CLICK HERE, for the Climate Change Scam Part I. CLICK HERE, for Part II, the Paris Accord. CLICK HERE, for Part III, Saskatchewan Appeals Court Reference. CLICK HERE, for Part IV, Controlled Opposition to Carbon Tax. CLICK HERE, for Part V, UN New Development Funding. CLICK HERE, for Part VI, Disruptive Innovation Framework. CLICK HERE, for Part VII, Blaming Arson On Climate Change. CLICK HERE, for Part VIII, Review Of Green New Deal. CLICK HERE, for Part VIII(II), Sunrise Movement & Green New Deal. CLICK HERE, for Part IX, Propaganda Techniques, Max Boykoff. CLICK HERE, for Part X, GG Pollution Pricing Act & Bill C-97. CLICK HERE, for part XI, Dr. Shiva Ayyadurai Explains Paris Accord
2. US & Canadian Copyright Laws
Disclaimer #1: The Canadian Copyright Act has a “fair dealing” provision, which allows for copyrighted material to at times be used for specific purposes: research, private study, education, parody, satire, criticism, review and news reporting. Click Here and also Click Here for more information.
Disclaimer #2: The U.S. Copyright Act has a “fair use” provision, which states that the fair use of a copyrighted work, including such use by reproduction in copies or phonorecords or by any other means specified by that section, for purposes such as criticism, comment, news reporting, teaching (including multiple copies for classroom use), scholarship, or research, is not an infringement of copyright. Click Here to read the text.
This should be obvious, but just to clarify, this article is about criticizing, commenting on, teaching and researching purposes.
Max’s research and creative work has developed primarily in two arenas:
(1) cultural politics of science, climate change and environmental issues = this refers to ways that attitudes, intentions, beliefs and behaviors of individuals and groups shape (and are shaped by) the perceived spectrum of possible action in the context of science-policy, climate change and environmental issues.
.
(2) transformations of carbon-based economies and societies (with emphasis on the interface of science and practical action) = this refers to decarbonization politics, policies and decision-making, with particular interest in how these activities find meaning in people’s everyday lives, as well as how they, in turn, feed back into science-policy decision-making.
Feel free to check into his other works.
Now for the book itself.
4. Table Of Contents
(1) Here And Now
(2) How We Know What We Know
(3) Do The Right Thing
(4) Ways Of Learning, Ways Of Knowing
(5) It’s Not You, It’s Me…. Actually It’s Us
(6) Academic Climate Advocacy & Activism
(7) Silver Buckshot
(8) Search For Meaning
5. Quoting Creative Climate Communications
(From back cover) Conversations about climate change at the science-policy interface and in our lives have been stuck for some time. This handbook integrates lessons from the social sciences and humanities to more effectively make connections through issues, people and things that everyday citizens care about. Readers will come away with an enhanced understanding that there is no “silver bullet” to communications about climate change; instead a “silver buckshot” approach is needed where strategies effectively reach different audiences in different contexts.
One thing that will be clear right away: this is not about using scientific methods to PROVE that climate change is a serious threat. Rather, it is about using scientific methods to CONVINCE people that climate change is a serious threat. Very different things.
We live in remarkable times. Amidst high-quality and well-funded research into the causes and consequences of climate change, conversations in our lives — and climate communications — are stuck. Consciously or unconsciously, a feeling of complacency has often weighed on our collective and our individual selves.
Another point made early on, Boykoff expresses no doubt whatsoever in the “scientific findings” of the climate change movement. The entire focus of the book is about using social science and humanities research to persuade people this is a problem.
(Page 2) Responding to these emergent needs, in recent years has been a blossoming of valuable research in the peer-review literature addressing various elements of this larger challenge. More research groups, organizations, institutions and practitioners around the world have increasingly explored creative spaces of climate communication to better understand what works where, with whom (what audiences), when and why.
Boykoff makes an important note here. He is not by any means a revolutionary here. “Climate communications” is a growing field, with people all over the world trying to determine better methods for “selling” the climate change claims. In short, this is research about marketing. Not science.
(Page 2) Creative approaches involve the deployment of multimodal communications. A mode is a system of choices used to communicate meaning. What might count as a mode is an open-ended set, ranging cross a number of systems, including but not limited to language, image, color, typography, music, voice, quality, dress, posture, gestures, special resources, perfume and cuisine.
What superficial points are listed?
language
image
colour
typography
music
voice
quality
dress
posture
gestures
special resources
perfume
cuisine
We are still just on the second page, and already getting an introduction into the very superficial traits which can subtly be used to convince people of our arguments.
Forget facts, research, data, and logic. This is all about presenting a good sales pitch.
(Page 3) Among many elements seeping into the environments, I consider the dynamics that shape creative and potentially effective messages as well as messengers of those climate change communications. Over time, broad references to communications through media platforms have generally pointed to television, films, books, fliers, magazines, radio and internet for pathways for largescale communications.
Additional modes and manifestations of communications also include (analyses of) documentary films about dystopian futures, stand-up comedy about climate and cultures, podcasts about climate science and policy interactions.
Boykoff notes the traditional forms of media, but laments that they are not enough by themselves to do the job. The job of course, is “pitching” the climate change agenda.
(Page 4) Meeting people where they are takes carefully planned and methodical work. It does not mean “dumbing things down” for different audiences. Through this process of assessment of research and practice in these areas, conversations can more capably seek answers to a provocative question Mike Hulme posted in 2009, “How does the idea of climate change the way we arrive at and achieve our personal aspirations and our collective social goals?”
(Page 5) KNOW THY AUDIENCE
These creative (climate) communication endeavors must start with consideration of the audience. These may be imagined, (un)intended or actual audiences. Researchers and practitioners have increasingly paid attention to differentiated audiences as key components to deliberate development of effective communication.
Knowing who your audience is actually a useful piece of advice, regardless of circumstances. However, in context of this book, it comes across as manipulation.
(Page 6) Audience segmentation and consequent message alteration has been a part of marketing and associated communications strategies since the 1950s (Smith 1956, Slater 1996). Audience segmentation endeavours as they relate to climate change communications, have proliferated over the last decade (Leal Finho 2019).
This book is about marketing strategies of climate change “communications”. Nothing more. It is about manipulative techniques designed to persuade by non-factual means.
6. Where Things Go From Here
The book is 300 pages, the last 60 of which are references. No doubt that an awful lot of work has gone into this. Yes, the intro article is relatively short, but it is setting the stage for later. Sequels will be longer and quote much more.
As alluded to earlier, this is really a book about marketing. It’s not about research done to prove that humans are causing climate change, but rather research to CONVINCE people that they are.
Rather than going into environmental research, the book delves in sociological and social psychological research methods. It looks at work previously done in the fields of persuasion, and applies those principles to “climate communications”.
Boykoff appears to have no doubts about humans causing climate change. Nor does he seem to have any reservations about using these social studies techniques to pursue what is essentially a political goal. He straightforwardly admits that it’s a growing field, and many have contributed to this area of research.
Boykoff admits that this area is “selling” or “pitching” the climate change narrative. While acknowledging it is a start, he has no problems with it. Seems the scientists have given up on the research area of climate science, and are throwing their resources into the marketing aspect.
