Recent Statistics From U.S. Customs And Border Protection (USCBP), As Of 2024

This article will focus on data from the U.S. Customs and Border Protection, or USCBP. It sheds light on just how bad things are with their borders, particularly the side with Mexico. There have been many interests vested in not securing it. Consequently, people flood in illegally, since there’s little reason not to at least try.

Why should Canadians care about this?

The answer is simple: it’s not just an American problem. Open borders threatens nations in general. Not only that, many of those illegal aliens will surely be working their way to Canada, given the generous welfare benefits available.

There’s also some historical data, going back 100 years on total apprehensions.

The following data is by no means all of the information that CBP releases, including on weapons and drugs. It’s just a portion of it. But it should be alarming to anyone who takes border security seriously.

Total Customs And Border Patrol Enforcement Actions

FY 2017 526,901 216,370 310,531
FY 2018 683,178 281,881 404,142
FY 2019 1,148,024 288,523 859,501
FY 2020 646,822 241,786 405,036
FY 2021 1,956,519 294,352 1,662,167
FY 2022 2,766,582 551,930 2,214,652
FY 2023 3,201,144 1,137,452 2,063,692
FY 2024* 1,981,177 809,460 1,171,717

* Beginning in March FY20, OFO Encounters statistics include both Title 8 Inadmissibles and Title 42 Expulsions. To learn more, visit Title-8-and-Title-42-Statistics. Inadmissibles refers to individuals encountered at ports of entry who are seeking lawful admission into the United States but are determined to be inadmissible, individuals presenting themselves to seek humanitarian protection under our laws, and individuals who withdraw an application for admission and return to their countries of origin within a short timeframe.

** Beginning in March FY20, USBP Encounters statistics include both Title 8 Apprehensions and Title 42 Expulsions. To learn more, visit Title-8-and-Title-42-Statistics. Apprehensions refers to the physical control or temporary detainment of a person who is not lawfully in the U.S. which may or may not result in an arrest.

Inadmissible Foreign Criminals And Outstanding Warrants

FY 2017 10,596 7,656 8,531 2,675
FY 2018 11,623 5,929 6,698 1,550
FY 2019 12,705 8,546 4,269 4,153
FY 2020 7,009 7,108 2,438 2,054
FY 2021 6,567 8,979 10,763 1,904
FY 2022 16,993 10,389 15,267 949
FY 2023 20,166 11,509 15,267 988
FY 2024*** 11,626 6,946 10,337 587

OFO = Office of Field Operations
USBP = U.S. Border Patrol

* Criminal noncitizens refers to noncitizens who have been convicted of crime, whether in the United States or abroad, so long as the conviction is for conduct which is deemed criminal by the United States. Criminal noncitizens encountered at ports of entry are inadmissible, absent extenuating circumstances, and represent a subset of total OFO inadmissibles. U.S. Border Patrol arrests of criminal noncitizens are a subset of total apprehensions. See U.S. Border Patrol Criminal Noncitizen Statistics for a breakdown of criminal noncitizen stats by type of conviction.

** NCIC (National Crime Information Center) arrests refers to the number of CBP arrests of individuals, including U.S. citizens, who are wanted by other law enforcement agencies.

*** FY 2024, or Fiscal Year 2024, ends on September 30th, 2024

Drug Seizure Statistics 2021-2024

2021 98K 67K 69K 60K 90K 88K 64K 89K 93K 77K 75 45 913K
2022 83K 58K 45K 50K 60K 44K 53K 47K 61K 54K 60K 41K 656K
2023 37K 39K 40K 49K 70K 56K 36K 41K 44K 50K 49K 39K 549K
2024* 37K 48K 34K 37K 67K 51K 46K 321K

* FY 2024, or Fiscal Year 2024, ends on September 30th, 2024

Data represents pounds that were seized, rounded for space considerations. For example, 58K means 58,000 pounds of narcotics.


Types Of Drugs Seized 2021-2024

2021 319K 192K 98K 11K 5K 203K 22K 1K 38 73K
2022 155K 175K 70K 15K 2K 175K 14K 1K 36 49K
2023 150K 140K 81K 27K 2K 70K 8K 649 11 71K
2024* 110K 105K 41K 11K 513 5K 9K 321 6 39K

MJ = Marijuana
ME = Methamphetamine
CO = Cocaine
FE = Fentanyl
HE = Heroin
KH = Khat (Catha Edulis)
EC = Ecstasy
OTH = Other Drugs


* FY 2024, or Fiscal Year 2024, ends on September 30th, 2024

Weapons And Firearms Seized

FY 2021 345,757 419 230,761 181 18,036 595,154
FY 2022 1,029,554 516 115,902 253 1,272 1,147,497
FY 2023 501,368 847 7,532 34,181 324 357 2,457 544 547,610
FY 2024* 243,783 178 6,475 47,719 175 238 1,907 3,282 303,756

AM = Ammunition
CA = Case
MA = Magazine
OG = Other Gun Parts
RE = Receiver
SC = Scope
SI = Silencer/Muffler
BA = Vest/Body Armour

* FY 2024, or Fiscal Year 2024, ends on September 30th, 2024


Terrorist Screening Encounters

FY 2017 116 217 333
FY 2018 155 196 351
FY 2019 280 258 538
FY 2020 72 124 196
FY 2021 103 54 157
FY 2022 67 313 380
FY 2023 80 484 564
FY 2024* 24 172 196
FY 2017 2 0 2
FY 2018 6 0 6
FY 2019 0 3 3
FY 2020 3 0 3
FY 2021 15 1 16
FY 2022 98 0 98
FY 2023 169 3 172
FY 2024* 80 1 81

* FY 2024, or Fiscal Year 2024, ends on September 30th, 2024


Arrests Of Non-Citizen Gang Members

FY 2015 84 335 73 352 844
FY 2016 47 253 119 283 702
FY 2017 61 228 53 194 536
FY 2018 145 413 62 188 808
FY 2019 168 464 90 254 976
FY 2020 36 72 93 162 363
FY 2021 28 113 79 128 348


Note: More recent data breaks down data among many other gangs. However, most have had just a few members detained at the border.

Arrests of Non-Citizens with Criminal Convictions

FY 2017 8,531
FY 2018 6,698
FY 2019 4,269
FY 2020 2,438
FY 2021 10,763
FY 2022 12,028
FY 2023 15,267
FY 2024* 10,337

* FY 2024 ends on September 30th, 2024


Records checks of available law enforcement databases following the apprehension of an individual may reveal a history of criminal conviction(s). That conviction information is recorded in a U.S. Customs and Border Protection database, from which the data below is derived.

Total Criminal Convictions by Type Of Non-Citizens

FY 2017 692 595 1,596 3 1,249 4,502 173 137 1,851
FY 2018 524 347 1,113 3 871 3,920 106 80 1,364
FY 2019 299 184 614 2 449 2,663 66 58 814
FY 2020 208 143 364 3 386 1,261 49 156 580
FY 2021 1,178 825 1,629 60 2,138 6,160 336 488 2,691
Fy 2022 1,142 896 1,614 62 2,239 6,797 309 365 2,891
FY 2023 1,254 864 2,493 29 2,055 8,790 307 284 3,286
FY 2024* 662 412 1,778 20 942 6,368 142 133 1,933

* Fiscal Year 2024 runs October 1, 2023- September 30, 2024.


The FY total displays the total CES apprehensions but does not equal the sum of data by category because the same apprehension can have multiple NCIC Charges that are included in multiple categories.

“Other” includes any conviction not included in the categories above.

