(U.S.) HR 61: Bill To Expand Scope Of Hate Crimes Introduced

Remember the mass shooting in Buffalo last year that was supposedly based on the “replacement theory”? It had been predicted that this would lead to more calls for gun control, and it did.

But the other shoe has dropped. House Resolution 61 has been introduced to expand hate crime laws within the U.S., and to specifically target a certain type of crime. It was sponsored by Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee, a Democrat from Texas.

What’s particularly alarming is how many of the terms in this Bill are not clearly defined. (See archive.) This makes it difficult to enforce, but enables it to be selectively applied. In a practical sense: it has the potential to make debate much trickier, and easier to shut down.

Yes, this is in the United States, but something similar could easily come to Canada in the not too distant future. Don’t dismiss the possibility.

To state the obvious: this is only focused on one group of people.

A BILL
To prevent and prosecute white supremacy inspired hate
crime and conspiracy to commit white supremacy in-
spired hate crime and to amend title 18, United States
Code, to expand the scope of hate crimes.

1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
2 tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
3 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
4 This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Leading Against White
5 Supremacy Act of 2023’’.
6 SEC. 2. WHITE SUPREMACY INSPIRED HATE CRIME.
7 (a) IN GENERAL.—A person engages in a white su-
8 premacy inspired hate crime when white supremacy
ide

2
1 ology has motivated the planning, development, prepara-
2 tion, or perpetration of actions that constituted a crime
3 or were undertaken in furtherance of activity that, if effec-
4 tuated, would have constituted a crime.
5 (b) CONSPIRACY.—A conspiracy to engage in white
6 supremacy inspired hate crime shall be determined to
7 exist—

8 (1) between two or more persons engaged in the
9 planning, development, preparation, or perpetration
10 of a white supremacy inspired hate crime
; or
11 (2) between two or more persons—
12 (A) at least one of whom engaged in the
13 planning, development, preparation, or per-
14 petration of a white supremacy inspired hate
15 crime;
and
16 (B) at least one of whom published mate-
17 rial advancing white supremacy, white suprema-
18 cist ideology, antagonism based on ‘‘replace-
19 ment theory’’
, or hate speech that vilifies or is
20 otherwise directed against any non-White per-
21 son or group, and such published material—
22 (i) was published on a social media
23 platform or by other means of publication
24 with the likelihood that it would be viewed
25 by persons who are predisposed to engag-

3
•HR 61 IH
1 ing in any action in furtherance of a white
2 supremacy inspired hate crime, or who are
3 susceptible to being encouraged to engage
4 in actions in furtherance of a white su-
5 premacy inspired hate crime;
6 (ii) could, as determined by a reason-
7 able person, motivate actions by a person
8 predisposed to engaging in a white suprem-
9 acy inspired hate crime or by a person who
10 is susceptible to being encouraged to en-
11 gage in actions relating to a white suprem-
12 acy inspired hate crime
; and
13 (iii) was read, heard, or viewed by a
14 person who engaged in the planning, devel-
15 opment, preparation, or perpetration of a
16 white supremacy inspired hate crime.
17 (c) DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE AUTHORITY, EN-
18 FORCEMENT, MONITORING, AND REPORTING.—The De-
19 partment shall have authority to conduct operations and
20 activities pursuant to this section, specifically—
21 (1) with regard to information or evidence ob-
22 tained by the Department of any action cited in this
23 section, the Department shall have the authority to
24 investigate, intercede, and undertake other actions
25 that it deems necessary and appropriate to interdict,

