Never Again: NDP MP Leah Gazan’s Rationale Behind Banning Residential School “Denialism”

A year ago, NDP Member of Parliament for Winnipeg Centre, Leah Gazan, made the news with calls to formally make illegal so-called residential school “denialism”.

October 2022, she got a Motion passed unanimously to formally recognize that genocide had taken place at residential schools in Canada.

In any event, recent tweets, here and here, shine light on her rationale for doing this. She draws a parallel between Holocaust denial, and this. And her solution is exactly the same: to make it illegal to publicly deny that it happened.

This Canadian Jewish Heritage Month, I commemorate my grandfather, David Gazan, who served in the Dutch Army during WWII, my grandmother, Gina Gazan, a concentration camp survivor, and my father, Albert Gazan, a Holocaust survivor and lifelong peace activist. (1/2)

We must stand together against rising antisemitic rhetoric and hate groups. We must remember the lessons of the Holocaust and the legacy of hate and discrimination that allowed it to happen. Never again means never again for anyone. (2/2)

However, Gazan posts this on her website, which really throws things for a loop.

Urgent Action Needed on the Humanitarian Crisis in Palestine

Israel’s devastating bombardment of Gaza following the horrific Oct. 7 attack by Hamas on Israeli civilians has led to a humanitarian crisis that requires immediate action. At the time of writing, more than 22,000 people are confirmed killed in Gaza, more than 58,000 injured, and another 7,000 are missing under the rubble. Nearly half of those killed in Gaza were children, and 79 journalists and media workers have been killed. 1.9 million have been displaced by the destruction of critical infrastructure.

The Israeli blockade on fuel, food, water, and medicine is causing dehydration, starvation, and the unmitigated spread of disease among civilian populations. Women are being forced to give birth without electricity or medication, and surgeries are being performed without anesthesia.

For decades, Palestinians have been subjected to occupation, eviction from their homes, the annexation of their land, and the expansion of illegal settlements.

Even though Gazan supports criminalizing the act of “Residential School denialism”, and presumably “Holocaust denial” as well, she openly calls out what’s been going on for decades by Israel.

It’s also interesting that Gazan repeatedly denounces antisemitism. Such comments about Israel and the Middle East lead to similar accusations about her. She’s often labelled a Hamas sympathizer.

April 30th, Gazan retweeted António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations. Concerning the Middle East, he stated: “Independent investigators must be allowed immediate access. The families of the dead have a right to know what happened”. That certainly sounds reasonable, but by Gazan’s own standards, such comments would be hate speech if said in Canada.

She calls out genocide, but wants to make it illegal to question?!

Gazan also promotes her own Bill C-223, which would establish a framework for U.B.I., or universal basic income. Seems a bit odd that she wants a country that she alleges committed genocide to provide everyone with free money.

Last year, Gazan publicly called for the Federal Government to “protect and uphold the right to travel for refugees and former refugees”. Bearing in mind that they’re already free to move within Canada, this presumably means the freedom to visit other countries. Or to return to where they’re being persecuted. She also references 2020/2021, when Canadians weren’t free to travel.

Gazan is an enthusiastic supporter of abortion and women’s rights. While supporting social programs for children, it’s also a human right to terminate pregnancies at will.

Gazan is definitely a hard one to figure out.

Will “conservatives” take a principled stand on free speech? Doubtful. In 2022, Kevin Waugh introduced Bill C-250 to JAIL Holocaust deniers. It was also proudly displayed on the CPC website, but later removed. See the archive. But because of Division 21 in Bill C-19, Waugh’s version soon became redundant. As for these specific efforts:

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre’s spokesman Sebastian Skamski has not yet responded to a request about whether the Tories would support a push to criminalize residential school denialism.

When asked specifically about criminalizing “residential school denialism”, Poilievre hasn’t given a straight answer. There was no indignation at such an attack on free speech. But if he were logically consistent, he’d support such legislation.

We’ll have to see if it ever actually emerges. For now, it’s just talk. However, that can change quite quickly, and can always be buried in an omnibus bill.