ABSV = Assault, Battery, Domestic Violence
ROB = Burglary, Robbery, Larceny, Theft, Fraud
DUI = Driving Under The Influence
HOM = Homicide: Murder, Manslaughter, etc….
DRUG = Illegal Drug Possession, Trafficking
IRE = Illegal Re-Entry
WEAP = Illegal Weapons Possession, Transport, Trafficking
SEX = Sexual Offences
OTH = Categories Not Listed Above

Historical Data On Apprehensions: 1925 – 2020

1925 22,199 1926 12,735 1927 16,393
1928 23,566 1929 32,711 1930 20,880
1931 22,276 1932 22,735 1933 20,949
1934 10,319 1935 11,016 1936 11,728
1937 13,054 1938 12,851 1939 12,037
1940 10,492 1941 11,294 1942 11,784
1943 11,175 1944 31,175 1945 69,164
1946 99,591 1947 193,657 1948 192,779
1949 288,253 1950 468,339 1951 509,040
1952 528,815 1953 835,311 1954 1,028,246
1955 225,186 1956 68,420 1957 46,225
1958 40,504 1959 32,996 1960 28,966
1961 29,384 1962 29,897 1963 38,861
1964 42,879 1965 52,422 1966 79,610
1967 94,778 1968 123,519 1969 172,391
1970 231,116 1971 302,517 1972 396,495
1973 498,123 1974 634,777 1975 596,796
1976 696,039 1977 812,541 1978 862,837
1979 888,729 1980 759,420 1981 825,290
1982 819,919 1983 1,105,670 1984 1,138,566
1985 1,262,435 1986 1,692,544 1987 1,158,030
1988 969,214 1989 891,147 1990 1,103,354
1991 1,132,033 1992 1,199,560 1993 1,263,490
1994 1,031,668 1995 1,324,202 1996 1,549,876
1997 1,412,953 1998 1,555,776 1999 1,579,010
2000 1,676,438 2001 1,266,214 2002 955,310
2003 931,557 2004 1,160,395 2005 1,189,075
2006 1,089,092 2007 876,704 2008 723,825
2009 556,041 2010 463,382 2011 340,252
2012 364,768 2013 420,789 2014 486,651
2015 337,117 2016 415,816 2017 310,531
2018 414,142 2019 859,501 2020 405,036

* FY 2020 ended on September 30th, 2020

Source: (pdf file) (archive)

Again, this is nowhere near all the information that the CBP puts out. It’s just a snapshot of the people, drugs, weapons and more that have been stopped. It’s alarming to think how many people, drugs and weapons aren’t being caught.

(8) U.S. Border Patrol Total Apprehensions (FY 1925 – FY 2020) (508)

Review Of 2023 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament

The 2023 Annual Immigration Report to Parliament came out a while back. And if people were hoping that the rates would be cut, there’s nothing here to indicate that.

One milestone: Canada has finally brought in over a million temporary workers and students. This isn’t just the number of people who’ve gotten permanent residence or citizenship. This is in addition to that. But if there’s a silver lining, it’s that more of the public is starting to catch on.

Voting “conservative” in the upcoming election doesn’t appear to be a solution to this. The plan can best be summed up as: More! Faster! Legally!

1. Mass LEGAL Immigration In Canada

Despite what many think, LEGAL immigration into Canada is actually a much larger threat than illegal aliens, given the true scale of the replacement that is happening. What was founded as a European (British) colony is becoming unrecognizable due to forced demographic changes. There are also social, economic, environmental and voting changes to consider. See this Canadian series, and the UN programs for more detail. Politicians, the media, and so-called “experts” have no interest in coming clean on this.

CLICK HERE, for UN Genocide Prevention/Punishment Convention.
CLICK HERE, for Barcelona Declaration & Kalergi Plan.
CLICK HERE, for UN Kalergi Plan (population replacement).
CLICK HERE, for UN replacement efforts since 1974.
CLICK HERE, for tracing steps of UN replacement agenda.

Note: If there are errors in calculating the totals, please speak up. Information is of no use to the public if it isn’t accurate.

Immigration is essential for Canada, providing economic, social, and cultural benefits. Canada’s aging population means that the worker-to-retiree ratio is shifting, with an expected ratio of 2 to 1 by 2035, compared to the 7 to 1 ratio in 1975. Immigration accounts for almost 100% of labour force growth, and with continued immigration, it is projected to account for 100% of population growth by 2032. Though the labour market remains tight, it is easing and economic immigration will continue to be a Government of Canada priority to help address the persistent labour shortages resulting from the aging population and lower fertility rates, including in critical sectors such as healthcare where immigrants account for 1 out of every 4 workers.

On page 5 of the report, it’s stated that nearly all of the growth is coming from immigration. Within the next several years, 100% of the growth is expected to come from people brought in. To summarize, this is a replacement plan.

2. Annual Immigration Reports To Parliament

2004 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2005 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2006 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2007 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2008 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2009 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2010 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2011 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2012 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2013 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2014 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2015 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2016 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2017 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2018 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2019 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2020 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2021 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2022 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
2023 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament

The information in this article, and similar ones, comes directly from information provided by the Government of Canada in their annual reports. These numbers, while likely not truly accurate, are at least a good starting point.

3. Immigration Largely Controlled By Provinces

Concurrent Powers of Legislation respecting Agriculture, etc.
95 In each Province the Legislature may make Laws in relation to Agriculture in the Province, and to Immigration into the Province; and it is hereby declared that the Parliament of Canada may from Time to Time make Laws in relation to Agriculture in all or any of the Provinces, and to Immigration into all or any of the Provinces; and any Law of the Legislature of a Province relative to Agriculture or to Immigration shall have effect in and for the Province as long and as far only as it is not repugnant to any Act of the Parliament of Canada.

Contrary to popular belief, immigration is largely set by the Provinces. This is laid out in Section 95 of the Constitution. While Ottawa may impose laws from time to time, the understanding seems to be that the Premiers will be mostly the decision makers. While it’s understandable to get angry at Trudeau, he’s far from the only deserving target.

Additionally, there are talks underway to launch a Municipal Nominee Program, which will allow cities to directly bring people in, and to sponsor their bids to become permanent residents. It’s unclear at this point how large it will ultimately be.

4. Key Highlights From The Year 2022

As stated before, it’s not entirely clear how many people are staying after some kind of temporary visa, v.s. how many leave. We also don’t have hard data on the “inadmissibles” who don’t leave, and on the visitors who overstay. Consequently, take this as a rough estimate:

437,539 new permanent residents
-124,970 temps transitioning to PR
= 312,569 new permanent residents brought into Canada

Temporaries Brought Into Canada
550,187 (Student Visas Issued)
+135,818 (Temporary Foreign Worker Program)
+470,033 (International Mobility Program)
= 1,156,038 (in the temporary classes)

13,899 “inadmissibles” allowed under Rule 24(1) of IRPA
119 “inadmissibles” allowed under Rule 25.2(1) of IRPA

2,866,545 eTAs (electronic travel authorizations)
+1,923,148 TRV (temporary resident visas)
4,789,693 combined eTAs and TRV

364,166 permanent residents became citizens in 2022. That’s interesting, considering it’s far lower than the number of people who got their PR. Perhaps the population of Canada is much larger than we think, with a huge number who remain as PR, and don’t officially become citizens.

How many people remained in Canada? Who knows?

Other immigration (PR pathway) plans to take note of:

  • 2 pathways for Hong Kong residents (June 1, 2021 to August 31, 2026)
  • PR for TRP holders and their families recently (May 6, 2021 to November 5, 2021)
  • Families of air crashes PS 752 and EA302 can get PR
  • 500 people (+families) amnesty for illegals to work in construction
  • “Refugees” willing to work in health care settings can get PR

The Government brags about expediting work permits for “essential workers”, even as Canada experienced record high unemployment. They even created a program for “refugees” to get accelerated permanent residence if they work in health care settings. This comes at a time when Canadian workers are being let go for refusing the experimental shots.