4
•HR 61 IH
1 mitigate, or prevent such action from culminating in
2 violent activity;
3 (2) the Department shall have the authority to
4 prosecute persons who engaged in actions cited in
5 this section
; and
6 (3) the Uniform Crime Reporting Program in
7 the Department of Justice shall maintain records of
8 white supremacy inspired hate crimes and related
9 actions cited in this section
, and enforcement actions
10 in response thereto.
11 The Department shall provide annual reports to the ap-
12 propriate committees in Congress that shall include infor-
13 mation cited in this paragraph.
14 SEC. 3. CRIMINAL OFFENSE.
15 Section 249(a)(1) of title 18, United States Code, is
16 amended—
17 (1) in the matter preceding subparagraph (A)
18 by inserting after ‘‘race, color, religion, or national
19 origin of any person’’ the following: ‘‘, or because of
20 a white supremacy based motivation against any
21 person’’
; and
22 (2) in subparagraph (B)—
23 (A) in clause (i), by striking ‘‘or’’ at the
24 end;

5
•HR 61 IH
1 (B) in clause (ii), by striking the period
2 and inserting ‘‘; or’’; and
3 (C) by adding at the end the following:
4 ‘‘(iii) the offense was in furtherance of
5 a white supremacy based motivation.’’.
6 SEC. 4. FINDINGS.
7 Section 4702 of the Matthew Shepard and James
8 Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act (18 U.S.C. 249
9 note) is amended by adding at the end the following:
10 ‘‘(11) Mass shootings and other hate crimes
11 motivated by white supremacy
have been increasing
12 in frequency and intensity. These heinous and viru-
13 lent crimes are inspired by conspiracy theories, bla-
14 tant bigotry, and mythical falsehoods such as ‘‘re-
15 placement theory’’
. All instances must be prevented
16 and severe criminal penalties must be applied to
17 their perpetrators.’’.

There is a section in HR 61 that states: Department of Justice shall maintain records of white supremacy inspired hate crimes and related actions cited in this section. Does this mean that groups that talk about the ongoing replacement in the West will be looked at? (As if they aren’t already).

Also, will law enforcement to more than simply monitor and keep records? Will there be active involvement in setting up undercover operations or honeypots?

The Bill also talks about postings on the internet which people who are “susceptible to being encouraged” might read or view the content. This is another slippery slope. It seems designed to force authors to water down whatever they say because of what some random person “might” say or do.

Census data — Government distributed — in countries across the West have shown considerable demographic changes (or replacement, depending on your slant) over the last 60 or so years. Was it racist to have generated this information in the first place? Is it racist to openly and honestly discuss what is happening?

Moreover, the mainstream media has addressed this topic many times in the last few decades. It’s openly predicted that most countries in the West will be majority non-white by the end of this century, if not sooner. This is hardly a secret.

Hate crimes are already illegal in the U.S. So, why is this specific Bill necessary?

To play devil’s advocate here: this could simply be about grandstanding. It wouldn’t be the first time a politician put forth legislation they never planned to advance in order to score points. Then again, it may not be the case.

The vague and undefined definitions and explanations are possibly the worst part, as there are no actual standards to be applied.

(1) https://www.congress.gov/118/bills/hr61/BILLS-118hr61ih.pdf
(2) BILLS 118 House Resolution 61
(3) https://www.congress.gov/member/sheila-jackson-lee/J000032
(4) https://www.npr.org/2022/05/16/1099034094/what-is-the-great-replacement-theory
(5) https://www.businessinsider.com/buffalo-mass-shooting-latest-linked-to-great-replacement-theory-2022-5?op=1

Digital Citizen Contribution Program: Grants Continuing Into 2022

More recent payouts from the Digital Citizen Contribution Program are now available on the Government of Canada website. These are subsidies to promote certain viewpoints and ideologies deemed to be favourable.

Of course, the Digital Democracy Project and the Media Literacy Week are still ongoing. The D.D.P is expected to cost $2.5-million over four years, while the M.L.W. another $225,000 over three years,

As an aside, UNESCO seems to have taken note of Canada’s Digital Citizen Initiative, and dedicated a page to covering it. That’s interesting.