(Government link for TPP, now referred to as CPTPP)
(Canada’s Bill C-79, October 2018)
1. Offshoring, Globalization, Free Trade
The other posts on outsourcing/offshoring are available here. It focuses on the hidden costs and trade offs society as a whole has to make. Contrary to what many politicians and figures in the media claim, there are always costs to these kinds of agreement. These include: (a) job losses; (b) wages being driven down; (c) undercutting of local companies; (d) legal action by foreign entities; (e) industries being outsourced; and (f) losses to communities when major employers leave. Don’t believe the lies that these agreements are overwhelmingly beneficial to all.
Note: After the US withdrew from the agreement, it was renamed the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP).
3. Trading Partner Brunei, Stoning Gays
On a side note, Brunei, a small nation governed by Islamic law, announced it would stone gays to death in accordance with religious law. It seems extremely hypocritical for the virtue-signaling Prime Minister Trudeau to have such a trading partner. However, under public pressure, Brunei has apparently backed down from the measure.
4. Portions Of Bill C-79
Causes of action under sections 9 to 13
.
8 (1) No person has any cause of action and no proceedings of any kind are to be taken, without the consent of the Attorney General of Canada, to enforce or determine any right or obligation that is claimed or arises solely under or by virtue of sections 9 to 13 or an order made under those sections.
Causes of action under Agreement
.
(2) No person has any cause of action and no proceedings of any kind are to be taken, without the consent of the Attorney General of Canada, to enforce or determine any right or obligation that is claimed or arises solely under or by virtue of the Agreement.
.
Exception
.
(3) Subsection (2) does not apply with respect to causes of action arising out of, and proceedings taken under, Section B of Chapter 9 or Article 11.22 of the TPP.
Right away is a red flag. If you are a private party, there may be instances where litigation is required to protect your interests (from unfair trade practices perhaps). However, the wording makes it clear that legal action is not possible here unless the Attorney General signs off on it.
As for the exceptions, Chapter 9, Section B refers to disputes among investors, and encourages the parties to resolve the problems themselves. Article 11.22 outlines dispute mechanisms for financial services.
Payment of expenditures
.
12 The Government of Canada is to pay its appropriate share of the aggregate of
(a) any expenditures incurred by or on behalf of the Commission,
(b) the general expenses incurred by the committees, working groups and other bodies established under the Agreement and the remuneration and expenses payable to representatives on the Commission and those committees and to members of those working groups and other bodies, and
(c) the expenses incurred by panels and arbitration tribunals established under the Agreement and the remuneration and expenses payable to the panellists on those panels, to arbitrators and to any experts retained by those panels or arbitration tribunals.
Not only will Canada be forced to pay its “share” for Commission expenses, but will in effect pay to set up an alternative quasi-judicial system. Not only will Canada have to pay for that, but legal and expert expenses, and any judgements awarded against.
Orders — Article 28.20 of TPP
.
13 (1) The Governor in Council may, for the purpose of suspending benefits in accordance with Article 28.20 of the TPP, by order, do any of the following:
(a) suspend rights or privileges granted by Canada to another party to the Agreement or to goods, service suppliers, investors or investments of investors of that party under the Agreement or any federal law;
(b) modify or suspend the application of any federal law, with respect to a party to the Agreement other than Canada or to goods, service suppliers, investors or investments of investors of that party;
(c) extend the application of any federal law to a party to the Agreement other than Canada or to goods, service suppliers, investors or investments of investors of that party; or
(d) take any other measure that the Governor in Council considers necessary.
The Governor in Council can apparently:
Suspend rights or privileges
modify or suspend application of Federal law
extend Federal law to others not previously included
Do anything else deemed necessary
Without clarification or at least guidance of the topic, this is extremely vague. Worse, is the Governor in Council can make these changes without requiring consent of the public.
Most of the rest of the Bill goes into detail about how tariffs on many different items will be reduced to zero.
However, like with most free trade agreements, Bill C-79 does not address an important topic: protection of jobs for people at home. That will be addressed later.
5. Sections Of CPTPP Text
While the agreement is very long, let’s look mainly at Article 9, as it has some of the more unsettling information in it. To be blunt, it removes nations’ abilities to protect their people from foreign competition. The downside to free trade.
Article 9.4: National Treatment
1. Each Party shall accord to investors of another Party treatment no less favourable than that it accords, in like circumstances, to its own investors with respect to the establishment, acquisition, expansion, management, conduct, operation, and sale or other disposition of investments in its territory.
2. Each Party shall accord to covered investments treatment no less favourable than that it accords, in like circumstances, to investments in its territory of its own investors with respect to the establishment, acquisition, expansion, management, conduct, operation, and sale or other disposition of investments.
3. For greater certainty, the treatment to be accorded by a Party under paragraphs 1 and 2 means, with respect to a regional level of government, treatment no less favourable than the most favourable treatment accorded, in like circumstances, by that regional level of government to investors, and to investments of investors, of the Party of which it forms a part.
This is basically the same language used in NAFTA, where no preference could be given to host countries. In short, it doesn’t matter if another party can outbid and outcompete you. Terms just as favourable must be given.
Article 9.5: Most-Favoured-Nation Treatment
1. Each Party shall accord to investors of another Party treatment no less favourable than that it accords, in like circumstances, to investors of any other Party or of any non-Party with respect to the establishment, acquisition, expansion, management, conduct, operation, and sale or other disposition of investments in its territory.
2. Each Party shall accord to covered investments treatment no less favourable than that it accords, in like circumstances, to investments in its territory of investors of any other Party or of any non-Party with respect to the establishment, acquisition, expansion, management, conduct, operation, and sale or other disposition of investments.
3. For greater certainty, the treatment referred to in this Article does not encompass international dispute resolution procedures or mechanisms, such as those included in Section B (Investor-State Dispute Settlement).
This is much the same idea. If you treat a non-party (someone outside the agreement) a certain way, then a party within the agreement must get at least the same, if not better, treatment.
A bit misleading is the use of the term investment. Most people think of stocks and bonds as investments. While true, this agreement considers basically anything to be an investment. Here is a quote from the definitions section of Article 9.
investment means every asset that an investor owns or controls, directly or indirectly, that has the characteristics of an investment, including such characteristics as the commitment of capital or other resources, the expectation of gain or profit, or the assumption of risk. Forms that an investment may take include:
(a) an enterprise;
(b) shares, stock and other forms of equity participation in an enterprise;
(c) bonds, debentures, other debt instruments and loans;
(d) futures, options and other derivatives;
(e) turnkey, construction, management, production, concession, revenue-sharing and other similar contracts;
(f) intellectual property rights;
(g) licences, authorisations, permits and similar rights conferred pursuant to the Party’s law; and
(h) other tangible or intangible, movable or immovable property, and related property rights, such as leases, mortgages, liens and pledges,
Beyond the traditional sense of investments there is more. Any business itself, business contracts, property, or tangible or intangible items are also considered investments.
And what about countries wanting to nationalise (take public ownership), of their “investments”? Remember, under the definition provided, an investment is pretty much anything.
Article 9.8: Expropriation and Compensation
1. No Party shall expropriate or nationalise a covered investment either directly or indirectly through measures equivalent to expropriation or nationalisation (expropriation), except:
(a) for a public purpose
(b) in a non-discriminatory manner;
(c) on payment of prompt, adequate and effective compensation in accordance with paragraphs 2, 3 and 4; and
(d) in accordance with due process of law.
