HateGate, Part 1: Report’s Co-Author Involved With “Heritage Front”, A CSIS Operation

This continues the series on “Diagolon”. This is a so-called “meme” organization that shows the signs of being a honeypot run by either law enforcement or intelligence.

Parts 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 of the series relate to the Schill gun grab. There’s a lot more to get into, all of it ignored by so-called “alternative” media.

Viewers of my last video weren’t too happy. Included were various video clips, along with references to the Zaugg and Schill incidents. Apparently, that wasn’t enough, and it was necessary to research HateGate to have an informed opinion.

The gist of it was (supposedly) that Diagolon and Jeremy MacKenzie (a.k.a. Raging Dissident) were being wrongfully smeared by the hate industry in Canada. The allegations were all baseless, and all founded on distortions of a podcast-based community. The investigative reporting had cleared them of any wrongdoing — beyond being loud, crude and obnoxious.

A quick search led to an article on Crier Media, with an 85 page report attached. It was co-authored by Caryma Sa’d and Elisa Hategan. To be fair, the report itself is quite interesting, and is heavily sourced. This isn’t merely rambling on their part, but the result of considerable work.

But a few things immediately stood out.

Quotes From HateGate Report

Taking Down the Heritage Front
In the early 90s, sixteen-year-old Romanian immigrant Elisa Hategan (then Elisse) was held up as the innocent young face of an Ontario neo-Nazi, white supremacist group known as the Heritage Front. With over 200 members, including violent skinheads with convictions for aggravated assault, kidnapping and attempted murder, and implicated in firebombings, it was considered the most dangerous white supremacist group in modern Canadian history. Elisa was groomed as a media spokesperson to soften the image of violent skinheads, even appearing on The Montel Williams Show at age seventeen to repeat scripted talking points that concealed the group’s hateful ideology.

It was a cynical, yet effective strategy. But the adult puppeteers failed to account for personal agency, nor for Elisa’s identity as a closeted lesbian with Jewish roots, later confirmed through DNA tests. Elisa began to secretly provide information to anti-racist activists, at great personal risk, revealing details about illegal weapons and the identity of a Toronto police officer who was a group member. At age eighteen, she defected from the group, stealing part of Holocaust denier Ernst Zundel’s membership list. Months later, her courtroom testimony was instrumental in securing the convictions of three Heritage Front leaders—a fatal blow that triggered the group’s decline and eventual demise.

While the leaders were serving jail time, co-founder and second-in-command leader Grant Bristow was exposed as an undercover CSIS operative by Toronto Sun reporter Bill Dunphy, in part due to scrutiny that arose after Hategan’s affidavits and testimony pointed to Bristow being an agent provocateur who directed criminal activity such as the It Campaign, a brutal harassment campaign directing Indigenous community leaders and anti-racist activists.

Despite having incurred serious death threats, including being questioned at knifepoint by Front members the day before her defection, Elisa was inexplicably denied entry into the RCMP’s Witness Protection Program. Grant Bristow, however, was promptly relocated to Alberta, given a home, cars and a generous monthly paycheck for years afterwards, despite the fact that his five years of work in Operation Governor had not led to the arrest and conviction of a single Canadian neo-Nazi.

Forced to live in hiding across Canada for more than two years, relying on kind strangers, homeless shelters, and dumpster-diving to survive, Elisa, a ninth-grade high-school dropout with a history of familial abuse and foster care, managed to earn a Nova Scotia GED and was accepted into the University of Ottawa’s prestigious criminology program.

Motivated to understand how extremists target youth for radicalization, Elisa made the best of her second chance, engaging in volunteer work inside prison and youth detention centres, while working two jobs and relying on student loans to stay afloat. In 1999, aged 25, she graduated magna cum laude with a double major in criminology and psychology.

Starting on page 31, the report talks about Hategan’s backstory, including how she had been groomed as a “spokesperson” for Heritage Front, a white supremacist gang. It turned out that Grant Bristow, a co-founder of the group, was in fact a CSIS agent. Of course, this raises the obvious question of whether (and to what degree) the group was created at the behest of authorities in Canada.

Granted, the 1980’s and early 90’s didn’t have internet culture, so it’s not the same as today. But there are many things to be asked.

Hategan isn’t shy about her involvement with Heritage Front. She has a video on her YouTube channel, which is still accessible today. She also has a book for sale called Race Traitor.

All of this said, the HateGate report seems to avoid addressing the elephant in the room: was CSIS doing the same thing with Diagolon that they were with Heritage Front? Could MacKenzie, Harrison and/or Vriend really be working for the Government? Could they (alternatively) be considered assets?