The listings for latest grants include:

NAME YEAR AMOUNT
Alex Wilner and Casey Babb Aug. 10, 2020 $9,900.00
Alperin, Juan P. Apr. 1, 2020 $20,000.00
Apathy Is Boring Project Apr 1, 2022 $50,000.00
Asian Environmental Association – HUA Foundation Apr. 1, 2020 $64,660.00
BILAL Community & Family Centre Aug. 15, 2020 $40,000.00
Calgary Animated Objects Society Aug. 1, 2020 $40,000.00
Centre for Democracy and Development Oct. 22, 2018 $49,420.00
The Centre For Israel And Jewish Affairs Sep. 1, 2020 $38,000.00
Côté, Catherine Mar. 22, 2020 $8,000.00
Chun, Wendy H.K. Apr. 1, 2020 $20,000.00
CIVIX Nov. 15, 2018 $23,000.00
CIVIX Apr 1, 2022 $1,000,000.00
Colasante, Tyler Jan. 1, 2020 $10,000.00
Concordia University Oct. 1, 2020 $39,270.00
Concordia University Aug 1, 2021 $90,536.00
Concordia University Apr 30, 2022 $50,000.00
Conflict And Resilience Research Institute Apr 1, 2022 $47,500.00
Daveed Gartenstein-Ross, David Jones Dec. 17, 2019 $49,916.00
David Morin, Marie-Ève Carignan Dec. 4, 2020 $44,838.00
Digital Public Square Mar. 1, 2020 $679,176.00
Digital Public Square May 1, 2022 $999,970.00
Disinfowatch Apr 4, 2022 $49,800.00
Evans, Jennifer V. Apr. 1, 2020 $20,000.00
Evidence For Democracy May 1, 2022 $47,500.00
Fleerackers, Alice L. Jan. 1, 2020 $10,000.00
Gingras, Marie-Pier Jan. 1, 2020 $10,000.00
Grisdale, Sean E. Jan. 1, 2020 $10,000.00
Historica Canada Jun 1, 2022 $50,000.00
Hodson, Jaigris N. Apr. 1, 2020 $20,000.00
Indigenous Culture And Media Innovations Aug 1, 2021 $100,000.00
Institute For Canadian Citizenship Mar. 24, 2020 $490,880.00
Institute For Democracy, Media & Culture Jul. 27, 2020 $35,750.00
Institute On Governance Oct. 1, 2020 $100,000.00
International Republican Institute Mar. 15, 2019 $2,973,531.00
Internews Network Mar. 19, 2020 $3,172,323.00
Institut Canadien De Recherche Sur Les Minorités Linguistiques Aug 2, 2021 $100,000.00
IRIS Communications Oct. 1, 2020 $99,500.00
JHR – Journalists for Human Rights Jun. 1, 2019 $250,691.00
JHR – Journalists for Human Rights Jul. 14, 2020 $1,479,856.00
Ketchum, Alexandra D. Mar. 22, 2020 $23,455.00
Kingdom Acts Foundation Sep. 1, 2020 $70,500.00
Lavigne, Mathieu Jan. 1, 2020 $10,000.00
Lennox, Rebecca Jan. 1, 2020 $10,000.00
Les 3 Sex/The 3 Sex Aug 30, 2021 $100,000.00
Macewan University Nov. 1, 2020 $69,000.00
Mack, Amy C. Jan. 1, 2020 $10,000.00
Magazines Canada May 15, 2019 $63,000.00
Manchester Metropolitan University Feb. 1, 2020 $214,837.00
Matthews, Kyle Apr. 20, 2020 $33,377.00
McLevey, John V.P. Apr. 1, 2020 $20,000.00
Mediasmarts Apr 1, 2022 $50,000.00
Moisse, Katie Mar. 22, 2020 $13,417.00
Nathalie Furrer Aug. 10, 2020 $10,000.00
Nelson, Kim A. Mar. 22, 2020 $24,498.00
Neubauer, Robert J. Jan. 1, 2020 $10,000.00
Org. For Economic Co-Operation/Development Oct 15, 2021 $40,000.00
PeaceGeeks Society Nov. 11, 2015 $46,200.00
Pennycook, Gordon R. Apr. 1, 2020 $20,000.00
QuantSpark Foundation Feb. 26, 2020 $1,155,622.00
Royal Institution For The Advancement Of Learning Jul 1, 2022 $50,000.00
Rupantar Oct. 28, 2018 $24,996.00
Ruslan Stefanov, Director, Jul. 3, 2018 $15,000.00
Ryerson University Apr. 1, 2019 $290,250.00
Ryerson University Jan. 1, 2020 $225,300.00
Ryerson University Sep. 18, 2020 $97,407.00
Ryerson University May 1, 2022 $50,000.00
Science North Sep. 1, 2020 $40,000.00
Simon Fraser University Jan. 19, 2019 $28,750.00
Simon Fraser University – Int’l Cybercrime Research Oct. 1, 2020 $96,600.00
Taylor, Emily Jan. 1, 2020 $33,250.00
Trybun Jan. 21, 2019 $7,114.00
Universite De Montreal Faculte Des Sciences Sep 1, 2021 $92,000.00
University Of Alberta Jul 1, 2021 $99,948.00
University Of Toronto Sep 1, 2021 $58,728.00
University Of Waterloo Jul 2, 2021 $100,000.00
Young, Hilary A.N. Apr. 1, 2020 $20,000.00
York University Nov. 1, 2020 $99,956.00