(1) https://twitter.com/LeahGazan/status/1585726302044229632
(2) https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/should-residential-school-denialism-declared-hate-speech-1.6744100
(3) https://twitter.com/LeahGazan/status/1786107789196288306
(4) https://twitter.com/LeahGazan/status/1786107791511601274
(5) https://www.leahgazan.ca/palestine_feedback
(6) https://twitter.com/antonioguterres/status/1785394742391402660
(7) https://www.leahgazan.ca/support223
(8) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/44-1/c-223
(9) https://www.leahgazan.ca/right_to_travel
(10) https://www.leahgazan.ca/statement-fredericton-abortion-clinic-closure
(11) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/44-1/c-250
(12) https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/bill/C-19/royal-assent
(13) https://www.ctvnews.ca/politics/special-interlocutor-waiting-for-mp-bill-criminalizing-residential-school-denialism-1.6661615

B.C. Bill 23: Whites Prohibited From Serving On “Anti-Racism” Committee

A few days ago, Bill 23 was introduced in the British Columbia Legislature. This is the so-called “Anti-Racism Act”, and it’s every bit as bad as can be expected.

It was introduced by Josie Osborne, who is the Minister of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation. It’s unclear why she would be doing this, as it appears to have nothing to do with her portfolio.

What are the goals of this Act?

2 This Act must be administered and interpreted in accordance with the following principles:
.
(a) systemic racism, systemic racism specific to Indigenous peoples and racial inequity are harming individuals and communities in British Columbia and require urgent action;
.
(b) actions to identify and eliminate systemic racism and systemic racism specific to Indigenous peoples, and advance racial equity, in programs, services, policies and laws should be informed by data;
.
(c) in taking action to identify and eliminate systemic racism and advance racial equity, consideration must be given to the ways in which an individual’s intersecting identities, including, without limitation, gender identity or expression, sexual orientation, sex or religion, or an individual’s physical or mental disability, result in unique experiences of, or an increased risk of experiencing, systemic racism and racial inequity;
.
(d) consultation and cooperation with Indigenous peoples, acknowledging the rights, interests, priorities and concerns that are specific to First Nations peoples, Métis peoples and Inuit peoples, based on distinctions among them, is essential to the identification and elimination of systemic racism specific to Indigenous peoples and the advancement of racial equity and the implementation of this Act;
.
(e) engagement with racialized communities in British Columbia is essential to the identification and elimination of systemic racism and the advancement of racial equity and the implementation of this Act;
.
(f) investment in programs and services is needed to support healing for individuals and communities harmed by systemic racism, systemic racism specific to Indigenous peoples and racial inequity.

Even though “racial equity” is listed throughout the Bill’s principles, it isn’t actually defined. Best guess, it’s a push for some sort of affirmative action or quota system.

This sort of practice has long existed in employment and post secondary education. In theory, it could easily extend to other areas.

Section 5 of the Bill gets into the makeup of the Committee that will be reporting back to the Legislature. And it immediately becomes clear who isn’t welcome here.

Provincial Committee on Anti-Racism
5 (1) The minister must establish a Provincial Committee on Anti-Racism.
(2) The minister must appoint at least 7 and not more than 11 members to the committee.

(3) All members must be individuals who
(a) are racialized, and

(b) have expertise in working to eliminate systemic racism and advance racial equity.

(4) The committee must include the following as members:
(a) at least 2 individuals who represent organizations that support racialized individuals or communities;
(b) at least 2 individuals who have expertise in systems thinking theory and practice;
(c) at least 2 individuals who have expertise in the development and delivery of anti-racism training curricula.

Clause 5(3)(a) is very telling. In a Bill that claims to be fighting racism, the official policy is “whites need not apply”. Have to say, that sounds rather…. racist.

Clause 5(4)(b) is another one to wonder about. What are the “systems” that need to be implemented or changed? Will we be heading towards South Africa style apartheid?

It’s hard to tell at this point whether this will largely just result in slush funds being handed out to certain groups, or if it will be much worse.

Like many (or most) pieces of legislation in Canada, the B.C. Anti-Racism Act is backdoored with “regulations”. In practice, it means that major changes can be made without having to go back to the Legislature.

Regulations
31 (1) The Lieutenant Governor in Council may make regulations referred to in section 41 [powers to make regulations] of the Interpretation Act.