Hategan Counselled To Commit Crimes — As A Minor

Critics who distrust CAHN’s claim of expertise on far-right extremism will cite a noticeable double standard—the penchant to reserve the brunt of condemnations for political opponents, while overlooking and even forgiving misconduct by peers and members of their devoted fanbase. They point to situations where CAHN implies they are selective when choosing who gets publicly denounced as a bigot or extremist, and who is ignored.

For instance, relative unknowns get spotlighted and called heroes, even when there is no evidence to suggest they did anything to earn the accolades. To our knowledge, none of the former white supremacists promotes by CAHN has provided evidence of assistance to law enforcement organizations while still inside their hate groups. None testified against former comrades to help secure convictions.

There is arguably no better example to underscore concerns over CAHN’s personal biases affecting what is purported to be expert research, than the enduring friendship between Bernie Farber and Grant Bristow, the undisputed co-founder and self-appointed “Intelligence Chief” of the Heritage Front.

Prior to her defection from the Heritage Front, Elisa Hategan submitted approximately 30 affidavits to the Ontario Provincial Police. Several involved situations where Bristow purportedly counseled Elisa—initially still a minor—to engage in criminal activity, such as giving her instructions on how to anonymously harass and intimidate left-wing activists, hack into answering machines to collect data, and spy on the Irish Freedom Association of Toronto.

She, along with scores of neo-Nazi skinheads and white supremacists, were given names, addresses and telephone numbers and taught how to use voter registry information to gather details about individuals on the target list, such as the names of everyone residing at that domicile.

Bristow also boasted about his intention to drive a lesbian Anti-Racist Action (ARA) activist to mental breakdown and suicide. “I want to pound Ruth’s head in. I want to give her a facial massage with a sledgehammer,” he is described as saying in one of Elisa’s 1994 affidavits. He enlisted Elisa specifically because he needed a woman’s voice for that particular job—to record messages on adult personal ads while passing as Ruth, and give out her address and telephone number.

Beginning on page 48, Hategan outlines how she had been pushed to commit crimes, while still being a minor. She describes conduct that can best be described as harassment, stalking and doxxing. She mentions her extensive cooperation with the Ontario Provincial Police.

She also claims that Bernie Farber — the infamous head of CAHN, the Canadian Anti-Hate Network — had a long lasting friendship with Bristow. If this is true, then groups like Heritage Front are presumably in bed with the “anti-hate” and “anti-fascist” organizations that oppose them.

With this knowledge in mind, it again raises the obvious question: why didn’t the HateGate report seem to explore the possibility that Diagolon was a Government front? Hategan, more than nearly anyone, should have been aware of this.

Why Get Involved With These People At All?

Looking through Hategan’s many online postings, she quite proudly boasts of her Jewish heritage, and of being a lesbian.

That being said, the streams of “Raging Dissident” are filled with endless insults and comments about “the Jews”, and “faggots”. It’s baffling that Hategan would put in the work to try to clear them. Of course, this could just be an idealistic take on free speech.

Taking a look through her Twitter feed, it seems that relations between Hategan and Diagolon have collapsed. She’s even threatened lawsuits based on the content of Harrison’s book: Meme Kampf. Gee, who could foreseen such a possibility?

Full Posting Of 1,082 Page FOIPIP Release

(1) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 1
(2) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 2
(3) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 3
(4) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 4
(5) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 5
(6) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 6
(7) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 7
(8) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 8
(9) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 9
(10) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 10
(11) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 11
(12) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 12
(13) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 13
(14) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 14
(15) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 15
(16) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 16
(17) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 17
(18) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 18
(19) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 19
(20) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 20
(21) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 21

Most people are likely unaware of this, but when someone makes a freedom of information request, there’s an archive generated. From the Government’s perspective, it prevents duplication, in the event that someone else asks for the same (or similar) data. It wasn’t hard to find this specific one.

It’s unclear why the full summaries weren’t released along with the other citations. None of the media outlets that covered the story did either. Therefore, this site contacted the RCMP and requested a copy of the results.

This will be covered in a future article, but the results of the FOIPIP request don’t really support the conclusions that are drawn. Yes, there are accurate quotes pulled. However, the package — when read in full — leads toward other findings.

Probably the biggest misconception is that authorities panicked jumped to conclusions to justify invoking the Emergencies Act. The “Diagolon” group promotes this narrative non-stop. That isn’t justified though.

Is Diagolon An Intelligence Gathering Operation?

The recent “Road Rage Terror Tour” has concluded, with this group coming to towns across Canada. But it’s worth asking what exactly was the point? Was selling merchandise the goal? Or was it to gather names, photos and contact information of people to monitor?

Recently, the so-called Queen of Diagolon posted this tweet. Who makes comments — even as a joke — about recording people’s licence plates? Keep in mind, one of the things Hategan did for police was take down plate numbers.