Note: since this list was originally used, it seems a few of the names have been reclassified (as to whether they are part of the DCCP). Nonetheless, these are all still projects that were funded by public tax dollars. Now, what areas are being funded?

(a) First research projects call for proposals (closed November 1, 2019)
This call for proposals sought projects that met at least 1 of the following priorities:

-research projects, where activities have a positive domestic impact on Canada or Canadians, and include primary research, such as surveys, interviews, field experiments, or lab-based experiments, as well as secondary research such as literature reviews and meta-analyses; production and analysis of datasets; and creation of tools such as software programs to support research
-evaluation projects, where activities will seek to evaluate the impact of existing Canadian or international programming and research addressing disinformation and other online harms

(b) Second research projects call for proposals (closed on September 18, 2020)
This call for proposals sought projects that met at least 1 of the following priorities, with a maximum funding ask of $100,000/project:

-projects that aim to map/predict the next issues and/or types of online disinformation and other related harms that Canada and/or Canadians might face, how they could be tackled, and by whom
-projects that aim to help better understand the impact of disinformation and related harms on diverse and marginalized communities in Canada, with a gender-based analysis lens
-projects that aim to understand the societal factors and psychological characteristics that motivate individuals to take up the call for online and offline disinformation related activities
-projects that aim to understand the impacts of a lack of exposure to diverse content online, including understanding how users access reliable news and information in Canada, as well as the impacts of algorithmic systems on the content users are exposed to and consume on online platforms

(c) Third research projects call for proposals (closed on May 28, 2021)
This call for proposals sought projects that met at least 1 of the following priorities, and under this call, successful recipients received funding up to $100,000:

-projects that aims to understand the role of algorithms, artificial intelligence, and other system-level factors on mainstream and fringe online platforms as they pertain to the spread, uptake, and impacts of disinformation and related harms, including on user behaviour and content consumption, and their potential uses towards a diverse and healthy information ecosystem;
-projects that aims to understand the domestic and transnational spread, evolution, and impacts of online disinformation and related harms through and on diaspora, Indigenous, and non-English primary language communities in Canada using a GBA+ lens, including impacts on societal outcomes; or
-projects that aims to evaluate existing Canadian or international research and programming related to online disinformation and their effectiveness in furthering positive societal outcomes, such as citizen resilience, social inclusion, media literacy, and participation and trust in democratic processes.

(d) Special COVID-19 calls (closed July 31, 2020)
The Digital Citizen Contribution launched 2 special COVID-19 calls for proposals. The first call provided up to $3.5 million in funding to amplify the efforts of 10 organizations supporting citizens to think critically about the health information they find online, to identify mis- and disinformation, and limit the impact of racist and/or misleading social media posts relating to the COVID-19 pandemic.