(2) Without limiting subsection (1), the Lieutenant Governor in Council may make regulations as follows:
(a) respecting accessible formats for documents published under this Act;
(b) respecting anti-racism assessments and the anti-racism assessment framework developed under section 9 (1) (a) [duties of government] or 15 (1) (a) [duties of committee], including, without limitation, respecting
(i) the form and content of anti-racism assessments, and
(ii) the frequency with which anti-racism assessments must be carried out;
(c) respecting anti-racism training curricula and anti-racism training and the standards, targets and indicators set by the government under section 9 (1) (b) and (c) or by the committee under section 15 (1) (b) and (c);
(d) for the purposes of section 11 (4) (b) [actions against Indigenous-specific systemic racism], establishing requirements in relation to the receipt and use of information referred to in section 11 (3) (e);
(e) for the purposes of section 17 (4) (b) [actions against systemic racism], establishing requirements in relation to the receipt and use of information referred to in section 17 (3) (f);
(f) respecting grants under section 29 [minister may provide grant], including, without limitation,
(i) restricting the purposes, amounts or recipients of those grants, and
(ii) respecting the terms and conditions on which the grants may or must be given.

(3) A regulation under this Act may do one or more of the following:
(a) delegate a matter to a person;
(b) confer a discretion on a person;
(c) establish or define groups or categories of public bodies, persons, things, circumstances or other matters;
(d) make different regulations in relation to different public bodies, persons, things, circumstances or other matters, or for different groups or categories of public bodies, persons, things, circumstances or other matters.

Not only are the terms vague and undefined, but the details will be worked out in secret. Assuming this Bill is passed, then only afterwards will it all come out.

The obvious questions include: What sort of regulations will be coming in the near future? Who will be deciding what regulatory changes happen? Will there be any mechanism to challenge such measures? What kind of “discretion” will be handed out to other people or groups?

Affiliation of Multicultural Societies and Service Agencies of BC
The Immigrant Services Society of BC

In the B.C. Lobbying Registry, a few names get flagged when searching anti-racism. Unsurprisingly, both groups receive large amounts of money from taxpayers.

Considering the NDP has a majority in the Province, the legislation will likely pass. Then again, it’s not like the Liberals are much of an opposition party anyway.

(1) https://bcndpcaucus.ca/mla/josie-osborne/
(2) https://www.leg.bc.ca/
(3) https://www.leg.bc.ca/parliamentary-business/legislation-debates-proceedings/42nd-parliament/5th-session/bills
(4) https://www.leg.bc.ca/parliamentary-business/legislation-debates-proceedings/42nd-parliament/5th-session/bills/progress-of-bills
(5) https://www.lobbyistsregistrar.bc.ca/
(6) https://www.lobbyistsregistrar.bc.ca/app/secure/orl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=3739&regId=56571325
(7) https://www.lobbyistsregistrar.bc.ca/app/secure/orl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=4629&regId=56572243

Egale Canada, Registered Charity Getting Public Money

This is a follow up on Egale Canada. For the earlier critique of their work, see this piece. This time, we get a bit heavier into the financial side of things, and see how big things really are. Remember, your tax dollars are helping to finance this, regardless of personal views.

As an aside, Egale received $513,801 from CEWS, the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy, back in 2020. It got another $35,779 in 2021. Interesting priorities.

From its publicly available filings, it’s clear that after 2012, Canadian taxpayers are financing this organization to a great degree. And that doesn’t even factor in the rebates that private donors receive from Revenue Canada.

YEAR TOTAL $ GOV’T OTHER % GOV’T EXPENSES
2006 $40,123 $2,507 $37,616 6.2 % $15,193
2007 $24,644 $0 $24,644 0.0 % $18,777
2008 $53,154 $6,578 $46,576 12.4 % $61,661
2009 $106,471 $0 $106,471 0.0 % $104,518
2010 $259,365 $0 $259,365 0.0 % $209,962
2011 $464,975 $0 $464,975 0.0 % $408,782
2012 $707,761 $345,963 $361,798 48.9% $690,912
2013 $1,801,607 $1,290,184 $511,423 71.6 % $1,808,589
2014 $1,704,083 $910,500 $793,583 46.6 % $1,728,727
2015 $2,014,901 $887,075 $1,127,826 44.0 % $2,013,484
2016 $2,798,237 $1,154,301 $1,643,936 41.3 % $2,311,837
2017 $3,851,872 $1,132,350 $2,719,522 29.4 % $3,578,714
2018 $3,704,557 $3,524,832 $179,725 95.1 % $3,916,554
2019 $4,095,433 $3,831,557 $263,876 93.6 % $4,043,359
2020 $2,833,582 $2,637,412 $196,170 93.1 % $2,754,446
2021 $3,635,394 $1,891,479 $1,743,915 52.0 % $3,595,380
2022 $4,763,496 $3,163,263 $1,600193 66.4 % $4,615,041

There are some discrepancies with the data copied from the C.R.A. website, as it appears that not all of the same categories are listed in the “short version”. Notably, CEWS isn’t included. The categories also aren’t consistent across the years, so we’ll do our best.