2. Compensation shall:
(a) be paid without delay;
(b) be equivalent to the fair market value of the expropriated investment immediately before the expropriation took place (the date of expropriation);
(c) not reflect any change in value occurring because the intended expropriation had become known earlier; and
(d) be fully realisable and freely transferable.
3. If the fair market value is denominated in a freely usable currency, the compensation paid shall be no less than the fair market value on the date of expropriation, plus interest at a commercially reasonable rate for that currency, accrued from the date of expropriation until the date of payment.
4. If the fair market value is denominated in a currency that is not freely usable, the compensation paid, converted into the currency of payment at the market rate of exchange prevailing on the date of payment, shall be no less than:
(a) the fair market value on the date of expropriation, converted into a freely usable currency at the market rate of exchange prevailing on that date; plus
(b) interest, at a commercially reasonable rate for that freely usable currency, accrued from the date of expropriation until the date of payment.
This actually does make some sense, as it provides some protections to companies and insures that their property won’t just be converted into the government’s.
However, the wording is such that any legitimate measures a nation might make to go about its business might be construed as “expropriating” or as “nationalising”. The language seems worded poorly on purpose.
And it doesn’t mention that nations have legitimate interests in protecting the jobs of its people, and the local economy. Governments are supposed to protect their people first and foremost.
Article 9.9: Transfers
1. Each Party shall permit all transfers relating to a covered investment to be made freely and without delay into and out of its territory. Such transfers include:
(a) contributions to capital;
(b) profits, dividends, interest, capital gains, royalty payments, management fees, technical assistance fees and other fees;
(c) proceeds from the sale of all or any part of the covered investment or from
the partial or complete liquidation of the covered investment;
(d) payments made under a contract, including a loan agreement;
(e) payments made pursuant to Article 9.7 (Treatment in Case of Armed Conflict or Civil Strife) and Article 9.8 (Expropriation and Compensation); and
(f) payments arising out of a dispute.
Pull the covered investments freely and without delay? Again, almost anything is an investment under this agreement. This actually has the potential to do serious harm. Businesses wishing to leave could pull all of their “investments” and drain the country of its wealth quite quickly.
Article 9.11: Senior Management and Boards of Directors
1. No Party shall require that an enterprise of that Party that is a covered investment appoint to a senior management position a natural person of any particular nationality.
2. A Party may require that a majority of the board of directors, or any committee thereof, of an enterprise of that Party that is a covered investment, be of a particular nationality or resident in the territory of the Party, provided that the requirement does not materially impair the ability of the investor to exercise control over its investment.
This ignores a basic reality. People are loyal first and foremost to their homes and their tribes. Do people want a bunch of foreigners, with in-group preference for their homelands to be controlling so much? Probably not, but free trade deals do not deal with nations, but “economic zones”.
Inserting a condition that it not “materially impair” is vague and open to interpretation. As such, it seems almost worthless.
Article 9 is the most troubling in the agreement. But it is worth addressing one point in Article 28, which covers dispute resolution.
Article 28.4: Choice of Forum
1. If a dispute regarding any matter arises under this Agreement and under another international trade agreement to which the disputing Parties are party, including the WTO Agreement, the complaining Party may select the forum in which to settle the dispute.
2. Once a complaining Party has requested the establishment of, or referred a matter to, a panel or other tribunal under an agreement referred to in paragraph 1, the forum selected shall be used to the exclusion of other fora.
An interesting detail, parties filing complaints can shop around. There is no fixed place to do so. While this sounds fine on the surface, such could be open to gaming the system.
6. Potential For Huge Job Losses
Companies close down and new ones start up. That is normal in a capitalist society. However, free trade deals in general pose a complication. When it becomes more advantageous (ie “cheaper”) to produce a good in another country, there is always a risk. What will stop a company from closing down, laying off all its staff, and relocating in the foreign nation? Legally, nothing, at least in many cases.
The previous pieces on NAFTA addressed some on the downsides to free trade deals. The CPTPP would likely cause the same sorts of issues.
Let’s use the United States as an example. It lost 3.4 million jobs to China between 2001 and 2017 due to “liberalized trade”. Further, another 879,000 jobs have been lost as a direct result of NAFTA.
Beyond the direct job losses, trade deals have the effect of driving down wages. This is especially true for manufacturing jobs, which are traditionally well paid. The reason is leverage. If a company can threaten to relocate in order to pay its (new) workers much less, then current employees can be forced to accept significantly less compensation. One reason tariffs are applied to goods is to counter the vast discrepancies that can exist between nations.
In very lopsided trading arrangements, the benefits are not equal. Again, referring to the US, trade deficits can balloon very quickly. While some surplus or deficit is inevitable, the trading relations cannot continue unless the parties benefit fairly equally. Large trade deficits drain wealth from a nation. This is money being taken out of the country and not being spent on people here.
The CPTPP addresses NONE of these issues. Is this a form of protectionism? Yes, and there’s nothing wrong with that.
7. Conclusions Regarding C-79 & CPTPP
NAFTA was tricky enough, even with just 3 nations, all on one continent. CPTPP has more, and it covers a much larger geographic area. The wealth discrepancies are even larger.
While this is touted as an economy growth tool, the CPTPP doesn’t indicate at all how the citizens will benefit. Under the “National Treatment” provisions, foreigners must be given the same considerations as locals. If it becomes more economical to lay off people and move assets, then it’s done. There can be no protection for locals, which is what a government should be doing.
Free trade agreements tend to create a “race to the bottom”. If it becomes more profitable to ship work and jobs to another country, it is done. Locals will have to accept far less in order to compete, driving down their standards of living.
Communities benefit when there is work and wealth. Exporting it for overall economic growth is cold, and reduces people to mere cogs in a machine.
Difficult to see how average people will benefit from CPTPP.
CLICK HERE, for #1: CPPIB invests $2B in Mumbai, India. CLICK HERE, for #2: CPP underfunded, money leaving Canada. CLICK HERE, for #3: where is all money actually going?
For some context on the American situation: CLICK HERE, for Social Security unable to pay obligations by 2034.
3. Quotes From 2010 Policy Guide
We are guided by certain principles as they relate to responsible investing. These include, but are not limited to, the following:
• The overriding duty of the CPP Investment Board, consistent with its mandate, is to maximize investment returns without undue risk of loss;
• Portfolio diversification is an effective way to maximize long-term riskadjusted returns;
• Portfolio constraints either increase risk or reduce returns over time;
• Responsible corporate behaviour with respect to environmental, social and governance (ESG) factors can generally have a positive influence on longterm financial performance, recognizing that the importance of ESG factors varies across industries, geography and time;
• Disclosure is the key that allows investors to better understand, evaluate and assess potential risk and return, including the potential impact of ESG factors on a company’s performance;
• Investment analysis should incorporate ESG factors to the extent that they affect risk and return;
CLICK HERE, for CPPIB expecting to invest more than just 8% in China.
3.0 Investment Strategy In the context of our long-term investment horizon, the CPP Investment Board aspires to integrate ESG factors into investment management processes, where relevant, for all asset classes within the portfolio. As stated in our principles above, it is our belief that responsible corporate behaviour with respect to ESG factors can generally have a positive influence on long-term financial performance.
For public equities, the CPP Investment Board’s responsible investing team works with internal portfolio managers to assess ESG risks and opportunities as they relate to overall corporate performance. In our private market and real estate investments, ESG factors are evaluated, where applicable, in the due diligence process and monitored over the life of the investments
4.4 Industry Dialogue The CPP Investment Board participates in broader domestic and international discussion about definitions, priorities, standards and best practices in responsible investing.