The second call also aimed to amplify the efforts of organizations supporting citizens to think critically about the health information they find online, to identify mis- and disinformation, and limit the impact of racist and/or misleading social media posts relating to the COVID-19 pandemic. This call provided time-limited financial assistance to 24 projects of up to $40,000 per project.

(e) Special Ukraine Crisis Call (closed on April 1, 2022)
In the light of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, this special call is aimed to address the growing spread of harmful misinformation and disinformation. The special targeted call was launched to fund initiatives that help people identify misinformation and disinformation online.

As the pandemic continues into its third year and the Russian invasion of Ukraine now threatens democracies around the world, we need to do more to counter the growing spread of harmful misinformation and disinformation. Today, the Honourable Pablo Rodriguez, Minister of Canadian Heritage, announced the launch of a special, targeted call for proposals totalling $2.5 million to fund initiatives that help people identify misinformation and disinformation online.

Through the Government’s Digital Citizen Initiative (DCI), Canadians can respond and help in the global efforts to counter misinformation and disinformation. The DCI supports democracy and social cohesion in Canada by building citizen resilience against misinformation and disinformation, and building partnerships to support a healthy digital information society.

Of course, there’s no mention that the authorities themselves routinely engage in misinformation and outright deception.

Not only are mainstream outlets controlled and funded by Government, but these grants make it difficult to trust anyone. Even independents may be suspect if they are dependent on money from interested parties.

(1) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/
(2) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/?sort=agreement_start_date+desc&page=2&search_text=%22digital+citizen+contribution+program%22
(3) https://www.canada.ca/en/canadian-heritage/news/2022/03/government-of-canada-reinforces-support-to-organizations-to-help-counter-harmful-disinformation.html
(4) https://ppforum.ca/articles/digital-democracy-project-to-examine-online-disinformation/
(5) https://mediasmarts.ca/media-literacy-week
(6) https://en.unesco.org/creativity/policy-monitoring-platform/digital-citizen-initiative
(7) https://canucklaw.ca/digital-citizen-contribution-program/
(8) https://canucklaw.ca/digital-citizen-contribution-program-next-round-of-grants/
(9) https://canucklaw.ca/digital-citizen-contribution-program-the-paris-call/

Nova Scotia FOI: Response On Adverse Effects, Reactions, And “Messaging”

Shelly is back at it again, trying to get information from the regime of Robert Strang.

The latest find involves adverse effects and “messaging” that public officials are expected to undertake. It’s actually quite sickening to read it. Here is what was requested:

Amended September 21, 2022: Copies of all records such as correspondence (emails, and letters) reports and documents sent to/given to/ reported to/received by Dr. Robert Strang from doctors, pharmacies, medical officers, hospital administration, long term care and nursing home administration – on the topic of COVID-19 vaccine adverse events/side-effects and deaths that have occurred since it was rolled out in our province. This would include correspondence and reports on adverse events and deaths that are temporally associated with vaccine that have not been clearly attributed to other causes that Dr. Robert Strang has had in his possession. (Date Range for Record Search: amended to Dec 7, 2020-June 7, 2021)

However, sections of the release — and certain names — were redacted because:

  • Section 14: advice by or for a public body or minister. 14(1): The head of a public body may refuse to disclose to an applicant information that would reveal advice, recommendations or draft regulations developed by or for a public body or a minister.
  • Section 20: unreasonable invasion of personal privacy. 20(1): The head of a public body shall refuse to disclose personal information to an applicant if the disclosure would be an unreasonable invasion of a third party’s personal privacy.

Looking through the release package, there are other questions that need to be asked.

(On page 4) it states that “vaccines are thought to offer” maximum protection after 14 days. Perhaps this is overanalyzing, but it comes across as just guessing and speculation.

(On page 7) it was already being reported in January 2021 that people were getting Bell’s Palsy. Instead of pulling the vaccines, there was “messaging” underway to convince the public that it was no big deal.

(On page 26) it’s tacitly admitted that they don’t have any long term data on their test subjects. Apparently, they are to be followed and monitored for 2 years after the fact. That’s fine on its own, but shouldn’t the lack of testing have been made public from the beginning?