Note: the form for 2007 is incomplete. However, the assets listed in 2006 were totaled at $50,783. In 2007, it was given at $56,650. From that, we will assume that the change will be the difference in revenue and expenses for that year.

Equity (worth) = assets – liabilities
$56,650 – $50,783 = new revenue – $18,777
From this, assume 2007 revenue was ~ $24,644

For the years 2018 and 2019, the itemized lists lump various Government and private funding grants together, in terms of the source. However, the overall totals are the same.

Egale is raising in revenue about 100 times that rate it did less than 20 years ago. In fairness, increases in Government (or taxpayer) money has helped a lot. Assuming these records are fairly accurate, this organization has certainly been growing.

Although it would be nice to blame this on Trudeau, the growth long predates him. And the majority of Government funding appears to have been from Ontario (which is Provincial) anyway.

While Government funding costs a straight 100%, donations from private groups and individuals aren’t free either. Specifically, they are eligible for rebates from the C.R.A. of around 40 to 45 cents on the dollar.

Considering the kinds of causes that Egale takes on, is this a prudent use of public money?

CHARITY DESIGNATION WITH C.R.A., TAX INFO:
(1) https://apps.cra-arc.gc.ca/ebci/hacc/srch/pub/dsplyRprtngPrd?q.srchNmFltr=egale+canada&q.stts=0007&selectedCharityBn=888561065RR0001&dsrdPg=1
(2) Egale 2006 Tax Information Redacted
(3) Egale 2007 Tax Information Redacted
(4) Egale 2008 Tax Information Redacted
(5) Egale 2009 Tax Information Redacted
(6) Egale 2010 Tax Information Redacted
(7) Egale 2011 Tax Information Redacted
(8) Egale 2012 Tax Information Redacted
(9) Egale 2013 Tax Information Redacted
(10) Egale 2014 Tax Information Redacted
(11) Egale 2015 Tax Information Redacted
(12) Egale 2016 Tax Information Redacted
(13) Egale 2017 Tax Information Redacted
(14) Egale 2018 Tax Information Redacted
(15) Egale 2019 Tax Information Redacted
(16) Egale 2020 Tax Information Redacted
(17) Egale 2021 Tax Information Redacted
(18) Egale 2022 Tax Information Redacted

PARLIAMENTARY TESTIMONY, BILL C-22: (Raising Age Of Consent From 14 To 16)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=1736719
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/committees/en/WitnessMeetings?witnessId=107655
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/39-1/JUST/meeting-57/evidence
(4) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/Committee/391/JUST/Evidence/EV2805304/JUSTEV57-E.PDF
(5) Egale Canada Opposes Raising Age Of Consent

PARLIAMENTARY TESTIMONY, BILL C-75: (Reduced Penalties For Child Sex Crimes)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=10210275
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/meeting-108/evidence
(3) https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/bill/C-75/royal-assent
(4) https://parlvu.parl.gc.ca/Harmony/en/PowerBrowser/PowerBrowserV2/20180925/-1/30041?Language=English&Stream=Video
(5) Egale Canada Human Rights Trust Bill C-75

PARLIAMENTARY TESTIMONY, BILL C-6: (Conversion Therapy)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=10980515
(2) https://egale.ca/newsletter-open-letter-c6/
(3) https://egale.ca/awareness/open-letter-bill-c6/?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=cb124b36-46bf-4cab-b648-a3c75f571873

HIV NON-DISCLOSURE: (Hiding Positive Status From Partners)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/Committee/421/JUST/Brief/BR10044994/br-external/EgaleCanadaHumanRightsTrust-e.pdf
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=10485413
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/committees/en/WitnessMeetings?witnessId=248803
(4) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/meeting-149/evidence
(5) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/report-28/
(6) https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/cons/hiv-vih/nd.html
(7) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/report-28/page-24

ONLINE HATE: (Censorship)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=10543157
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/Committee/421/JUST/Reports/RP10581008/justrp29/justrp29-e.pdf
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/meeting-150/evidence#Int-10636774
(4) https://parlvu.parl.gc.ca/Harmony/en/PowerBrowser/PowerBrowserV2?fk=10625547