.
The CPP Investment Board participates in a number of organizations, including:
.
• UN Principles of Responsible Investment
• Canadian Coalition for Good Governance
• Pension Investment Association of Canada
• International Corporate Governance Network
• Council of Institutional Investors
First things first. This policy guide was released in August 2010 when Stephen Harper was Prime Minister, not Justin Trudeau.
The guide outlines repeatedly how UN principles for responsible investment (PRI) will be followed. It also states that environmental, social, governance factors (ESG) will also be taken into account. This is right out of the UN agenda.
4. CPPIB’s So-Called “Focus Areas”
Climate Change
Water
Human Rights
Executive Compensation
Board Compensation
Shouldn’t a pension fun be focused on growing the size of the fund first and foremost? Why does virtue signalling have to factor into absolutely everything? But this isn’t the worst of it. Let’s dig a little deeper into these categories.
5. CPPIB Starts Issuing “Climate Bonds”
In June 2018, CPPIB completed its inaugural issuance of green bonds, becoming the first pension fund in the world to do so. Investors bought $1.5 billion of the 10-year bond, which Bloomberg reported was a record at the time for a single green bond transaction in Canada.
Since their introduction in 2007, green bonds have become a mainstream way for companies, governments and other organizations to raise funds for projects with environmental benefits. The issuance of a green bond was a logical next step to our investment-focused approach to climate change. Capital was raised to provide additional funding as we pursue acquisitions of strong, long-term investments eligible under our Green Bond Framework. In the 12 months to June 30, 2018, we announced plans to invest more than $3 billion in renewable energy assets.
This sounds lovely, except the CPPIB seems oblivious to the complete money pit that “green initiatives” have shown to be in projects across Canada and elsewhere. I really don’t see how they will be able to repay investors for these bonds.
Climate change is one of the most significant physical, social, technological and economic challenges of our time. Its impacts are expected to be pervasive and broad-ranging. Scientists believe it is critical to limit global warming to less than two degrees Celsius (2°C) above pre-industrial levels in order to prevent irreversible damage. Rising temperatures and sea levels create physical and transition risks, such as water scarcity, threats to biodiversity, extreme weather and policy and market risks.
Such changes also create potential investment opportunities in areas such as technological innovation and renewable energy (see table on page 2 for details) that may present themselves in the near, medium or long term. Given our exceptionally long investment horizon, we are actively addressing climate change to increase and preserve economic value, in accordance with our mandate. The implications of the global transition to lower carbon sources of energy will be far reaching for investors and companies alike.
It is difficult to tell what (if any) the board actually believes in this climate change, and how much is simply a shrewd business move. See here, for more info on climate bonds.
It appears that CPPIB is simply trying to profit from the political winds that is the climate change agenda. And it is using Canadian pension funds to finance this openly partisan agenda.
6. Human Rights As Business Perspective
Why We Engage
Human rights are relevant from an investment perspective because operational disruptions and reputational damage can arise when these matters are not appropriately managed. Effective human rights management is important for companies’ enhancement of long-term value.
We believe strong human rights practices contribute to sustaining long-term value. Working with companies in our portfolio on this topic is an important part of our mandate to maximize long-term returns. Companies with strong human rights policies and practices are less likely to face disruptions to operations from legal and regulatory risk, protests, workforce action and other activities. They are also less likely to suffer reputational damage due to human rights-related controversies. We also assess human rights risks within the supply chain of companies, primarily considering poor working conditions and labour issues (such as child labour). We are currently focusing our efforts on supply chain management in the consumer and information technology sectors.
So much for principles here. Human rights not from a moral or ideological perspective, but purely from a commercial one.
7. Sustainable Financing Report For 2018
Note: the report indicates that only 15% of the various investments are actually within Canada. The rest are abroad, including 38% in the US.
Also worth noting: the CPPIB claims to have $356.1 billion in assets. The reality (using close-group valuation actually rates it at almost $1 trillion in liabilities all told.
We integrate environmental, social and governance factors into our investment analysis, both before and after making investments. Our Sustainable Investing group works with investment teams throughout CPPIB to help them identify and assess ESG matters.
CPPIB’s assessment of ESG considerations can be an important factor in determining whether a potential investment is attractive. Where such ESG considerations are material, they can significantly affect our assessment of a company’s risk profile and value.
CPPIB’s Sustainable Investing group works across the organization to support investment analyses on the impact of ESG factors. It also conducts research on industry standards and best practices, and expands our knowledge and resources by collaborating with external partners and industry associations.
Subsequent pages go on at length about the ESG (environment, social, government) goals. However, the point is pretty clear. All investment decisions, including areas to invest in, are looked at through this lens.
8. Why Involve Our Pensions In This?
This reeks of social engineering more than any real sound financial advice. The CPPIB seems to drink the climate change Kool-Aid in its entirety with this.
While diversifying a portfolio makes sense, it is rather troubling that the overwhelming majority (85%) of the fund is actually being sent overseas. Wouldn’t it make more sense to be investing in Canadian projects and infrastructure?
Once the money leaves Canada, it becomes difficult, if not impossible to track and keep control of.
(Temporary Foreign Workers can become Permanent Residents)
(One option for college, university graduates is the Provincial Nominee Program. Its name varies slightly by Province)
(Brooks, AB, and cheap foreign labour)
1. Mass LEGAL Immigration In Canada
Despite what many think, LEGAL immigration into Canada is actually a much larger threat than illegal aliens, given the true scale of the replacement that is happening. What was founded as a European (British) colony is becoming unrecognizable due to forced demographic changes. There are also social, economic, environmental and voting changes to consider. See this Canadian series, and the UN programs for more detail. Politicians, the media, and so-called “experts” have no interest in coming clean on this.
CLICK HERE, for UN Genocide Prevention/Punishment Convention. CLICK HERE, for Barcelona Declaration & Kalergi Plan. CLICK HERE, for UN Kalergi Plan (population replacement). CLICK HERE, for UN replacement efforts since 1974. CLICK HERE, for tracing steps of UN replacement agenda.
Note: If there are errors in calculating the totals, please speak up. Information is of no use to the public if it isn’t accurate.
If a Conservative or Nationalist isn’t willing to talk about the FULL SCALE of immigration into the country, there’s no reason to trust anything they say on the subject.
Disclaimer: If any program has been missed, please contact and it will be promptly added.
4. Faith Goldy Drops Truth Bombs
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xm-cqB2jE9k
Faith Goldy does a livestream here, discussing the full scope of mass migration into Canada. She correctly points out that public debate is limited (Permanent + Refugees), while other categories are not discussed in the political sphere. She also points out the elephant in the room: politicians focus on replacing citizens with foreigners rather than promoting higher birth rates within Canada. The name “replacement migration” fits perfectly. Great video. Watch and subscribe.
Honourable mentions: YouTuber Rants Derek also points out some hard truths. (See 1:10-1:50). Another channel worth subscribing too, as he covers difficult and important topics. Also see this article by Spencer Fernando.
5. National Citizens Alliance Addresses It
The video is of NCA founder, Stephen Garvey. It’s nice to finally have a political party in Canada address the problem in an honest manner. No low-balling here.
Also worth noting, 525,000 people got their citizenship in a 12 month period. This is despite the “backlog”, and only taking ~350,000 people into Canada.