If it wasn’t obvious already, officials in Nova Scotia are essentially actors reading from a script. They have been coached on what to say, and how to address inevitable concern from the public. Decide for yourself if this amounts to meaningful transparency.

A death due to COVID-19 is defined for surveillance purposes as a death resulting from a clinically compatible illness, in a probable or confirmed COVID-19 case, unless there is a clear alternative cause of death that cannot be related to COVID disease (e.g. trauma). There should be no period of complete recovery from COVID-19 between illness and death.

The bogus definition of a “covid death” has been covered here before. There’s no way to describe this other than as fraud.

There’s also this minor issue that this so-called virus has ever been proven to exist. If you haven’t yet seen Christine Massey’s work, it’s available online.

(1) 2022-01349-HEA Decision Letter Messaging
(2) 2022-01349-HEA Release Copy Messaging
(3) https://shellyhipson.ca
(4) https://www.fluoridefreepeel.ca/fois-reveal-that-health-science-institutions-around-the-world-have-no-record-of-sars-cov-2-isolation-purification/

OTHER ARTICLES BASED ON SHELLY’S FOIA WORK:
(1) https://canucklaw.ca/nova-scotia-foi-response-tacitly-admits-there-is-no-wave-of-hospitalizations/
(2) https://canucklaw.ca/nova-scotia-foi-result-province-refuses-to-turn-over-data-studies/
(3) https://canucklaw.ca/more-foi-requests-from-nova-scotia-trying-to-get-answers-on-this-pandemic/
(4) https://canucklaw.ca/nova-scotia-foi-request-shows-province-reduced-icu-capacity-in-recent-years/
(5) https://canucklaw.ca/nova-scotia-foi-shows-province-has-no-evidence-asymptomatic/
(6) https://canucklaw.ca/nova-scotia-foi-province-refuses-to-turn-over-contract/
(7) https://canucklaw.ca/nova-scotia-foi-19-1-million-spent-on/
(8) https://canucklaw.ca/nova-scotia-foi-no-real-increase-in-deaths-due-to-pandemic/
(9) https://canucklaw.ca/nova-scotia-foi-more-deaths-as-vaccination-numbers-climb/
(10) https://canucklaw.ca/nova-scotia-foi-govt-data-on-deaths-by-age-vaxx-status/
(11) https://canucklaw.ca/nova-scotia-foi-another-data-dump-on-cases-vaxx-rates/
(12) https://canucklaw.ca/nova-scotia-fois-miscellaneous-findings-on/
(13) https://canucklaw.ca/nova-scotia-foi-cant-be-bothered-with-pfizer-docs/
(14) https://canucklaw.ca/nova-scotia-foi-pfizer-docs-aefi-deaths-weather-modification/

Union Collective Agreement Causes BCSC Judge To Throw Out Vaccine Mandate Case

Recently, a B.C. Supreme Court Justice threw out a case involving several former employees working for the City of Quesnel. They sued the City, the City Manager, and the Province of British Columbia for attempting to force them into taking certain “injections”, to protect against an imaginary disease.

This case wasn’t decided on its merits. Instead, it came down to a lack of jurisdiction. The Plaintiffs had hoped the Court would be able to fix their problems. They were all part of the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE), which probably did nothing to advance their interests.

However, there are several sections of the B.C. Labour Relations Code which have made this lawsuit impossible to advance. Specifically, as union employees with the City of Quesnel, they are prohibited from taking this to Court. Their union and collective bargaining agreements state there are different remedies.

Consequently, the Defendants brought an Application to Strike based on Section 9-5 of the B.C. Rules of Civil Proceedure. Given the terms of the collective agreement, it was argued that there was no cause of action against Quesnel.

This is not to justify (in any way) attempting to coerce the clot-shots. But the regulations make it inevitable that no court case would proceed.

It goes something like this: City employees are required to bring their issues up in the form of a grievance. If there still isn’t satisfaction, then the next step is arbitration. There are then limited avenues to appeal the outcome of arbitration, if it was unfair.