Foreign students (under a rule change) became exempt from the 20 hour/week work limit that their visas typically imposed. Supposedly, this was to enable them to provide essential services. Again, this seems screwed up given how many Canadians were forced out of work.

Foreign students also received emergency benefits designed for Canadians, although the full extent of this is not yet published.

In January 2020, the G.T.A./IIRC started their program to give out permanent residencies to 500 people — and their families — who had overstayed their initial visas. This could be interpreted as an amnesty-for-illegals program, and we’ll have to see how much it expands.

IIRC also extended the Interim Federal Health Program, or IFHP, which is a plan that also covers so-called asylum claimants. This applies also to people who’ve illegally entered from the United States. Some 14% of claimants in 2020 had entered the country illegally, primarily via Roxham Road.

There’s also an initiative underway to bring in large numbers of people from Hong Kong, who claim to be fleeing persecution. Interesting, as Canada doesn’t seem to be run much better these days.

The Rainbow Refugee Assistance Program is supposed to grow. This is to resettle people alleging they are persecuted because of their questionable behaviours.

Canada also will allow people (women primarily) fleeing domestic violence to get a temporary permit, with a the possibility of becoming a permanent resident. There isn’t any information given about whether the abuser will be deported.

New initiatives have been announced to fast-track Afghans, Ukranians and Iranians into Canada. Expect details (and numbers) in the next annual report.

There is, of course, the usual GBA+ nonsense in the document.

Those are just a few points worth mentioning in the report.

5. Continued Population Replacement

(Page 18 of the 2004 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 24 of the 2005 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 18, 19 of the 2006 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 19, 20 of the 2007 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 21, 22 of the 2008 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 16 of the 2009 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 14 of the 2010 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 18 of the 2011 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 15 of the 2012 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 19 of the 2013 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 16 of the 2014 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 16 of the 2015 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 10 of the 2016 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 14 of the 2017 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 28 of the 2018 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 36 of the 2019 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 33 of the 2020 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 36 of the 2021 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 50 of the 2022 Annual Report to Parliament)

(Page 59 of the 2023 Annual Report to Parliament)

Ever get the sense that people are European descent are being replaced? It’s no coincidence. The plan for decades has been to bring in large numbers of people from the 3rd World (mostly Asia and Africa), to remake society.

The top 3 are: (a) India; (b) China; and (c) Afghanistan. No surprise that the enclaves in Canada are growing. More data from the recent census will be released later this year, and the results shouldn’t be a shock to anyone. India itself comprises nearly 1/3 of the total.

And keep in mind, these are just official statistics for Permanent Residents. This is by no means everyone who is coming into the country.

6. Temporary Visitors To Canada

TRV = Temporary Resident Visa
eTA = Electronic Travel Authorization

YEAR TRV Issued eTA Issued Totals
2016 1,347,898 2,605,077 3,952,975
2017 1,617,222 4,109,918 5,570,197
2018 1,898,324 4,125,909 6,024,233
2019 1,696,871 4,077,471 5,774,342
2020 257,330 648,789 906,119
2021 654,027 813,306 1,467,333
2022 1,923,148 2,866,545 4,789,693

2,866,545 eTAs (electronic Travel Authorizations)
1,923,148 TRV (Temporary Resident Visa)

Travelers entering Canada tripled in 2022, as compared to 2021. It’s nearing the levels it was back in 2019. Of course, we cannot be sure how many of these people actually left.

7. More “Inadmissibles” Let Into Canada

Broadly speaking, there are two provisions within IRPA, the Immigrant and Refugee Protection Act, that allow people who were previously deemed inadmissible to Canada to be given Temporary Resident Permits anyway. Here are the totals from the Annual Reports to Parliament on Immigration. Note: the first one listed only started in 2010.

Those allowed in under Rule 25.1(2) of IRPA

YEAR TRP Issued Cumulative
2010 17 17
2011 53 70
2012 53 123
2013 280 403
2014 385 788
2015 1,063 1,851
2016 596 2,447
2017 555 3002
2018 669 3,671
2019 527 4,198
2020 115 4,313
2021 95 4,408
2022 119 4,527

From 2010 to 2022, a total of 4,527 people who were otherwise inadmissible to Canada were allowed in anyway under Rule 25.1(2) of IRPA. This is the category that Global News previously reported on. As for the other one, under Rule 24(1) of IRPA, Global News leaves that out:

Year Permits Cumulative
2002 12,630 12,630
2003 12,069 24,699
2004 13,598 38,297
2005 13,970 52,267
2006 13,412 65,679
2007 13,244 78,923
2008 12,821 91,744
2009 15,640 107,384
2010 12,452 119,836
2011 11,526 131,362
2012 13,564 144,926
2013 13,115 158,041
2014 10,624 168,665
2015 10,333 178,998
2016 10,568 189,566
2017 9,221 198,787
2018 7,132 205,919
2019 6,080 211,999
2020 2,044 214,043
2021 6,687 220,730
2022 13,899 234,629

From 2002 to 2022 (inclusive), a total of 234,629 people previously deemed inadmissible to Canada were given Temporary Resident Permits anyway. This has almost certainly been going on for a lot longer, but is as far back as the reports go. Now let’s consider the reasons these people are initially refused entry.

SEC = Security (espionage, subversion, terrorism)
HRV = Human or International Rights Violations
CRIM = Criminal
S.CRIM = Serious Criminal
NC = Non Compliance
MR = Misrepresentation

YEAR Total SEC HRV Crim S.Crim NC MR
2002 12,630 ? ? ? ? ? ?
2003 12,069 17 25 5,530 869 4,855 39
2004 13,598 12 12 7,096 953 4,981 20
2005 13,970 27 15 7,917 981 4,635 21
2006 13,412 29 20 7,421 982 4,387 18
2007 13,244 25 8 7,539 977 4,109 14
2008 12,821 73 18 7,108 898 4,170 17
2009 15,640 32 23 6,619 880 7,512 10
2010 12,452 86 24 6,451 907 4,423 36
2011 11,526 37 14 6,227 899 3,932 11
2012 13,564 20 15 7,014 888 5,206 18
2013 13,115 17 10 6,816 843 5,135 8
2014 10,624 12 2 5,807 716 3,895 14
2015 10,333 3 3 5,305 578 4,315 28
2016 10,568 8 4 4,509 534 2,788 20
2017 9,221 10 5 5,035 591 3,412 121
2018 7,132 5 3 4,132 559 2,299 131
2019 6,080 2 0 3,202 546 2,139 175
2020 2,044 2 1 666 131 1,000 37
2021 6,687 1 2 602 134 1,552 48
2022 13,899 2 6 1,377 464 2,458 62

In 2022, some 13,899 people barred were allowed in under Rule 24(1) of IRPA. This is from page 58 of the report. That is double what it was in 2021. Most were classified as “other”, which doesn’t really help. Nevertheless, none of these people should be coming in.

Use of the negative discretion authority
In 2022 the Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship did not use the negative discretion authority under subsection 22.1(1) of IRPA. This authority allows the Minister to make a declaration that, on the basis of public policy considerations, a foreign national may not become a temporary resident for a period of up to three years.

The Minister could have exercised discretion to refuse people entry under sections 24(1) and 25.1(2) of IRPA, but did not during the 2022 calendar year.

Even if people are excluded from Canada — for a variety of valid reasons — often they will still be given temporary entrance into Canada. Will they ever leave? Who knows?

8. Students & Temporary Workers

After a steep decline in 2020, the number of student visas being issued has shot back up in 2021. It was over 550,000 for 2022, something that politicians have finally started to at least pay lip service to.