FEDERAL GRANTS TO EGALE:
(1) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/esdc-edsc,141-2022-2023-Q2-28463,current
(2) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/ic,230-2021-2022-Q4-021,current
(3) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/hc-sc,271-2021-2022-Q4-00122,current
(4) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/esdc-edsc,141-2023-2024-Q2-10753,current
(5) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/pch,016-2022-2023-Q1-1347716,current
(6) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/phac-aspc,1480-2022-2023-Qrt3-0000074,current
(7) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/phac-aspc,1480-2022-2023-Qrt4-0000451,current
(8) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/wage,001-2022-2023-Q4-00035,current
(9) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/wage,001-2023-2024-Q3-00038,current

INTERFERING WITH LEGAL PROCEEDINGS:
(1) https://egale.ca/awareness/supreme-court-of-canada-decision-affirms-trans-rights-protective-counter-speech/

PARTNERS:
(1) https://egale.ca/our-partners/

POLICIES:
(1) https://egale.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Discriminatory-and-Unworkable-FINAs-Policy-1.pdf
(2) https://egale.ca/egale-in-action/msm-blood-ban/

RACHEL GILMORE TWEET:
(1) https://twitter.com/atRachelGilmore/status/1737207763640402361

Egale Canada – Their Own Words And Documentation

Egale Canada is a registered charity. Consequently, it’s heavily subsidized to carry out it’s activities, something that may not go over well with everyone. Are public funds being wisely spent?

Below is the source material for the video.

CHARITY DESIGNATION WITH C.R.A., TAX INFO:
(1) https://apps.cra-arc.gc.ca/ebci/hacc/srch/pub/dsplyRprtngPrd?q.srchNmFltr=egale+canada&q.stts=0007&selectedCharityBn=888561065RR0001&dsrdPg=1
(2) Egale 2006 Tax Information Redacted
(3) Egale 2007 Tax Information Redacted
(4) Egale 2008 Tax Information Redacted
(5) Egale 2009 Tax Information Redacted
(6) Egale 2010 Tax Information Redacted
(7) Egale 2011 Tax Information Redacted
(8) Egale 2012 Tax Information Redacted
(9) Egale 2013 Tax Information Redacted
(10) Egale 2014 Tax Information Redacted
(11) Egale 2015 Tax Information Redacted
(12) Egale 2016 Tax Information Redacted
(13) Egale 2017 Tax Information Redacted
(14) Egale 2018 Tax Information Redacted
(15) Egale 2019 Tax Information Redacted
(16) Egale 2020 Tax Information Redacted
(17) Egale 2021 Tax Information Redacted
(18) Egale 2022 Tax Information Redacted

PARLIAMENTARY TESTIMONY, BILL C-22: (Raising Age Of Consent From 14 To 16)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=1736719
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/committees/en/WitnessMeetings?witnessId=107655
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/39-1/JUST/meeting-57/evidence
(4) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/Committee/391/JUST/Evidence/EV2805304/JUSTEV57-E.PDF
(5) Egale Canada Opposes Raising Age Of Consent

PARLIAMENTARY TESTIMONY, BILL C-75: (Reduced Penalties For Child Sex Crimes)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=10210275
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/meeting-108/evidence
(3) https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/bill/C-75/royal-assent
(4) https://parlvu.parl.gc.ca/Harmony/en/PowerBrowser/PowerBrowserV2/20180925/-1/30041?Language=English&Stream=Video
(5) Egale Canada Human Rights Trust Bill C-75

PARLIAMENTARY TESTIMONY, BILL C-6: (Conversion Therapy)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=10980515
(2) https://egale.ca/newsletter-open-letter-c6/
(3) https://egale.ca/awareness/open-letter-bill-c6/?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=cb124b36-46bf-4cab-b648-a3c75f571873

HIV NON-DISCLOSURE: (Hiding Positive Status From Partners)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/Committee/421/JUST/Brief/BR10044994/br-external/EgaleCanadaHumanRightsTrust-e.pdf
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=10485413
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/committees/en/WitnessMeetings?witnessId=248803
(4) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/meeting-149/evidence
(5) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/report-28/
(6) https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/cons/hiv-vih/nd.html
(7) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/report-28/page-24