Effect of certification
27(1) If a trade union is certified as the bargaining agent for an appropriate bargaining unit,
.
(a) it has exclusive authority to bargain collectively for the unit and to bind it by a collective agreement until the certification is cancelled,
(b) if another trade union has been certified as the bargaining agent for the unit, the certification of that other trade union is cancelled for the unit, and
(c) if a collective agreement binding on the unit is in force at the date of certification, the agreement remains in force.

Section 84 gets into dismissal and arbitration. Every collective agreement has to address this in some form or another. Although the terms of dismissal and discipline vary considerably, something must still be put into writing.

Dismissal or arbitration provision
84(1) Every collective agreement must contain a provision governing dismissal or discipline of an employee bound by the agreement, and that or another provision must require that the employer have a just and reasonable cause for dismissal or discipline of an employee, but this section does not prohibit the parties to a collective agreement from including in it a different provision for employment of certain employees on a probationary basis.
.
(2) Every collective agreement must contain a provision for final and conclusive settlement without stoppage of work, by arbitration or another method agreed to by the parties, of all disputes between the persons bound by the agreement respecting its interpretation, application, operation or alleged violation, including a question as to whether a matter is arbitrable.

Section 89 of the Act gives an arbitration board the final say to impose a remedy.

Unfortunately, this is hardly unique. Most (if not all) public sector employee unions have some sort of clause which mandates grievances and arbitration as an alternative to Court. But in fairness, it’s doubtful that any of these were drafted with this specific issue in mind.

The employees argued that the circumstances of this case were an exception to the requirements that would have them go through other processes. However, that argument was rejected.

They also brought up the idea that pressuring employees to take this drug would amount to assault under the Criminal Code of Canada. That fell apart when it was pointed out that civil remedies for criminal allegations weren’t possible. Additionally, none of the Plaintiffs actually took the shots.

The Claim against the Province was struck on the basis that it “does not allege the existence of any employment relationship between the province and the plaintiffs”. The counter argument was that the vaccine mandates came from the Province itself.

The Plaintiffs did try to remove the City Manager from the case. But they didn’t seek an Order under Rule 6-2(7) of B.C. Civil Procedure. As such, he remained as a Defendant, and would now be able to seek costs.

All in all, the ruling is disappointing, but not a huge surprise. Unions typically have agreements which limit the ability of employees to seek legal action in Court. The only way to get into Court would be a limited scope to appeal if arbitration was unfair or biased.

But being pressured into taking certain drugs probably isn’t what the people who wrote these agreements had in mind.

(1) https://www.bccourts.ca/jdb-txt/sc/22/20/2022BCSC2003.htm
(2) https://www.canlii.org/en/bc/bcsc/doc/2022/2022bcsc2003/2022bcsc2003.html
(3) https://www.canlii.org/en/bc/bcsc/doc/2022/2022bcsc2003/2022bcsc2003.pdf
(4) https://www.canlii.org/en/bc/laws/regu/bc-reg-168-2009/latest/bc-reg-168-2009.html
(5) https://www.canlii.org/en/bc/laws/stat/rsbc-1996-c-244/latest/rsbc-1996-c-244.html
(6) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/laws/stat/rsc-1985-c-c-46/latest/rsc-1985-c-c-46.html#sec265_smooth

Canadian Parliament Has Hearings On Veteran Allegedly Offered Assisted Suicide

In August 2022, a scandal broke where it was claimed that Veterans Affairs Canada had offered medical assistance in dying (MAiD, or euthanasia), to a veteran that called in with PTSD. Understandably, this caused quite the uproar.

What makes this worse is that it apparently wasn’t just a one-time event. There are several cases that have now been reported.

Now, hearings are going on in Parliament about the issue. However, the response isn’t really one that would satisfy most people. It seems that the Government doesn’t ideologically object to members of the Canadian Forces taking their lives. Instead, it shouldn’t be offered.

If there are technical details about it (such as pensions and benefits), then that’s okay to address.