As for the “temporary” workers, the image here seems to imply that these are the total numbers of people with permits. However, it elsewhere states that these are the number issued in 2021. Of course, the International Mobility Visas (a.k.a. “working holiday”) are only 1-2 years in length.

Year Stu TFWP IMP Total
2003 61,293 82,151 143,444

2004 56,536 90,668 147,204

2005 57,476 99,146 156,622

2006 61,703 112,658 174,361

2007 64,636 165,198 229,834

2008 79,509 192,519 272,028

2009 85,140 178,478 263,618

2010 96,157 182,276 278,433

2011 98,383 190,842 289,225

2012 104,810 213,573 318,383

2013 111,865 221,310 333,175

2014 127,698 95,086 197,924 420,078

2015 219,143 73,016 175,967 468,126

2016 265,111 78,402 207,829 551,342

2017 317,328 78,788 224,033 620,149

2018 356,876 84,229 255,034 696,139

2019 402,427 98,310 306,797 807,534

2020 256,740 84,609 242,130 583,452

2021 445,776 103,552 313,294 862,622

2022 550,187 135,818 470,033 1,156,038

Stu = Student Visa
TFWP = Temporary Foreign Worker Program
IMP = International Mobility Program

“Permit holders refers to a count of permit holders by the year their permits became effective. This is the date the permit was signed by an authorized signing agent/officer of IRCC.”

Let’s do some quick math here:

550,187 (students) + 135,818 (IMP) + 470,033 (TFWP) = 1,156,038

More than 1.1 million people entered with a temporary work or student visa. Less than 20 years ago, it would have been about 10% of that.

About the apparent “split” of the TFWP into 2 programs: this had been addressed before. However, it’s worth a reminder. (See archive). In 2013/2014, the “Conservative” Government of Stephen Harper faced backlash for how many TFWs were coming into the Canada, and the effect of reducing wages. In 2014, following public backlash at the TFWP being abused, subsequent reports splits it off with the IMP, to help camouflage what was going on.

There are, of course, a number of pathways to remain in Canada longer and/or transition in permanent residence. Let’s not pretend that they’re all leaving afterwards. In fact, recent changes have allowed students to remain in their home countries while collecting time towards a PR designation here.

Other changes included:

  • lifting the 20-hour per week restriction on the number of hours international students may work off-campus from November 15, 2022 until December 31, 2023;
  • extending distance learning facilitation measures that were put in place during the pandemic, with a reduced scope, to allow international students to study online from abroad without it negatively impacting their
    eligibility for a post-graduation work permit or its duration until August 31, 2023; and
  • introducing new measures allowing eligible foreign nationals whose post-graduation work permit expired between September 20, 2021 and December 31, 2022 to work in Canada for an additional 18 months by either extending their work permit or applying for a new one

In 2022, IRCC also announced a new temporary public policy that provided an opportunity for foreign nationals with post-graduation work permits expiring between September 20, 2021 and December 31, 2022 to apply for an additional 18-month open work permit.

It would be nice to have more of a breakdown on the number of people who use more than 1 type of visa, but it doesn’t seem to be included here.

9. Refugee And Asylum Programs In Canada

IRCC launched a Temporary Public Policy in November 2022 to exempt refugee claimants in Canada from certain requirements for work permit issuance, which allows asylum claimants to obtain open work permits.

91,710 asylum claims were filed in 2022 under CUAET, the Canada-Ukraine Authorization for Emergency Travel. This is in addition to 13,700 who were already in the country.

169 TRPs to victims of human trafficking and their dependents.

10. “Anti-Racism” Initiatives To Be Advanced In Canada

The agenda endorsed by the Federal Government is to be implemented into immigration policy as well. It’s quite openly anti-white, and gaslights objections as racism and oppressions.

  • That racism against Indigenous Peoples, Black people and racialized groups has persisted over time; it exists to support, reinforce and build upon supremacy of one group over many. In our society, this is the elevation of (the) white people (or settler groups) above everyone else in many areas of Canadian life. The inertia continues to be upheld by access, privilege and indifference.
  • That colonialism, through our immigration system, has had an impact on Indigenous Peoples.
  • That global events, such as the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on Asian communities, fuel the rise of hate crimes in Canada. This has a profound effect on the safety and mental health of our racialized clients and employees.
  • That the experiences of many Indigenous Peoples, Black people and racialized groups intersect with sexism, ethnocentrism, classism, homophobia, Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, xenophobia and other forms of discrimination, such as those experienced by persons with visible and non-visible disabilities. These intersections exacerbate an already difficult and in some cases precarious existence.
  • That, despite efforts and some progress made, IRCC has not yet achieved a fully diverse, equitable and inclusive workplace. Black employees remain in entry-level positions, and Indigenous employees, as well as employees from racialized groups, are not sufficiently represented at the executive level.
  • That many of our staff, as expressed in town halls, focus groups, trust circles and surveys, experience racism in the workplace, feel it impacts their career advancement and lack trust in senior management to address this.
  • That our fight against racism happens in solidarity with our fight against all forms of inequity.
  • That our renewed focus on Anti-Racism today builds on the tireless efforts of many unsung heroes who have long contributed to the fight against racism and all forms of inequity.
  • That racism spans beyond hate; it includes unconscious and unintended actions.

Interestingly, the idea of colonialism via immigration is mentioned. Of course, it’s primarily non-whites who are coming these days, which should throw the narrative for a loop.

When they speak of making workplaces more diverse and equitable, they really mean that the goal is to make them less white.

Pretty strange that people continue to come to Canada in record numbers, if this place really is the racist hellhole that’s being displayed.

And if this report is any indication, expect Ukrainians to also be pouring in for the foreseeable future.

11. Illegals Entering Via U.S./Canada Border

Although the report focused primarily on LEGAL immigration into Canada, the illegal brand is still worth talking about, since so few actually do. The United Nations gives detailed instructions and guidance on how to go about circumventing the border. The result, quite predictably, is that people keep trying to cross over.

YEAR: 2019
January 871 1 16 1 888
February 800 1 6 2 808
March 967 13 22 0 1,002
April 1,206 15 25 0 1,246
May 1,149 27 20 0 1,196
June 1,536 26 5 0 1,567
July 1,835 23 15 1 1,874
August 1,712 26 22 2 1,762
September 1,706 19 17 0 1,737
October 1,595 18 8 1 1,622
November 1,118 9 21 0 1,148
December 1,646 2 5 2 1,653
TOTAL 16,136 180 182 9 16,503
YEAR: 2020
January 1,086 7 7 0 1,100
February 976 2 2 0 980
March 930 7 18 0 955
April 1 0 5 0 6
May 17 0 4 0 21
June 28 1 3 1 33
July 29 2 17 0 48
August 15 3 0 0 18
September 30 4 7 0 41
October 27 0 4 0 31
November 24 0 8 0 32
December 26 2 8 0 36
TOTAL 3,189 28 84 1 3,302
YEAR: 2021
January 28 1 10 0 39
February 39 0 1 0 40
March 29 5 2 0 36
April 29 2 2 0 33
May 12 3 13 0 28
June 11 0 6 0 17
July 28 5 6 0 39
August 63 2 11 0 76
September 150 0 19 0 169
October 96 0 17 0 113
November 832 1 12 0 845
December 2,778 0 33 0 2,811
TOTAL 4,095 19 132 0 4,246
YEAR: 2022
January 2,367 0 16 0 2,383
February 2,154 1 9 0 2,164
March 2,492 2 8 0 2,502
April 2,791 3 8 3 2,805
May 3,449 3 40 1 3,493
June 3,066 3 14 3 3,086
July 3,645 3 29 0 3,677
August 3,234 5 10 0 3,249
September 3,650 10 0 0 3,660
October 3,901 16 34 0 3,951
November 3,731 23 34 0 3,788
December 4,689 3 52 1 4,745
TOTALS 39,171 72 289 7 39,540
YEAR: 2023
January 4,875 19 100 0 4,994
February 4,517 5 59 0 4,581
March 4,087 15 71 0 4,173
April 69 9 26 0 104
May 46 3 30 0 79
June 30 1 27 2 60
July 42 8 33 0 83
August 53 3 40 1 97
September 59 2 25 2 88
October 36 7 29 3 75
November 58 0 37 0 95
December 90 5 131 0 226
TOTAL 13,962 77 616 8 14,663

Although not listed in the Annual Immigration Report to Parliament, this is worth a mention. Illegal crossings from the U.S. did drop quite drastically in the Spring of 2020. It picked up in 2021, and much more so in 2022.