ONLINE HATE: (Censorship)
(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=10543157
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/Committee/421/JUST/Reports/RP10581008/justrp29/justrp29-e.pdf
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/JUST/meeting-150/evidence#Int-10636774
(4) https://parlvu.parl.gc.ca/Harmony/en/PowerBrowser/PowerBrowserV2?fk=10625547

FEDERAL GRANTS TO EGALE:
(1) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/esdc-edsc,141-2022-2023-Q2-28463,current
(2) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/ic,230-2021-2022-Q4-021,current
(3) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/hc-sc,271-2021-2022-Q4-00122,current
(4) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/esdc-edsc,141-2023-2024-Q2-10753,current
(5) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/pch,016-2022-2023-Q1-1347716,current
(6) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/phac-aspc,1480-2022-2023-Qrt3-0000074,current
(7) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/phac-aspc,1480-2022-2023-Qrt4-0000451,current
(8) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/wage,001-2022-2023-Q4-00035,current
(9) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/wage,001-2023-2024-Q3-00038,current

INTERFERING WITH LEGAL PROCEEDINGS:
(1) https://egale.ca/awareness/supreme-court-of-canada-decision-affirms-trans-rights-protective-counter-speech/

PARTNERS:
(1) https://egale.ca/our-partners/

POLICIES:
(1) https://egale.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Discriminatory-and-Unworkable-FINAs-Policy-1.pdf
(2) https://egale.ca/egale-in-action/msm-blood-ban/

RACHEL GILMORE TWEET:
(1) https://twitter.com/atRachelGilmore/status/1737207763640402361

U.N. Sendai Framework Introduced Domestically Via B.C. Bill 31 (Emergency & Disaster Management Act)

A few weeks ago, British Columbia Bill 31, the Emergency and Disaster Management Act, made ripples because of the embedded language which seemed to be a threat to property rights. Under the pretense of emergencies, rights could be suspended in a manner that heavily paralleled the Public Health Act.

However, it’s noteworthy that the B.C. Government isn’t actually responsible for this legislation. It’s domestic implementation of the United Nations Sendai Framework, signed in Japan in 2015.

Introduction and
First Reading of Bills
.
BILL 31 — EMERGENCY AND DISASTER MANAGEMENT ACT
.
Hon. B. Ma presented a message from Her Honour the Lieutenant-Governor: a bill intituled Emergency and Disaster Management Act.
.
Hon. B. Ma: I move that Bill 31 be introduced and read a first time now.
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Mr. Speaker, I’m pleased to introduce the Emergency and Disaster Management Act. This bill delivers on government’s pledge to introduce modernized emergency management legislation that aligns with the United Nations Sendai framework for disaster risk reduction, the international best practices for how we make our communities safer and more resilient.
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This legislation formally recognizes the rights of First Nations as decision-makers in emergency management, which is an important step in aligning B.C.’s approach with the declaration on the rights of Indigenous peoples.
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The Emergency and Disaster Management Act moves towards a holistic four-phase approach of mitigation, preparation, response and recovery. It embraces disaster risk reduction and will require that climate risk be assessed so that entities can better mitigate the impacts of climate-related emergencies before they happen.
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This bill updates the concept of what constitutes an emergency to reflect modern realities and risks and provides improved tools for response and recovery. I look forward to debate on this bill and, ultimately, to the improvements it will bring for the safety of people across British Columbia.
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Mr. Speaker: Members, the question is the first reading of the bill.
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Motion approved.

It’s also explicitly stated that it will be used to “mitigate the risks” of climate change, but without specifying what those risks are.

Bill 31 is quite long, but here are a few notable parts. Section 76 allows the Minister to suspend property rights under the guise of mitigating an emergency. It also allows for warrantless entry under that same pretense.

Furthermore, the Minister is able to order that property be destroyed …. including crops. By this logic, food supply would not be secure either.

Land and other property
76 (1) The minister may, by order, do one or more of the following:
(a) appropriate, use or control the use of any personal property;
(b) use or control the use of any land;
(c) authorize the entry without warrant into any structure or onto any land by any person for the purpose of taking emergency measures;
(d) prohibit the entry into any structure or onto any land by any person;
(e) authorize or require the alteration, removal or demolition of any trees, crops, structures or landscapes;
(f) authorize or require the construction, alteration, removal or demolition of works;
(g) require the owner of a structure to
(i) have any damage to the structure assessed, and
(ii) give the results of the assessment to the minister or a person in a class of persons specified by the minister.
(2) The power under subsection (1) (b) to use or control the use of land does not apply to specified land.