Source: StatsCan population data.
Year
TFW
Int Mobility
Student
2015
73,016
175,967
218,147
2016
78,402
207,829
265,111
2017
78,788
224,033
317,328
Remember: This table only covers “temporary” entrants (workers and students), and is outside what politicians typically declare. While these programs are officially marketed as temporary, there are a number of avenues to stay longer and become a permanent resident.
Now, combine the 2017 “temporary” totals with the approximately 350,000 permanent and refugees that the government declares and you get this. Note: the report itself lists slightly lower actual entry (330K) under Permanent and Refugee totals, but 350K is the stated goal.
However, the only heading being debated is the 350K at the top (permanent and refugee). Very disingenuous to not include the entire amount.
Canadians are deceived, as most are likely not aware of the actual intake. The P+R categories only represent about a third of total immigration. And this doesn’t even cover the illegal entries.
7. Temporary Foreign Worker Program
This should be self explanatory, but let’s get some more information on this. Is temporary really temporary? Not really. From the factsheet which is freely available online.
Advantages to Employers
For employers who have been unable to recruit Canadian citizens or permanent residents for job openings, the TFWP makes it possible to hire workers from abroad. Employers might also find a qualified foreign worker already in Canada, such as a foreign worker who is about to complete a job contract with another employer or a foreign national holding an open work permit that allows the employee to work for any employer in Canada.
While most temporary foreign workers will be hired to address a specific, short-term labour need, some temporary foreign workers who initially came to fill a temporary vacancy can transition to permanent residence if they meet certain requirements. For example, the Canadian Experience Class is open to foreign nationals who have been working full-time in Canada as trades people or in managerial or professional occupations and meet certain other requirements. Other foreign workers may qualify through the Provincial Nominee Program for permanent residence in Canada. These routes exist to ensure that workers who have shown that their skills are in continuing demand and that they have already adapted well to life in Canada can build a future here.
Source is here.
While this is called the “Temporary” Foreign Worker Program, the wording makes it very clear. The pathway to Permanent Resident is built in intentionally. This absolutely is a pathway to PR, and from there, citizenship. Extremely misleading to the public.
Not only that, there is no requirement to attempt to hire a Canadian worker. An employer can just hire a foreigner who happens to already be in Canada.
8. Agriculture Specific PR Path
Thousands of temporary foreign workers in greenhouses, mushroom farms and meat processing plants will soon be given a path to permanent residency.
Under the three-year “Agri-Food Immigration Pilot,” 2,750 workers and their families will be able to apply for permanent residency each year. The federal government says it could mean up to 16,500 new permanent residents.
From this article, a pilot program set up to fast track people in agriculture to Permanent Resident status. It was created specifically for this industry.
Working in meat processing plants? Kind of like how things went in Brooks, Alberta, after Jason (Bilderberg) Kenney brought in cheap foreign labour? Those Somali Muslims?
Another boutique program to greenlight permanent residence to people coming into Canada.
9. Northern And Rural Program
The Rural and Northern Immigration Pilot is a community-driven program. It’s designed to spread the benefits of economic immigration to smaller communities by creating a path to permanent residence for skilled foreign workers who want to work and live in 1 of the participating communities.
This new initiative aims to get more immigration to smaller towns under the pretext of “economic development”.
In reality, it will likely make such small towns unrecognizable by inducing rapid demographic shifts. Want to get away from all the diversity in big cities? Now you won’t be able to, bigot.
Take for example, Brooks, AB, which was culturally enriched by then Immigration Minister Jason Kenney bringing in Somali Muslims to fill jobs at a meat packing plant.
10. Student Visas
Information is from here. Rather than rehashing it, here is the actual quote. It outlines a number of benefits to studying in Canada. They include
(1) International students in Canada can work for up to 20 hours per week during semester, and on a full-time basis during school breaks.
(2) The tuition fees to study in Canada, even for international students, are usually lower than in other countries.
(3) The spouse or common-law partner of an international student may accompany the student in Canada. Not only that, spouses and partners may obtain an open work permit, allowing them to work any hours they wish and for any employer.
(4) International students in Canada can bring their children to Canada, and the kids can attend one of Canada’s public elementary or secondary schools without needing their own study permit.
(5) Canada’s largest cities are ranked among the best student cities by the QS World University Rankings, with Montreal ranked the best student city in the world and Vancouver and Toronto not far behind.
Graduates can work in Canada for up to three years on an open post-graduation work permit (see below under ‘Earn’).
(6) Rather than closing the door on graduates who complete their studies in Canada or making things incredibly difficult, as some countries may do, Canada actively sets out to provide permanent residence pathways to students and graduates (see below under ‘Stay’).
(7) Canada’s liberal citizenship naturalization process allows international students to count time spent on a study permit towards citizenship residency days requirements.
The Provincial Nominee Program is a common, but not only, option for graduates looking to stay.
Not much I can add to this. Comparatively lax standards, and easy to move to Permanent Residence. Upon graduation, you are given 3 years. Also your time studying counts.
Canada’s international student population is surging, even as domestic student count is falling. Why is this? Different motivations. More and more Canadians realize that university, (and to a degree college), is useless for employment. However, foreigners looking to immigrate to Canada see college as a stepping stone to do so.
Will all students stay after graduating? No, but a lot will.
11. Students, Bring Your Families
This was alluded to earlier. Canada not only takes in lots of students, but allows them to bring a spouse and children. For everyone, time in Canada counts towards obtaining permanent residency.
Not just one person gaining time towards Permanent Resident status, but the family. Let that sink in.
In 2017, Canada issued 317,000 student visas. Theoretically, every one of those people would be able to bring a spouse and children, if they had any.
It is not the education that is the real value. Even STEM degrees don’t guarantee employment. Rather, student visas are used as a stepping stone to permanent immigration into Canada.
12. International Mobility Programme
Also known as the Youth Mobility Program, this allows foreign workers to come to Canada for 1-2 years for casual work, schooling, or travel. There is an age limit of 35. In 2017, Canada admitted 224,000 people under the International Mobility Programme
While this is sold to the public as a “temporary” visa, that is not the full story. Is a person is resourceful, they will likely be able to find another way to stay in the country. This would be by lining up another visa, making further education arrangements, getting married, or pursuing another method.
There absolutely are ways around the “temporary” nature.
True, many people will go back to their home countries after that 1 or 2 year period is up. But it is also true that creative people can get around the intent of the program.
Research by her organization found some shelter providers in Calgary found up to 40 per cent of women seeking help were visible Muslims. Many are new immigrants and refugees and can be socially isolated with few friends and no family in Canada.
And what does that translate to overall? Calgary’s Muslim population is about 3% of Calgary’s overall population. So let’s do an apples to apples comparison.
Let’s do some math: suppose you have a city with 1,000,000 citizens, which would mean 30,000 muslims, and 970,000 non-muslims. Now, suppose there are 1,000 incidents of domestic violence in a year. That means that 400 of those incidents would involve muslims, and 600 would involve non-muslims.
Now, those 30,000 muslims would have been involved in 400 domestic violence incidents, or about 1333 per 100,000 people. The 970,000 non-muslims would have been involved in 600 domestic violence incidents or about 62 per 100,000 people. Comparing the two groups of 1333 and 62 per 100,000, we divide and (1333/62=21.5). We get about a magnitude of 21 or 22.