Keep in mind, the text of the Safe Third Country Agreement requires both Canada and the U.S. to consult with the UNHCR on refugees, and to get input from NGOs. We haven’t had meaningful borders in a long time. Yes, the Agreement was renegotiated in early 2023 to include the entire border, but people are still coming in.

As a reminder: the Trudeau Government scrapped the DCO, or Designated Country of Origin, back in 2019. This would allow for claims from “safe” countries to be denied much more quickly. However, with things the way they are, it seems nowhere is really safe. While the issue was very mainstream from 2017 to 2019, it seems to have disappeared.

In June 2020, a new policy kicked in to finally track who is leaving the country. Even more strange that a Trudeau would bring it in when he did. Probably to make it harder for people fleeing during lockdowns.

Overall, the replacement agenda slowed down in 2020, but it rebounded significantly in 2021 and 2022. Will this trend continue? Or will the public’s fatigue finally make a difference.

Senate Recommends Adding “Temporary” Workers To Reflect True Immigration Numbers

Not too long ago, Canadians were fed the line that only 300,000 to 400,000 people were coming to Canada each year. The more “moderate” plan from the Conservatives supposedly was only 250,000 annually.

Is the Overton Window finally shifting? 5 years ago, this website reported that the true scale of people immigrating to Canada was vastly under reported. See here, here, here, here and here. In reality, the number is more like 1 million per year, and has been for a long time. The Annual Reports to Parliament from 2019, 2020, 2021 and 2022 are available. 2023 will be covered shortly. In order to have a meaningful discussion on policy, accurate information has to be included.

Specifically, public discourse about “immigration levels” had focused primarily on the number of new permanent residents. This is misleading because it glosses over so-called temporary categories, including:

  1. Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP)
  2. International Mobility Program (IMP)
  3. International Students

Each of these programs has options to transition to permanent resident, or at least to extend the stay via other means.

Finally, in the Spring of 2023, Statistics Canada finally began disclosing more realistic figures. The organization admitted that 2022 saw approximately 1 million people enter the country.

Now, the Senate has recommended changes in how the TFWP is reported. Does this mean that the TFWP will be scrapped, or greatly scaled down? Nope. What it does it include the numbers in the totals that are disclosed to the public.

The Temporary Foreign Worker Program was created in 1973 as a measure of last resort to bring foreign workers to Canada on a temporary basis to fill jobs for which qualified Canadians were not available. It is now clear that this program is essential and entrenched; it is therefore time to recognize this reality and adapt Canada’s migrant labour infrastructure accordingly.

In other words, it’s not going away.

However, to be more transparent with the totals, it’s not just the TFWP that needs to be addressed. There’s also the International Mobility Program, which is similar, but effectively an open work permit. Then there are the hundreds of thousands of student visas handed out every year.

The Standing Senate Committee on Social Affairs, Science and Technology recognizes that neither migrant work programs nor workers are truly temporary, and therefore, recommends that the Government of Canada:
implement the March 2024 commitment to include temporary residents in the annual Immigration Levels Plans;
-provide more transparent pre- and on-arrival information about transitioning from temporary work permits to permanent residence;
-review the language and education eligibility criteria required to apply for permanent residence;
expand the Provincial Nominee Program to allow more temporary and migrant workers to obtain permanent residence;
-make migrant workers eligible for integration services under the existing Settlement Program and increase funding to support the additional demand, including to community organizations already doing this work;
develop Settlement Program services specific to temporary residents’ needs including targeted language and education resources to support greater integration and reduce barriers to obtaining permanent residence; and
increase funding to the Migrant Workers Support Program and existing grassroots organizations to support dedicated services across the country to help migrant workers navigate Canadian bureaucracy before, during and after their stay, including accessing health care, social supports like Employment Insurance, and immigration needs.

While the bit about transparency is nice, the Senate also recommends increasing the number of temporary workers that obtain PR status. They also suggest increasing taxpayer funding across the board.

As for their recent report, (archived here), the Senate does show how many people are actually coming via “temporary” categories. Here are the official statistics, compiled from the last 20 years. Sources are the reports linked below.

Year Stu TFWP IMP Total
2003 61,293 82,151 143,444

2004 56,536 90,668 147,204

2005 57,476 99,146 156,622

2006 61,703 112,658 174,361

2007 64,636 165,198 229,834

2008 79,509 192,519 272,028

2009 85,140 178,478 263,618

2010 96,157 182,276 278,433

2011 98,383 190,842 289,225

2012 104,810 213,573 318,383

2013 111,865 221,310 333,175

2014 127,698 95,086 197,924 420,078

2015 219,143 73,016 175,967 468,126

2016 265,111 78,402 207,829 551,342

2017 317,328 78,788 224,033 620,149

2018 356,876 84,229 255,034 696,139

2019 402,427 98,310 306,797 807,534

2020 256,740 84,609 242,130 583,452

2021 445,776 103,552 313,294 862,622

2022 550,187 135,818 470,033 1,156,038

From the way the reports are worded, it appears that these are new visas being issued. In fairness, some are people who had one category expire, and are applying for another.

However, the reports are confusing as to how many people are counted across multiple programs. A cynic may wonder if it’s done deliberately.

This point had been made before, but is important to go over again. (See archive). In 2013/2014, the “Conservative” Government of Stephen Harper faced backlash for how many TFWs were coming into the Canada, and the effect of reducing wages. In 2014, following public backlash at the TFWP being abused, subsequent reports splits it off with the IMP, to help camouflage what was going on.

The Issue of Employer-Specific Work Permits
An overwhelming majority of migrant workers, migrant worker advocates, academics and economists told the committee that employer-specific work permits are the single most egregious condition of vulnerability. While employer-specific work permits are most often associated with the TFWP, Judy Fudge notes that “approximately one-third” of IMP participants also hold them.

Catherine Bryan summarized that the closed work permit is a primary concern for migrant workers because it imposes barriers on their ability to “contest any difficulties that they are encountering and it makes it almost impossible for them to leave.” Elizabeth Kwan added that these permits make “migrant workers vulnerable to abuse and exploitation and provide employers with a stable low-wage and compliant migrant workforce.”

Page 34 of the Senate report recommends scrapping the requirement that foreign workers stay with a single employer.

On some level, it’s nice to see an initiative from the Senate to reflect the true scale of people coming to Canada. However, they seem content with increasing the numbers overall. Not exactly a win.

There’s also the problem that Ottawa doesn’t know how many people remain in the Canada after their visas expire. It was just 2016 when it was announced that a proper entry/exit system would be implemented. Before this, there wasn’t really any passport tracking of who had left.

This Senate report will be followed up.

(4) Canada Senate SOCI Report 2024

(1) 2004 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(2) 2005 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(3) 2006 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(4) 2007 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(5) 2008 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(6) 2009 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(7) 2010 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(8) 2011 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(9) 2012 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(10) 2013 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(11) 2014 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(12) 2015 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(13) 2016 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(14) 2017 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(15) 2018 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(16) 2019 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(17) 2020 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(18) 2021 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(19) 2022 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(20) 2023 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament

CSSEM Cases Thrown Out: $530,000 For Petitions That Don’t Actually Challenge Anything

The British Columbia Supreme Court dismissed 3 Petitions challenging a requirement that health care workers (HCW) still have to take the clot-shots to keep their jobs.