Section 78 would give the Government the power to restrict travel and movement, shut down businesses, and various events. This greatly parallels what happened from 2020 to 2022. The difference here is that the excuse isn’t a disease.

General restrictions
78 (1) The minister may, by order, control or prohibit one or more of the following:
(a) travel to or from any area;
(b) the carrying on of a business or a type of business;
(c) an event or a type of event.
(2) The minister may, by order, do one or more of the following:
(a) require a person to stop doing an activity, including an activity that a person is licensed, permitted or otherwise authorized to do under an enactment;
(b) put limits or conditions on doing an activity, including limits or conditions that have the effect of modifying a licence, permit or other authorization issued under an enactment.

Section 82 says that the Lieutenant Governor in Council can make retroactive orders. This would presumably legalize actions that would previously have been illegal.

Section 139 makes it clear that compliance is mandatory.

Section 140 gives provincial administrators the power to ask for police enforcement

Section 141 outlines judicial remedies to obtain injunction.

Section 154 provides protection from legal proceedings for pretty much anyone involved in implementing emergency management orders.

There is much more to this Bill, and that will be covered in a follow-up.

Now, what does this have to do with the United Nations?

Turns out, that the Sendai Framework was agreed to in 2015, and this is just B.C. implementing their version of it. This is also the third conference, with the first being Yokohama in 1994, and the second in Hyogo in 2005. The specific agency is the UNDDR, the United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction.

The full text of the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction (see archive) is available online. As should be apparent, Bill 31 heavily copies this content.

And the Emergency & Disaster Management Act heavily mirrors the Provincial Public Health Acts, which strip away property rights under the cloak of disease prevent. Those have been covered here and here.

More to come!

(1) https://www.leg.bc.ca/parliamentary-business/legislation-debates-proceedings/42nd-parliament/4th-session/bills/bills-with-hansard-debate
(2) https://www.leg.bc.ca/documents-data/debate-transcripts/42nd-parliament/4th-session/20231003am-Hansard-n331#bill31-1R
(3) https://www.preventionweb.net/publication/sendai-framework-disaster-risk-reduction-2015-2030
(4) https://www.preventionweb.net/files/43291_sendaiframeworkfordrren.pdf
(5) https://www.preventionweb.net/files/44983_sendaiframeworkchart.pdf
(6) Sendai Framework 2015 Full Text English
(7) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_Conference_on_Disaster_Risk_Reduction

UNAIDS Releases Paper On “Human Rights-Based Approach” To Sexuality

The Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS, UNAIDS, recently caused a stir. This policy paper came out: “The International Committee of Jurists (ICJ) along with UNAIDS and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) officially launched a new set of expert jurist legal principles to guide the application of international human rights law to criminal law.”

Sounds great, doesn’t it? Topics include:

  • sexual and reproductive health and rights, including termination of pregnancy;
  • consensual sexual activities, including in contexts such as sex outside marriage, same-sex sexual relations, adolescent sexual activity and sex work;
  • gender identity and gender expression;
  • HIV non-disclosure, exposure or transmission;
  • drug use and the possession of drugs for personal use; and
  • homelessness and poverty.

As with most things, the devil’s in the details.

To address the obvious: this is not legally binding on anyone. It’s just a paper. Still, that doesn’t mean the contents won’t work their way into Federal or Provincial legislation at some point.

As part of the Who We Are section, UNAIDS describes itself as “leading the global effort to end AIDS as a public health threat by 2030 as part of the Sustainable Development Goals.”

Apparently, UNAIDS timed this document to coincide with International Women’s Day. That’s interesting, to say the least.

Anyhow, this UNAIDS document is called the: “8 March Principles for a Human Rights-Based Approach to Criminal Law Proscribing Conduct Associated with Sex, Reproduction, Drug Use, HIV, Homelessness and Poverty”. (See archive).

In fairness, there could be a lot of poor and imprecise wording throughout the document. But assuming that there’s not, it’s quite disturbing what’s been put out.

Parts I and II cover more general areas and ideas in law, and often seem quite reasonable. Having laws applied equally and fairly to all is something most people can easily get behind. But Part III is where things change.

Part III (page 20) of the document is where things really get weird. The following comments are an accurate reflection of what’s actually being written.