That’s right. Per capita (assuming the research is correct), Muslim families engage in domestic violence at more than 20 times the rate of non-Muslim families. Let that sink in.
That is likely to get a lot worse, though not for the reasons you might be thinking.
Beginning July 26, newcomers who are victims of domestic violence can apply for a free temporary resident permit that will give them legal immigration status in Canada. That will include a work permit and health-care coverage. In “urgent” situations of family violence, the government will expedite the process by allowing people to apply for permanent residence on humanitarian and compassionate grounds.
According to the CBC, people leaving domestic abuse situations can apply for a temporary residence permit. That can then become permanent residence based on compassionate grounds.
Get ready for more claims. Furthermore, it doesn’t specifically limit one spouse per person.
14. CANZUK Will Erase Borders
(The CPC strongly supports CANZUK)
(CPC policy is to give temporary workers permanent residence status wherever it is feasible. From Page 52 of policy guidelines)
The Conservative Party of Canada fully endorses CANZUK. This is the Canada, Australia, New Zealand, UK pact which eliminates trade and movement barriers between countries. Plainly said, it erases the borders. While this seems harmless, it must be noted that the agreement explicitly states that other nations may be added later.
Using political, social and economic analysis, CANZUK International’s Research Associate, Luke Fortmann, explores the future possibilities of other countries joining a free movement and trade alliance with Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom.
A useful way to begin is by taking a look at the CANZUK countries’ dependent territories, such as Christmas Island, the Cook Islands and Anguilla, for example, which are dependencies of Australia, New Zealand, and the UK, respectively, as well as the UK’s Crown dependencies (Guernsey, Jersey, and the Isle of Man).
Each area would naturally become full members of the new group along with the nations to which they are related. Some advocates claim that these small islands, and their generally sparse populations, are currently under-utilised, and that a CANZUK alliance would offer a tremendous opportunity for their communities to acquire a far more extensive set of rights by becoming equal partners in a union, while shaking off their somewhat colonial tint.
Widening our scope, we arrive at the Commonwealth realms. These realms are sovereign states who are members of the Commonwealth and who currently share Queen Elizabeth II as their monarch, of which, there are 16 including the CANZUK countries.
Additionally, it’s been noted that, particularly concerning the more populous realms such as Jamaica and Papua New Guinea, immediate free movement would generate a rush of emigrants who may be poorly equipped for employment in the CANZUK countries; while at the same time enticing the more skilled minority away from their homeland in search of better-paying positions in the richer nations, ridding schools and hospitals of vital staff.
Instinctively, the next place to turn is to the Commonwealth as a whole. Broadening our vision in this way does present some of the same issues, as well as some new ones. A complete Commonwealth union would of course be dominated by India, with a population of over 1.3 billion, along with Pakistan (193 million), Nigeria (186 million), and Bangladesh (163 million) who would dwarf the CANZUK countries in terms of inhabitants, rendering them merely minor players.
Does that scare you yet? India, Pakistan, Nigeria and Bangladesh have a combined population of almost 2 billion people. Imagine erasing the border between them and Canada. It would be a population overrun, if even 10% of those people came here.
What does the (potential) CANZUK list look like?
Anguilla
Antigua
Australia
Bahamas
Bangladesh
Barbados
Belize
Canada
Christmas Island
Cook Islands
Grenada
Guernsey
India
Isle of Mann
Jamaica
Jersey
New Zealand
Nigeria
Pakistan
Papua New Guinea
Saint Lucia
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
Solomon Island
Tuvalu
United Kingdom
CANZUK is a trojan horse. It is “marketed” to the public as a loosening of borders between only Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the UK. However, the group makes it explicit that other countries joining is entirely possible.
If, for example 50 million Indians were to come to Canada (just 4% of their population), Canada would double in size, and the voting results would be altered forever. This is demographic replacement.
15. Global Migration Compact Implemented
While officially “non-binding”, that is not really the case. They can become the basis for court decisions at later dates. For reviews, see here, see here, and see here.
This was signed by the Liberals on December 10, 2018. While the People’s Party, and now the Conservative Party, claim to oppose the Compact, how serious are they? Both “conservative” parties support mass migration and give little thought to protectionist measures.
“Conservative” parties value immigration for growth in terms of population and GDP. They care little, if at all, of ensuring cultural compatibility. Furthermore, conservatives never focus on boosting births within their nations. It is always more immigration.
16. Focus On Raising Local Birthrates
(Russia on boosting birthrates)
(Hungary: No income tax for women with 4+ children)
Thailand is encouraging more children. Italy is doing a land giveaway for married couples.
Why do Canada’s politicians not do this? Why is the solution always immigration? The exact methods and incentives are totally up for debate, sure. But governments should be encouraging their own citizens to have more children if they need more growth, or even just to reverse a decline.
Guess what, when you try to replace with migration, you eventually replace your population. Having more Canadian children here, and raising them as Canadians is far preferable to importing replacement cultures.
17. Canadians Need To Know The Truth
Yes, some of these topics have been covered before. But the truth still needs to be told, and needs to be made clear.
Canada’s politicians are lying about the scale of mass migration and replacement migration in Canada. The “debate” is limited to a few categories, while others are ignored. In fact, it is those “ignored” topics that actually comprise the bulk of immigration in Canada
Canada’s annual immigration rate is not around 300,000 to 350,000. All told, it is more like a million a year. The public is lied to about this.
Not only is the full scale lied about, but globalist politicians in Canada want to erase borders with agreements like CANZUK and the Global Migration Compact.
If more people are needed, then they should come from within. Boost the birthrate of Canadians, and grow the country organically.
WE NEED CANADIAN CHILDREN, NOT REPLACEMENT MIGRATION
Please spread the truth, and make other people aware.
A lot of members of the “Conservative” Party of Canada. Have to wonder exactly what they’re “conserving” here. Also worth mentioning that Andrew Scheer, a “Conservative” also appears on the site with enthusiastic support for the agenda.
It was bad enough to see Scheer chugging a milk at his acceptance speech, (as his win was provided by Dairy Cartel rigging). This is arguably much worse. The erasure of Canada and Canadian borders marketed as opportunity.
4. CANZUK’s Official Mission
CANZUK International (CI) is the leading group advocating closer ties between Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom, known amongst diplomats at the United Nations as the ‘CANZUK Group’.
Free Trade
CANZUK International seeks to establish a comprehensive multi-lateral free trade agreement between Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom. Customs duties and other barriers to commerce would be removed. Such a union would give its constituent members more collective bargaining power in dealing with large trading partners such as the USA, China, India and the European Union.
.
Freedom of movement within the CANZUK Group for citizens of the four realms would be an essential ingredient for a successfully open market. As these nations have compatible economic profiles, this form of immigration would be unlikely to lead to distortions in labour markets. Not only would an arrangement of this kind make good economic sense, it would reinforce a feeling of solidarity amongst the four kindred peoples. The Trans-Tasman Travel Agreement between Australia and New Zealand is a working model upon which to build. Although freedom of movement exists for citizens of both countries, there is an exclusion provision for those deemed to be a threat to the national interest. In this way mobility can foster trade and economic growth without jeopardising security.