From the hearings and the transcripts provided, this doesn’t appear taken out of context.


(Time approx 16:01 in video). The hearing is interesting as the only issue seems to be with Veterans’ Affairs suggesting assisted suicide in the first place. If this topic is brought up, it’s to be referred to a supervisor.


(From 17:16 in the same video). While this may be well intentioned, it comes across as rather cold. “Talk to your doctor” seems to be a poor way to treat people (veterans) who are seriously considering this option.

It’s unclear when the Committee will eventually release their report, or even what would be contained in it. But these were all-party meetings.

With the expansion of assisted suicide in Canada, it shouldn’t come as a surprise that it would be offered to members of the armed forces. This was never intended to be limited to people suffering with terminal illnesses.

Members of the Committee:

  • Sean Casey (LPC)
  • Emmanuel Dubourg (LPC)
  • Wilson Miao (LPC)
  • Churence Rogers (LPC)
  • Darrell Samson (LPC)
  • Rechie Valdez (LPC)
  • Terry Dowdall (CPC)
  • Blake Richards (CPC)
  • Fraser Tolmie (CPC)
  • Cathay Wagantall (CPC)
  • Luc Desilets (BQ)
  • Rachel Blaney (NDP)

Is this okay as long as Veterans Affairs doesn’t bring it up? It’s explained that the department has no authority on this topic. Fine, but isn’t looking after vulnerable people (both physically and mentally vulnerable) a role that the organization is supposed to do?

How is this considered health care?
Or looking after veterans?

(1) https://americanmilitarynews.com/2022/08/canadas-veterans-affairs-offers-assisted-suicide-to-veteran-with-ptsd/
(2) https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/veterans-maid-rcmp-investigation-1.6663885
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/ACVA/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=11850743
(4) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/ACVA/meeting-22/minutes
(5) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/ACVA/meeting-22/evidence
(6) https://parlvu.parl.gc.ca/Harmony/en/PowerBrowser/PowerBrowserV2/20221020/-1/37828?gefdesc=&startposition=20221020160031
(7) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/ACVA/meeting-23/evidence

Some Thoughts On The Fine Line Between Awakening And Demoralizing

This piece is going to be different than what’s normally covered.

The above meme is of Yuri Bezmenov, a Soviet defector. He became famous decades ago for his talks on subversion and demoralization. Even when presented with hard evidence, demoralized people can be unable to see reality. Videos are widely available online.

A criticism that often comes up here is that it’s unproductive to expose a problem without proposing an alternative to it. At some point, trying to wake up a group of people devolves into depression and demoralization, where there’s no obvious solution to anything. Even when alternatives exist on paper, they seem completely impractical to implement.

Another comparison may be between “red-pilling” v.s. “black-pilling”.

A common instance where this comes up is with the problem-reaction-solution scenarios, or the Hegelian Dialectic. This is when it seems that the outcomes are prearranged, and to a degree, they are. It’s challenging to accept answers if it looks planned in advance.

What issues are important? Take a look around this site, and see what things are addressed.

There is a valid point to the notion that harsh doses of reality are needed. In order to come to sensible conclusions, it’s important to know just how bad a problem is. Sugar coating the depth of an issue does nothing to properly correct it. Is there any obligation to offer an alternative, or is pointing out the truth enough on its own?

But the flip side is that completely destroying people’s spirits by showing the depth of a situation may not be that helpful. Outlining in vivid detail how hopeless a situation is will be soul crushing. What’s the point of demonstrating the ugly truth if everyone feels powerless to fix it? Doesn’t draining the will to fight effectively lead to their defeat?

Reality and hopium cannot exist separately. At some point, we need both.

So, where do we draw the line?

I don’t have a clear answer to this, and don’t know if anyone does. Being a truther means going down all kinds of rabbit holes, and discovering incredible things. However, there are undeniable consequences for people who get into this. Constantly being suspicious of everything and everyone gets very tiring. It’s extremely time consuming and not a good way to live.

Anyhow, these are just some random thoughts on the subject.

As always, feedback is appreciated.