(Principle 14, page 21) addresses “sexual and reproductive health and rights”. Apparently no one should be held accountable for a mother drinking or doing drugs while pregnant. Non-disclosure of HIV (or presumably any disease) isn’t to be considered illegal.

Moreover, where a person’s criminal actions might result in criminal consequences, there’s to be no extra punishments based on the existence of the pregnancy. An example of this would be the homicide of a pregnant woman leading to multiple murder charges.

Are the unborn babies expected to have any rights here?

(Page 22) there’s a provision where “parents, guardians, carers, or other persons” who enable or assist children in exercising their sexual and/or reproductive rights may not be held criminally liable. Is this sort of thing to justify pedophilia and grooming?

(Principle 15, page 22) suggests that there should be laws against abortion in any capacity whatsoever. This applies both to the mother, and any third party.

(Principle 16, page 22) covers “consensual” sexual activity. While this is premised on the idea that all participants are in agreement, the wording suggests that it could be applied to adults and children.

Consensual sexual conduct, irrespective of the type of sexual activity, the sex/gender, sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression of the people involved or their marital status, may not be criminalized in any circumstances. Consensual same-sex, as well as consensual different-sex sexual relations, or consensual sexual relations with or between trans, non-binary and other gender-diverse people, or outside marriage – whether pre-marital or extramarital – may, therefore, never be criminalized.

With respect to the enforcement of criminal law, any prescribed minimum age of consent to sex must be applied in a non-discriminatory manner. Enforcement may not be linked to the sex/gender of participants or age of consent to marriage.

Moreover, sexual conduct involving persons below the domestically prescribed minimum age of consent to sex may be consensual in fact, if not in law. In this context, the enforcement of criminal law should reflect the rights and capacity of persons under 18 years of age to make decisions about engaging in consensual sexual conduct and their right to be heard in matters concerning them. Pursuant to their evolving capacities and progressive autonomy, persons under 18 years of age should participate in decisions affecting them, with due regard to their age, maturity

The prescribed minimum age of consent to sex must be applied in a non-discriminatory manner? What does that even mean? Is it discrimination if an adult is not allowed to be with a child?

The paper also states that minors should be participating in decisions that impact them, taking their age and maturity into account. Is this an attempt to turn a prohibited practice into more of a “grey area”?

As for “age of consent to marriage”, is that a reference to child brides?

There’s the issue of not criminalizing activity involving members of the alphabet soup. Just a thought, but since it’s okay to not disclose HIV status, would it also be okay to deceive a partner about their true identity?

(Principle 17, page 23) calls for the complete decriminalization of sex work — such as prostitution, or pornography — as long as it’s done without coercion or fraud. To their credit, it’s specified to be limited to adults.

(Principle 18, page 23) says that sexual orientation or gender identity should not be criminalized, but doesn’t define either term in a meaningful way.

Beyond that, there’s to be no penalty for “exploration, free development and/or affirmation of sexual orientation or gender identity”, unless coercion is involved. This leaves open the possibility of people just larping as the opposite sex, and who don’t have gender dysphoria.

It also doesn’t address the growing issue of using gender identity as a means to attack single-sex spaces, such as prisons, changerooms and most sports.

The document further criticizes any efforts or attempts to engage in conversion therapy.

(Principle 19, page 24) implies that it’s fine to not disclose HIV positive status to a partner, as long as there’s no deliberate attempt to spread it. Presumably, this wouldn’t just apply to HIV.

(Principle 20, page 24) effectively calls for the decriminalization of all drugs for personal use, including by minors and pregnant women. Part (b) could be interpreted to mean the possession or distribution or drug paraphernalia shouldn’t be criminalized either.

The document also promotes what could be considered safe injection sites.

(Principle 21, page 24) would end vagrancy and squatting laws, if done for life-sustaining reasons. While this is all understandable, it’s unclear what will happen with property owners. All said, this section is probably the most reasonable one, as it’s not an issue of immorality.

Now, just because the United Nations releases a document, that doesn’t mean it will become law. However, content from “non-binding” papers often do trickle into domestic politics.

(1) https://www.unaids.org/en/resources/presscentre/featurestories/2023/march/20230308_new-legal-principles-decriminalization
(2) https://www.unaids.org/en/whoweare/about
(3) https://icj2.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/8-MARCH-Principles-FINAL-printer-version-1-MARCH-2023.pdf
(4) UNAIDS March Principles On Criminal Law Sexual Behaviours