There was one small victory though. The Public Health Office is to review the requirement that remote workers have to get the shots. This would also apply to others who don’t come into any contact with patients, residents or clients. The reasons for that start on paragraph 210 of the ruling.

It doesn’t necessarily mean that remote workers or workers who don’t come into contact with others will be exempt from the injection orders. It simply means that it must be reconsidered.

[315] The petitions are dismissed, with the exception that, under JRPA s. 5(1), I remit to the PHO for reconsideration, in light of this decision, whether to consider requests under s. 43 of the PHA, for reconsideration of the vaccination requirement from healthcare workers able to perform their roles remotely, or in-person but without contact with patients, residents, clients or the frontline workers who care for them.

What percentage would this apply to?

These cases were financed by a group called CSSEM, the Canadian Society for Science & Ethics in Medicine. On their website, they take credit for raising $530,000 to date. There’s overlap with the people running this group, and those who had campaigned for Action4Canada.

Whether coincidental or by design, the name is strikingly similar to CSASPP, the Canadian Society for the Advancement of Science in Public Policy. Both groups have the same goals. Was this done to piggyback off of their fundraising?

Hsiang et al v. Provincial Health Officer of British Columbia SCBC Vancouver Registry No. S224731

Hoogerbrug v. Provincial Health Officer of British Columbia SCBC Vancouver Registry No. S224652

CSASPP et al v. Dr. Bonnie Henry in her capacity as Provincial Health Officer for the Province of British Columbia SCBC Vancouver Registry No. S2110229

Tatlock et al v. Attorney General for the Province of British Columbia et al.SCBC Vancouver Registry No. S22242

Previously, there were 4 Petitions to be heard together, but CSASPP discontinued, after advising that it would be the case.

From the looks of their website, CSSEM is still funding the other 3 cases. While they weren’t anywhere near the dumpster fire that the Action4Canada one is, there are several problems which led to them being dismissed anyway:

  1. Petitions don’t challenge the “emergency” declarations in any meaningful way
  2. Petitions don’t challenge the junk “science”
  3. Petitions don’t challenge the Public Health Act
  4. Petitions should probably have been done as Civil Claims

Instead, the Petitions largely focus on narrow exemptions under the Canadian Charter. It’s a “cookie-cutter” challenge that’s been seen many times — including from the JCCF — and never goes anywhere. Seriously, it cost over half a million dollars for this?

26. The Petitioners seek the following orders under sections 2(2) and 7 of the Judicial Review
Procedure Act, RSBC 1996, c 241:
a. An order in the nature of certiorari quashing and setting aside the order of the Provincial Health Officer, dated November 18, 2021, entitled “Hospital and Community (Health Care and Other Services) Covid-19 Vaccination Status Information and Preventive Measures – November 18, 2021” (“Order”), to the extent that it requires individuals to have received the SARS-CoV-2 vaccination in order to work in hospital and designated community settings;
b. A declaration that the decision to continue in effect, or the failure or refusal to rescind, the November 18 Order, at any time after November 18, 2021, in response to the Petitioner’s requests or otherwise, is unreasonable and ultra vires, as there is not presently a reasonable basis for the exercise of emergency powers under the Public Health Act, SBC 2008, c 28, and the vaccination mandate is not a reasonable or effective way to address the spread of SARS-CoV-2;
c. In addition or in the alternative, a declaration that there is no reasonable basis to refuse or decline or neglect to issue notice under section 59 of the Public Health Act “that the emergency has passed”, and to follow the specified steps required under section 60 of the Public Health Act, including rescission of the November 18 Order;
d. Such other relief as the Court deems warranted and just; and
e. Costs of the Petition.

This is the Relief sought in the Hsiang Petition. As is obvious, there’s no challenge to the Public Health Act, the legislative structure that allowed this in the first place. Nor does it ask for a declaration that there was never any emergency at all — just that there currently isn’t one.

The test on a Judicial Review typically is “reasonableness”. Since all major facts are conceded, there isn’t much to argue over. In the ruling, Justice Coval simply “defers” to the expertise of Bonnie Henry and the Public Health Office.

1. Petitions Don’t Challenge Emergency Declarations

Looking at the Hsiang, Morgan and Vandergugten Petition, there are already serious problems. The Petition argues that there currently isn’t an emergency, and that there is no longer a need for restrictions on people’s liberties and livelihoods.

Instead of that taking that there never was a need, and hence the measures were overblown, the document claims that it doesn’t apply now. It tacitly admits that such regulations may have been entirely reasonable and necessary at earlier dates.

This was certainly noticed by Justice Coval.

When the starting position is that there used to be a significant risk of spreading this (alleged) virus, you’ve already lost.

2. Petitions Don’t Challenge Junk Science

Apparently, the people challenging the injection mandate also “trust the science”. By this, there’s no effort to challenge any of the extensive lies and distortion that has come out the last few years. Admittedly, Petitions aren’t designed to be deep dives. However, these ones take almost everything the B.C. Government takes at face value.

Here’s an easy one: what’s the definition of a “Covid death“?

3. Petitions Don’t Challenge Public Health Act

This is yet another area that’s mind boggling. The Petitioners didn’t challenge any (or all) of the B.C. Public Health Act. This is the legislation that made all of this possible.

Instead, the lawyers are reduced to essentially arguing for exemptions within the framework of the PHA itself. This would have been a perfect time for a full attack on the PHA, but that didn’t happen.

(A) World Health Organization Constitution legally binding on member
(B) International Health Regulations are legally binding on WHO members
(C) Canada’s Bill C-12 (2005 Quarantine Act) was written by WHO
(D) Provincial Health Acts are extension of WHO-IHR
(E) Public Health Agency of Canada a de-facto branch of World Health Organization

There’s a wealth of information available on this. Instead of pursuing exemptions within the Charter, shouldn’t lawyers be asking by the World Health Organization is drafting our laws?

4. Petitions Should Have Been Filed As Civil Claims?

Although the names vary by jurisdiction, there are different ways a person can start a Court process. This matters as it appears the CSSEM chose the wrong one.

The most well known method is by “Action”. It’s starting by filing a Statement of Claim, or a Notice of Civil Claim, as it’s called in B.C. It also has a few other names. These can be extremely simple, or they can be very complex, depending on the circumstances.

A lesser known method is by “Judicial Review”. This is when someone goes to Court to challenge an Order from some branch of Government, or Government Official, or Crown Corporation. These are meant to be a more streamlined process than Actions.

Petitions aren’t meant to be a deep dive into the science. They’re designed as reviews of whether or not decisions are reasonable. Considering what isn’t being challenged above, the outcome was inevitable.

