the now infamous email and FAQ were truthful and accurate.

Now, the hospital Defendants are quoting Justice Chalmers.

4. This Action is untenable with no reasonable chance of success. To borrow Justice Chalmers’ phrasing in Galati v. Toews et al, the pleading is prolix, argumentative, advances pseudo-legal concepts and conspiracy theories, and has no reasonable chance for success. Consequently, the Moving Parties seek an Order striking out the Plaintiffs’ (the “Responding Parties”) Amended Statement of Claim (the “Amended Claim”), without leave to amend, on four grounds:

76. Moreover, this Action does not exist in isolation. Similar pleadings have been filed in Ontario and British Columbia. The British Columbia pleading has since been struck. The Ontario pleading was recently described by Justice Chalmers as follows:

The Ontario pleading is prolix and argumentative. The claim advances pseudo-legal concepts and conspiracy theories that the pandemic was pre-planned and executed by the WHO, Bill Gates, the World Economic Forum and unnamed billionaires and oligarchs. The similarly drafted A4C claim was struck by Justice Ross. In doing so, he described the pleading as “bad beyond argument”.

77. Justice Chalmers further opined that the similar Ontario Action has been improperly pleaded and improperly asserts “bizarre conspiracy theories” which are ineffective and have little or no chance of success. The Moving Parties submit that the same observations equally apply to this case.

Since Vaccine Choice Canada discontinued their case — and presumably kept all the donor money — these comments from Justice Chalmers are closest there will be to a ruling. While the CSASPP case was over (alleged) defamation, the critique has made its way to this lawsuit.

It’s also amusing that the Plaintiffs’ Factum cites that CSASPP was successful in surviving a Motion to Strike back in 2022. This is a bit surreal, to attempt to bankrupt an organization, and then piggyback off of their work.

7. Lawyer Unaware Of Employment Law Precedent

As an aside, it’s baffling that counsel keeps citing the 1995 Supreme Court case of Weber v. Ontario Hydro. It went a long way towards shutting down the ability of unionized employees to go to Court. Time and time again, Judges have thrown lawsuits out for lack of jurisdiction if there’s another outlet.

8. How Much Money Have Plaintiffs Had To Pay?

Without seeing the retainer agreements, it’s impossible to know for sure, but consider that there are 473 named Plaintiffs.

The retainer in the Adelberg case — the Federal one — was $1,000 each.
The retainer in the Katanik case — run by Take Action Canada — was $1,500 each.
There have been rumours going around as well that this retainer was $2,000 per head.

  • 473 Plaintiffs * $1,000/Plaintiff = $473,000
  • 473 Plaintiffs * $1,500/Plaintiff = $709,500
  • 473 Plaintiffs * $2,000/Plaintiff = $946,000

As a rough estimate, it’s fair to say that the Plaintiffs have collectively paid between half a million dollars and a million. And all they’re getting is a cut-and-paste Statement of Claim, with no prospects of getting to Trial.

It’s the same garbage pleading over and over again.

9. Some Final Thoughts

Anyhow, the hearing is next week, assuming it doesn’t get postponed. Of course, it’s also possible that the case just gets dropped altogether. It has happened before.

What will the outcome be? It’s possible that the unionized Plaintiffs will be barred from suing completely. However, the non-unionized Plaintiffs would still have to redraft a proper Claim. This is pretty much what happened with the Adelberg (Federal) case — Government employees were barred, but the private sector workers could proceed. Such a decision could happen again.

Assuming that any of the Plaintiffs are allowed to refile, they need to retain a competent lawyer. Their current one clearly isn’t up to the task.

Pardon earlier errors that listed the hearing date as August 18th, 2024, and the number of Plaintiffs as around 300. It is actually August 13th, with 473 (named) Plaintiffs.

(1) Grifters Main Page
(2) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/laws/regu/rro-1990-reg-194/latest
(3) https://www.ontario.ca/page/search-court-cases-online
(4) Dorceus Statement Of Claim
(5) Dorceus Amended Statement Of Claim
(6) Dorceus Defendant Moving Party Factum SJM Government
(7) Dorceus Defendant Moving Party Factum SJM Hospitals
(8) Dorceus Plaintiff Responding Factum SJM