Foreign Policy
CANZUK International endeavours to promote greater cooperation amongst the CANZUK Group with respect to foreign policy, defence and intelligence gathering. The ‘Five Eyes’ (FVEY) agreement between Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States of America has been highly effective in gathering signals, military and human intelligence. It provides a useful starting point for a more comprehensive diplomatic alliance for the nations of the CANZUK Group, which would compliment the work of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). An association comprising Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom would enjoy a more balanced relationship with the United States. Collectively, these countries could be global rather than merely regional players in the geopolitical arena.
Constitutional Affairs
The shared Sovereign would be an essential aspect of any CANZUK Group association. The monarch, who represents a global institution, has played an important role as a symbol of a common heritage and parliamentary tradition. Furthermore, the Crown has been the cornerstone of democratic government and the rule of law over a long history of peaceful constitutional development. It is instructive to note that the English speaking countries which have retained the monarchy have been far more successful in avoiding civil unrest than their republican counterparts.
.
In concrete terms, the existing dialogue between viceregal representatives and the judiciary of the CANZUK Group should be encouraged. This initiative could build upon meetings that already occur between the Governors-General of the various Commonwealth realms every two years. The joint decision to revise the royal succession laws through the Perth Agreement of 2011 is a good example of effective collaboration in regard to matters of constitutional law.
One interesting thing is that this only talks about such closer cooperation between the “CANZUK” nations: Canada, New Zealand, Australia and the UK. A lot of this seems very reasonable.
However, in a different part of the website, CANZUK International talks about extending memberships far beyond the original 4 members. And it is quite a long list.
Remember: it is pitched to the general populations as increased cooperation between 4 nations of fairly similar language, culture and customs. That is how to sell it. Once it is sold and operational, the goal becomes to expand its size and influence.
Nice bait-and-switch.
5. CANZUK Could Expand To Other Countries
Using political, social and economic analysis, CANZUK International’s Research Associate, Luke Fortmann, explores the future possibilities of other countries joining a free movement and trade alliance with Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom.
It should be said that a new Commonwealth union would be welcoming of any potential members – with each being considered on a case-by-case basis – and that the CANZUK project is very much a work in progress; always receptive of fresh ideas and potential avenues to explore.
A useful way to begin is by taking a look at the CANZUK countries’ dependent territories, such as Christmas Island, the Cook Islands and Anguilla, for example, which are dependencies of Australia, New Zealand, and the UK, respectively, as well as the UK’s Crown dependencies (Guernsey, Jersey, and the Isle of Man).
Each area would naturally become full members of the new group along with the nations to which they are related. Some advocates claim that these small islands, and their generally sparse populations, are currently under-utilised, and that a CANZUK alliance would offer a tremendous opportunity for their communities to acquire a far more extensive set of rights by becoming equal partners in a union, while shaking off their somewhat colonial tint.
Widening our scope, we arrive at the Commonwealth realms. These realms are sovereign states who are members of the Commonwealth and who currently share Queen Elizabeth II as their monarch, of which, there are 16 including the CANZUK countries.
But, whether founded or not, the notion that free immigration was causing problems for the UK was undoubtedly a primary motivation for its departure from the European Union. A CANZUK union would seek to avoid such issues by moving slowly and steadily with the original four members, providing economic assistance to the realms before allowing their eventual membership.
Additionally, it’s been noted that, particularly concerning the more populous realms such as Jamaica and Papua New Guinea, immediate free movement would generate a rush of emigrants who may be poorly equipped for employment in the CANZUK countries; while at the same time enticing the more skilled minority away from their homeland in search of better-paying positions in the richer nations, ridding schools and hospitals of vital staff.
Instinctively, the next place to turn is to the Commonwealth as a whole. Broadening our vision in this way does present some of the same issues, as well as some new ones. A complete Commonwealth union would of course be dominated by India, with a population of over 1.3 billion, along with Pakistan (193 million), Nigeria (186 million), and Bangladesh (163 million) who would dwarf the CANZUK countries in terms of inhabitants, rendering them merely minor players.
When weighing up the potential barriers to entry that many of these Commonwealth countries have, we’re often confronted with the challenge that this new alliance is concerned only with nations that are populated by white folk. Such criticism is fairly lazy and can be easily dealt with. Firstly, as we’ve just seen, there’s absolutely no reason why these countries couldn’t join in the future, so long as efforts were directed at bringing them up to par in the ways just discussed.
At first, the project will be challenging enough, and caution will be required. Having said that, and as previously mentioned, CANZUK’s immense potential truly knows no bounds, and, down the line, further options can always be explored.
Theoretically, who could become part of CANZUK at some point in the future? Here is the list, based on the above criteria and comments:
Anguilla
Antigua
Australia
Bahamas
Bangladesh
Barbados
Belize
Canada
Christmas Island
Cook Islands
Grenada
Guernsey
India
Isle of Mann
Jamaica
Jersey
New Zealand
Nigeria
Pakistan
Papua New Guinea
Saint Lucia
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
Solomon Island
Tuvalu
United Kingdom
Really? We were told this was an agreement between 4 first world, developed nations. Now we are bringing in half of the third world.
Let’s be clear: marketing with the 4 nations (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the UK) is just a sales pitch. The agreement could very well expand once this is in motion. And it likely will.
6. Possible CANZUK Joint Defense Force
The first objective of any government is to protect its own citizens from external danger. How can CANZUK help achieve that goal?
Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom have a common military heritage, and this shows in things as diverse as ranks, camouflage patterns and banners. They have a high degree of inter-operability – and in some cases, citizens of one nation can join the armed forces of another.
The nations have strategic similarities as well. Three out of four are island nations, whilst the fourth, Canada has the longest coastline of any nation. This places a premium on naval power – all the nations have considerable dependence on trade, vulnerability to blockades and an interest of open sea-lanes.
No joke. They are open about joint military and naval ventures. Interesting to note: aren’t this countries all part of NATO? How exactly would that square with those obligations, especially as Canada can’t afford to pay for its NATO commitments anyway?
To be fair, this soldier-swap already exists to a degree. The UK accepts Commonwealth citizens in its military. To a limited degree, Canada, Australia and New Zealand allow foreigners in as well. This seems a way to do it on a much bigger scale.
7. Where Is CANZUK Going?
CANZUK International was founded in January 2015 as The Commonwealth Freedom of Movement Organisation, and is the world’s leading non-profit organisation advocating freedom of movement, free trade and foreign policy coordination between Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom (the “CANZUK” countries).
Our campaign advocates closer cooperation between these four nations so they may build upon existing economic, diplomatic and institutional ties to forge a cohesive alliance of nation-states with a truly global outlook.
This seems harmless enough, but this will not be the end of it. The group will want to expand its sphere of influence and start controlling more issues and policies.
Remember, before the EU, there was a 6 nation bloc (France, West Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Belgium). They started a trade agreement amongst themselves. Today, it is 28 nations — though the UK is leaving — and controls everything from budgets to agriculture to immigration. It swelled far beyond its original purpose.
It is very easy to see the “CANZUK 4” become 6, 8, 12, or 15. And those innocuous issues discussed on the website may morph into foreign bodies actually controlling national agendas.
As is obvious, the Conservative Party of Canada is an enthusiastic supporter of the CANZUK agenda. This is apparently regardless of the long-term erosion of national sovereignty. Globalists.