Federal Statement Of Claim Application
Ontario Statement Of Claim Application
British Columbia Notice Of Civil Claim Petition

On the surface, a Petition appears to be the correct method. After all, these were challenges to specific orders from Bonnie Henry. However, things like discovery aren’t permitted here. They’re meant for Actions. The Hsiang and Hoogerbrug Petitioners attempted to augment (add to) their evidence the following:

  • Any and all documents relating to the incidence of COVID infections, transmission and serious illness, as well as hospitalization and death attributable to COVID, broken down by vaccination status and number of doses and age, since the emergence of the Omicron variants.
  • Any and all documents that support the comments made by the PHO in a media conference on January 21, 2022, during which the PHO stated that the provincial government’s approach to the COVID virus has shifted to be “much like how we manage other respiratory illnesses – influenza, or RSV (respiratory syncytial virus), or enteroviruses that cause the common cold”, including documents from January 2022 to September 12, 2022 that support this statement.
  • Any and all documents relating to the measures put in place to prevent infection and transmission of influenza and other respiratory illnesses, other than COVID, at hospitals and community health care facilities from 2009-2019.
  • Any and all documents relating to the relative effectiveness of the primary course of vaccination: In preventing people from contracting and transmitting COVID, since emergence of the Omicron variants; and compared to infection acquired immunity without vaccination with respect to preventing infection, transmission and serious illness, BC and other jurisdictions about vaccine mandates.
  • Any and all documents relating to the prevalence or estimated prevalence of infection and/or infection-acquired immunity in the provincial population.
  • All documents related to the consideration given to the two publicly available letters to UBC President & Vice-President Chancellor, Dr. Santa Ono, from the Vancouver Coastal Health Chief Medical Officer, Dr. Patricia Daly et al, dated February 16, 2022, and the and the UBC Faculty professors Dr. David Patrick, Dr. Sarah (Sally) Otto, and Dr. Daniel Coombs, dated February 20, 2022
  • All documents relating to the decision to permit unvaccinated individuals with a medical exemption to continue working at hospitals and community health care facilities, but not extending the same opportunity to unvaccinated persons with valid religious reasons for not being vaccinated
  • All documents relating to the measures put in place for those working at hospitals and community health care facilities with a medical exemption
  • Any and all documents relating to the effectiveness of measures other than vaccination in preventing the transmission of COVID at hospitals and community health care facilities, including, but not limited to, measures such as the use of personal protective equipment, hygiene policies, and daily or less frequent testing
  • All documents relating to the transmission of COVID by registered health professionals at hospitals and community health care facilities to patients and vice versa, including by vaccination status
  • All documents relating to the transmission of COVID at hospitals and community health care facilities by persons who are not subject to the vaccination mandate

It would have taken weeks or months to get all of this information together.

In fairness, CSASPP also tried to add evidence to their existing record. However, it was nowhere near what’s been listed above. Petitions are designed to be simple and straightforward, not the fact finding mission that’s being requested here.

CSASPP discontinued their Petition in 2023. In their status updates here and here, they blame lawyer Peter Gall (Hsiang and Hoogerbrug Petitions) for endless delays. If done in bad faith — and who knows — it would amount to hijacking the other challenges. The protracted nature of these cases merits a piece all on its own.

The Attorney General’s Office wasn’t happy about attempts to greatly expand the scope of the Petitions.

This isn’t quite as absurd as Action4Canada appealing a decision to strike their Claim, as opposed to simply rewriting it. But it’s still pretty bad.

But in the end, what was really challenged?

The (remaining) Petitioners don’t seem to have an issue with: (a) an emergency being declared at all; (b) the completely fraudulent science going unchecked; and (c) the B.C. Public Health Act. All that’s left is whether or not health care workers still have to get the shots under the current order.

If these suits were supposed to involve many procedural steps, such as discovery, then they should have been Civil Claims, not Petitions.

An interesting Twitter thread covering this case came from Peyman Askari. He breaks down other parts of the ruling quite well.

Administrative staff who work remotely, or who have no contact with patients, may get a reprieve in all of this. That said, this is nowhere near all of the health care workers in the Province.

Now, there will very likely be an Appeal. But what exactly would they argue?

(3) CSSEM Petition To The Court
(4) CSSEM Notice Of Assignment Justice Coval Assigned
(5) CSSEM Memorandum Justice Coval Will Hear All Petitions Together
(6) CSSEM Affidavit #3 Of Sophie Harney
(7) CSSEM Affidavit #4 of Sophie Harney
(8) CSSEM Gall’s Requisition To Set JMC For 19 Oct 2022
(9) CSSEM Peter Gall Disputes Record With Crown
(10) CSSEM Peter Gall’s Cover Letter For His Application
(11) CSSEM Gall Writes AG Regarding Further Amended Petitions
(12) CSSEM AG Writes Peter Gall To Advise His Proposed Amendments Are Convoluted
(13) CSSEM CSASPP Petitioner Advises Of Discontinuance
(14) CSSEM CSASPP Notice Of Discontinuance
(15) CSSEM Peter Gall’s Written Submissions For CPC Regarding Another Adjournment
(16) CSSEM Corrected Reasons Dismissing Peter Gall’s Application To Augment Record
(17) CSSEM CanLII Version Reasons For Decision (Augmenting Record)
(18) CSSEM Reasons For Decision (Dismissal)

(1) CSSEM Procedural Updates 01
(2) CSSEM Procedural Updates 02
(3) CSSEM Procedural Updates 03
(4) CSSEM Procedural Updates 04

(1) CSSEM Applicants For Incorporation
(2) CSSEM Certificate Of Incorporation
(3) CSSEM Constitution
(4) CSSEM Incorporation Application
(5) CSSEM Model Bylaws
(6) CSSEM Statement Of Directors And Registered Office


Private Members Bill C-388: Fast Tracking Energy, Gas And Weapons To Ukraine

Garnett Genuis, Conservative Member of Parliament for Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB, has introduced Bill C-388. The short title is: Boosting Canadian Energy and Mining Projects and Ukraine’s Munitions Supply Act. As implied, the goal is to ship weapons and energy to Ukraine. It’s been promoted on Twitter.

However, the Bill is so lacking in details and specifics that it’s unsettling where this will end up. It comes across as a way to endlessly throw money away on a foreign conflict. Not once does Genuis mention any safeguards that would be put in place.

Genuis also wants Canada’s “outdated” or unneeded equipment to be sent off as well. Apparently, the Canadian Forces won’t use them, but they’ll help fight off Russian aggression. It’s never explained or implied how this will happen. To summarize:

  • Canada has made promises to send weapons to Ukraine and not fulfilled them
  • Canada has weapons that are “surplus, and no longer useful” here
  • Canada should be sending equipment to Ukraine that it no longer uses
  • Canada should be buying new equipment here, or making more weapons
  • Canada should fast track gas and energy and mining projects to Ukraine
  • Energy and mining growth will help Canadian economy

Dealing with energy and mining first:

Plan to Fast Track Energy and Mining Projects
Preparation of plan
2 (1) Within 60 days after the day on which this Act comes into force, the Minister of Natural Resources must, in collaboration with representatives of the provincial governments responsible for natural resources, prepare a detailed plan to fast track energy and mining projects, including those related to liquefied natural gas and civilian nuclear energy, that includes measures to displace energy exports from hostile countries and support energy cooperation with allies and partners.

Genuis’ legislation would compel Ottawa to come up with a plan to fast track various energy exports to Ukraine. But this is still very broad, and doesn’t give any numbers or targets.

There’s also nothing in the Bill that would require that energy sales take place at fair market rates. Yes, he pitches the “benefits” to the Canadian economy, but how much could a country at war for 2 years afford? The Bill doesn’t specify any of this. Would these be (forgivable) loans? To what degree would the public be forced to subsidize this?

Bearing in mind that Genuis has openly supported and endorsed the Paris Accord, he wants to ramp up production in Canada anyway. This isn’t so that Canadians can have cheap fuel and energy prices, but so that Ukraine can. Interestingly, he doesn’t seem concerned about potential Carbon taxes when it applies to energy shipments abroad. This was from 2017, but a revealing clip, assuming he still holds the same views.

Would the details be worked out behind the scenes by anonymous bureaucrats?

Now, getting to the munitions part:

Genuis is extremely vague on which “munitions” would be sent to Ukraine. He implies that it’s older equipment that the Canadian Forces wouldn’t need. In that case, why would Ukraine need it? Are these guns? Body armour? Explosives? Vehicles? Surveillance equipment?

Genuis doesn’t specify if he expects the “unneeded” weapons to be sold to Ukraine at fair market rates (or close to it). If the Trudeau Government is so wasteful and incompetent, isn’t he concerned they’ll simply be given away, or sold for next to nothing? Is he worried that the munitions will end up in the hands of a hostile power?

And if these are things the Canadian Forces are unlikely to ever use, are they obsolete to the point that they’re useless in war? This isn’t clarified.

Changes To Other Acts As Well

10 (1) The Corporation is established for the purposes of
(a) supporting and developing, directly or indirectly, domestic business, at the request of the Minister and the Minister of Finance for a period specified by those Ministers;
(b) supporting and developing, directly or indirectly, Canada’s export trade and Canadian capacity to engage in that trade and to respond to international business opportunities; and
(c) providing, directly or indirectly, development financing and other forms of development support in a manner that is consistent with Canada’s international development priorities

Section 10(c) of the Export Development Act will be altered to make include this subsequently: “the Corporation shall give preference to the development of munitions manufacturing capacity in Ukraine.”

Genuis’ Bill, if implemented, would give priority to shipping weapons to Ukraine over other foreign “development”.

The Defence Production Act would have Section 16 amended to include this:

16.‍1 For as long as any territory of Ukraine is occupied by armed forces of the Russian Federation, the Minister of National Defence must periodically review Canada’s inventory of defence supplies, and the Minister must offer to donate to Ukraine any defence supplies that, in the opinion of the Minister of National Defence, are surplus or no longer useful to Canada.

The Business Development Bank of Canada Act would be amended to give Ukraine priority to develop munitions. In other words, preference with tax dollars will be given to a foreign country.

The Export and Import Permits Act would be amended to treat weapons exports to Ukraine the same as exports to the United States.

As with most Canadian legislation, there are built-in regulations which give almost unfettered power to bureaucrats. This would alter several Acts, but do nothing to ensure accountability. The whole thing comes across as a means to endlessly take from taxpayers, under the guise of preventing Russian aggression.

For all that Genuis — and Conservatives in general — rail against Trudeau waste and corruption, there’s nothing in Bill C-388 that would prevent more of the same. Are we to be skeptical domestically, but not internationally?


Private Member Bills In Current Session:
(1) Bill C-206: Decriminalizing Self Maiming To Avoid Military Service
(2) Bill C-207: Creating The “Right” To Affordable Housing
(3) Bill C-219: Creating Environmental Bill Of Rights
(4) Bill C-226: Creating A Strategy For Environmental Racism/Justice
(5) Bill C-229: Banning Symbols Of Hate, Without Defining Them
(6) Bill C-235: Building Of A Green Economy In The Prairies
(7) Bill C-245: Entrenching Climate Change Into Canada Infrastructure Bank
(8) Bill C-250: Imposing Prison Time For Holocaust Denial
(9) Bill C-261: Red Flag Laws For “Hate Speech”
(10) Bill C-293: Domestic Implementation Of Int’l Pandemic Treaty
(11) Bill C-312: Development Of National Renewable Energy Strategy
(12) Bill C-315: Amending CPPIB Act Over “Human, Labour, Environmental Rights”
(13) Bill C-367: Removing Religious Exemptions Protecting Against Antisemitism
(14) Bill C-373: Removing Religious Exemptions Protecting Against Antisemitism 2.0
(15) Bill S-215: Protecting Financial Stability Of Post-Secondary Institutions
(16) Bill S-243: Climate Related Finance Act, Banking Acts
(17) Bill S-248: Removing Final Consent For Euthanasia
(18) Bill S-257: Protecting Political Belief Or Activity As Human Rights
(19) Bill S-275: Adding “Sustainable And Equitable Prosperity” To Bank Of Canada Act

Never Again: NDP MP Leah Gazan’s Rationale Behind Banning Residential School “Denialism”

A year ago, NDP Member of Parliament for Winnipeg Centre, Leah Gazan, made the news with calls to formally make illegal so-called residential school “denialism”.

October 2022, she got a Motion passed unanimously to formally recognize that genocide had taken place at residential schools in Canada.

In any event, recent tweets, here and here, shine light on her rationale for doing this. She draws a parallel between Holocaust denial, and this. And her solution is exactly the same: to make it illegal to publicly deny that it happened.

This Canadian Jewish Heritage Month, I commemorate my grandfather, David Gazan, who served in the Dutch Army during WWII, my grandmother, Gina Gazan, a concentration camp survivor, and my father, Albert Gazan, a Holocaust survivor and lifelong peace activist. (1/2)

We must stand together against rising antisemitic rhetoric and hate groups. We must remember the lessons of the Holocaust and the legacy of hate and discrimination that allowed it to happen. Never again means never again for anyone. (2/2)

However, Gazan posts this on her website, which really throws things for a loop.

Urgent Action Needed on the Humanitarian Crisis in Palestine

Israel’s devastating bombardment of Gaza following the horrific Oct. 7 attack by Hamas on Israeli civilians has led to a humanitarian crisis that requires immediate action. At the time of writing, more than 22,000 people are confirmed killed in Gaza, more than 58,000 injured, and another 7,000 are missing under the rubble. Nearly half of those killed in Gaza were children, and 79 journalists and media workers have been killed. 1.9 million have been displaced by the destruction of critical infrastructure.

The Israeli blockade on fuel, food, water, and medicine is causing dehydration, starvation, and the unmitigated spread of disease among civilian populations. Women are being forced to give birth without electricity or medication, and surgeries are being performed without anesthesia.

For decades, Palestinians have been subjected to occupation, eviction from their homes, the annexation of their land, and the expansion of illegal settlements.

Even though Gazan supports criminalizing the act of “Residential School denialism”, and presumably “Holocaust denial” as well, she openly calls out what’s been going on for decades by Israel.

It’s also interesting that Gazan repeatedly denounces antisemitism. Such comments about Israel and the Middle East lead to similar accusations about her. She’s often labelled a Hamas sympathizer.

April 30th, Gazan retweeted António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations. Concerning the Middle East, he stated: “Independent investigators must be allowed immediate access. The families of the dead have a right to know what happened”. That certainly sounds reasonable, but by Gazan’s own standards, such comments would be hate speech if said in Canada.

She calls out genocide, but wants to make it illegal to question?!

Gazan also promotes her own Bill C-223, which would establish a framework for U.B.I., or universal basic income. Seems a bit odd that she wants a country that she alleges committed genocide to provide everyone with free money.

Last year, Gazan publicly called for the Federal Government to “protect and uphold the right to travel for refugees and former refugees”. Bearing in mind that they’re already free to move within Canada, this presumably means the freedom to visit other countries. Or to return to where they’re being persecuted. She also references 2020/2021, when Canadians weren’t free to travel.

Gazan is an enthusiastic supporter of abortion and women’s rights. While supporting social programs for children, it’s also a human right to terminate pregnancies at will.

Gazan is definitely a hard one to figure out.

Will “conservatives” take a principled stand on free speech? Doubtful. In 2022, Kevin Waugh introduced Bill C-250 to JAIL Holocaust deniers. It was also proudly displayed on the CPC website, but later removed. See the archive. But because of Division 21 in Bill C-19, Waugh’s version soon became redundant. As for these specific efforts:

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre’s spokesman Sebastian Skamski has not yet responded to a request about whether the Tories would support a push to criminalize residential school denialism.

When asked specifically about criminalizing “residential school denialism”, Poilievre hasn’t given a straight answer. There was no indignation at such an attack on free speech. But if he were logically consistent, he’d support such legislation.

We’ll have to see if it ever actually emerges. For now, it’s just talk. However, that can change quite quickly, and can always be buried in an omnibus bill.