(Temporary Foreign Workers can become Permanent Residents)
(One option for college, university graduates is the Provincial Nominee Program. Its name varies slightly by Province)
(From the 2018 Report to Parliament)
(From the 2018 Report to Parliament)
1. Mass LEGAL Immigration In Canada
Despite what many think, LEGAL immigration into Canada is actually a much larger threat than illegal aliens, given the true scale of the replacement that is happening. What was founded as a European (British) colony is becoming unrecognizable due to forced demographic changes. There are also social, economic, environmental and voting changes to consider. See this Canadian series, and the UN programs for more detail. Politicians, the media, and so-called “experts” have no interest in coming clean on this.
CLICK HERE, for UN Genocide Prevention/Punishment Convention. CLICK HERE, for Barcelona Declaration & Kalergi Plan. CLICK HERE, for UN Kalergi Plan (population replacement). CLICK HERE, for UN replacement efforts since 1974. CLICK HERE, for tracing steps of UN replacement agenda.
Note: If there are errors in calculating the totals, please speak up. Information is of no use to the public if it isn’t accurate.
If a Conservative or Nationalist isn’t willing to talk about the FULL SCALE of immigration into the country, there’s no reason to trust anything they say on the subject.
Remember this message.
4. Rants Derek Drops The Red Pill
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=04h7e-Gnn68
Derek dropped a number of truth bombs in this video. Watch 1:10 to 1:50 for the relevant facts. His channel is a great resource for Canadians on many topics.
Hundreds of thousands of temporary workers, with a pathway to permanent residence status
Hundreds of thousands of student visas, with a pathway to permanent residence status
Actual number close to 1 million
1/2 million new citizens in a year
Surge in citizens means surge in voters
5. From the 2018 Report To Parliament
Year
TFW
Int Mobility
Student
2015
73,016
175,967
218,147
2016
78,402
207,829
265,111
2017
78,788
224,033
317,328
Remember: This table only covers “temporary” entrants (workers and students), and is outside what politicians typically declare. While these programs are officially marketed as temporary, there are a number of avenues to stay longer and become a permanent resident.
Now, combine the 2017 “temporary” totals with the approximately 330,000 permanent and refugees that the government declares and you get this.
Correction: while the 2017 totals for Permanent and Refugee were aimed at around 300-350K, the 350K is the one frequently touted. As such, it was the number used originally in the article. The actual is 330K, which is slightly lower.
Now it is certainly true that many will not stay. However, the vast majority of them will try to. There are many legal avenues to extend a visa, or get a new one. Then there comes the sticky issue of chain migration
Think about it: why drop $100,000 on a useless college degree or program, or work for slave labour for years, UNLESS the ultimate goal was a better life?
While these programs are sold to the public as “temporary”, the reality is that they are backdoor migration.
However, so-called Conservatives, and even some self-identified Nationalists don’t want to talk about the full scope of mass migration in Canada. They prefer to parrot the talking points of the mainstream political parties, who claim there is about 310,000 to 350,000 annually in Canada.
This applies to proposed “reductions” to 250K/annually, (now pegged at 100-150K), while ignoring the true size of the issue. A common talking point of “populists”.
Remember the rule from before.
6. Canada’s Population Isn’t Decreasing Naturally
Note: Difference = Live Births – Total Deaths
Note: Per Day = (Difference)/365 or 366
Year
Birth
Deaths
Diff
Day
1991
402,533
195,569
206,964
567
1992
398,643
196,535
202,108
552
1993
388,394
204,912
183,482
503
1994
385,114
207,077
178,037
488
1995
378,016
210,733
167,283
458
1996
366,200
212,880
153,320
419
1997
348,598
215,669
132,929
364
1998
342,418
218,091
124,327
341
1999
337,249
219,530
117,719
323
2000
327,882
218,062
109,820
300
2001
333,744
219,538
114,206
313
2002
328,802
223,603
105,199
288
2003
335,202
226,169
109,033
299
2004
337,072
226,584
110,488
302
2005
342,176
230,132
112,044
307
2006
354,617
228,079
126,538
347
2007
367,864
235,217
132,647
363
2008
377,886
238,617
139,269
381
2009
380,863
238,418
142,445
390
2010
377,213
240,075
137,138
376
2011
377,636
243,511
134,125
367
2012
381,869
246,596
135,273
370
2013
380,323
252,338
127,985
350
2014
384,100
258,821
125,279
343
2015
382,392
264,333
118,059
323
2016
383,102
267,213
115,889
318
2017
379,450
276,689
102,761
281
2018
375,390
283,706
91,684
251
Canada’s population is “naturally” growing at about 300 people/day, and has been for years. This is births and deaths. Immigration is not taken into account. To be fair, however, the number of illegals giving birth here (creating anchor babies) isn’t taken into account.
Of course, even if you need a bigger population, there is another way. It is the ways nations have always done, prior to the “multiculturalism” mental disorder. They grew their populations.
Side note: it’s also how Muslims plan to become a global majority and impose Sharia law everywhere. It’s not as if they embrace multiculturalism or pluralism. And guess what your tax dollars are being used for in Toronto hotels and public housing. See this video from Rebel Media
Now, it doesn’t have to be that way. Hungary, for example, is taking measures to reverse its declining birth rate. While the specifics vary by nation, this is a prime example of a leader putting his people first.
You also never hear mainstream “Conservatives” talking about the idea of promoting bigger families. It’s always “import more and more” and economic growth.
Conservatives give little to no consideration of the natural inclination of people to want children. Nor do they care that people who are raised in Canada grow up as Canadians. Forget the culture. Forget the society. Besides, nations aren’t the people, but just abstract ideas apparently.
Canada already has people from a large array of backgrounds. Why not stop and work with what we have?
Ask yourself, which is more of a priority: economic growth, or protecting your way of life and culture? If the former, remember that eventually the demographics shift to such a degree that your way of life can be “democratically” rescinded.
7. Conservatives, Fake Nationalists, Are Gatekeepers
The Conservative Party of Canada’s policy declaration openly states it prefers to turn temporary workers into permanent residents. (Page 52, topic 139(ii)). Furthermore, the CPC endorsed CANZUK, which opens Canada’s borders to some other nations.
Maxime Bernier sort of addressed immigration rates into Canada, and was critical. However, he avoided the awkward truth that these “temporary” categories can lead to permanent residence.
The National Citizens Alliance addressed the issue in this video. So far, other parties seem to embrace the “mass migration is good” delusion.
Many self-identified Conservatives claim they are for much less immigration. However, they balk at the claim (and evidence) that it is much higher than they thought.
This seems an exercise in futility, and has led to many arguments. But such a topic must be discussed openly. Certainly, the exact numbers, programs, lengths, conditions for various programs should be open to debate. But it must be an informed debate or discussion.
Once more: If a Conservative or Nationalist isn’t willing to talk about the FULL SCALE of immigration into the country, there’s no reason to trust anything they say on the subject.
8. Why Go On About This Topic?
Because people need to know the truth about it.
They are being lied to daily by the media, and by politicians. It is a much easier sell to Canadians if they aren’t forced to look at the full numbers. It’s also easier to pitch is the lie is perpetuated that the population is declining and needs a boost.
And to restate, true, not everyone who comes to Canada will stay (regardless of entry class). But most will, given the standard of life here. Our laws allow many such pathways.
In a sense, the UN Global Migration Compact was a diversion and a soft target. EVERYONE was against it, and what it stood for.
Serious question to Canadians: Do you want to replace yourselves?
8. Disclaimer
This is not to state that immigration into Canada has been 1 million/year continuously. Rather, it has been consistently trending upwards, and is now at 1M/year.
>