Considering the content of these streams, doxxing is a legitimate concern.

Given that a few “Diagolon” patches found in Coutts was allegedly a smoking gun connection of a murder conspiracy, why the push to keep selling merch? Is it about extra money? Ego? Or is the goal to spread enough of it around that a connection can always be found?

Regular people would have been charged for saying a fraction of the things that are common on these livestreams. For some reason, Government goes out of its way to signal boost, rather than get it shut down. Remember:

There is arguably no better example to underscore concerns over CAHN’s personal biases affecting what is purported to be expert research, than the enduring friendship between Bernie Farber and Grant Bristow, the undisputed co-founder and self-appointed “Intelligence Chief” of the Heritage Front. (HateGate, Page 48)

This is directly from their text. According to the HateGate report, Bernie Farber and Grant Bristow were able to remain friends despite them being ideological enemies. It suggests the entire conflict was manufactured. Fast forward to today, could something similar happen again?

Could Evan Balgord and Alex Vriend secretly be friends? Is Diagolon really just Heritage Front 2.0?

As they say, history doesn’t repeat itself, but it does often rhyme.

SCHILL HEARING:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/oncj/doc/2024/2024oncj249/2024oncj249.html
(2) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 1
(3) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 2, Cross Examination

CARMICHAEL ASSAULTING A PRISONER:
(1) Ernest Carmichael Disciplinary Hearing Penalty Decision 25.07.2014
(2) https://toronto.ctvnews.ca/siu-lays-assault-charge-against-york-region-police-officer-1.1392108
(3) https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/york-police-officer-charged-with-assault/article_d1b43f97-a077-59b4-8603-747a94b76170.html

HERITAGE FRONT/CSIS:
(1) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d8CQ6pjKaJ8
(2) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gy7U8AOXhuw
(3) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A1cBOmr3pWg
(4) https://crier.co/the-hategate-affair-unmasking-canadas-hate-industry/
(5) Full Text Of HateGate Report (85 Pages)
(6) https://www.amazon.com/Race-Traitor-Canadian-Intelligence-Services-ebook/dp/B00JA05FYM
(7) https://open.canada.ca/en/search/ati
(8) https://open.canada.ca/en/search/ati/reference/0deb7fad4bfd4546cfd5e016c1667454
(9) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1709587192715124829
(10) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1757851798147117192
(11) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1758258494740832409
(12) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1762255316429803597/
(13) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1798395395887997146
(14) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1797682910516195560
(15) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1734060656960090558
(16) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1783193060005818703

POEC HEARINGS:
(1) https://publicorderemergencycommission.ca/
(2) PEOC Report, Volume 1: Overview
(3) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 1 Overview
(4) PEOC Report, Volume 2: Analysis (Part 1)
(5) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 2 Analysis Part 1
(6) PEOC Report, Volume 3: Analysis (Part 2)
(7) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 3 Analysis Part 2 Recommendations
(8) PEOC Report, Volume 4: Process and Appendices
(9) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 4 Process And Appendices
(10) PEOC Report, Part 5: Policy Papers
(11) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 5 Policy Papers

MOSLEY DECISION:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2024/2024fc42/2024fc42.html#par41

CASELAW ON REVOKING FIREARMS PERMITS:
(1) R. v. Zeolkowski, 1989 CanLII 72 (SCC), [1989] S.C.J. No. 50, at para 12, 16, 17, 18
(2) British Columbia (Chief Firearms Officer) v. Fahlman, 2004 BCCA 343, at para 25.
(3) R. v. Christiansen, 2006 BCCA 189, at para 7.
(4) R. v. Bokhari, 2009 ONCJ 691, at para 10, relying on R. v. Day, [2006] O.J. No. 3187 (S.C.J.) and R. v. Morgan, [1995] O.J. No. 18 (Ont.Ct.(Prov.Div.)).
(5) R. v. Peacock-McDonald, 2007 ONCA 128, at para 40
(6) R. v. Douglas, 2013 ONCJ 649, at paras 45, 57.
(7) R. v. Mourtzis, 2015 ONCJ 74, at para 25.
(8) R. v. Roman, 2018 ONCJ 344, at para 89.
(9) R. v. Hurrell, 2002 CanLII 45007 (ON CA), [2002] O.J. No. 2819, at para 48.
(10) R. v. Christiansen, supra, at para 7.
(11) Fahlman, supra, at para 25.
(12) R. v. Peacock-Macdonald, supra, at para 40.
(13) R. v. Roman, supra, at para 89.
(14) R. v. Wiles, 2005 SCC 84, at para 9.

Summary Judgement Motion To Be Heard In Injection Mandate For Hundreds Of Healthcare Workers

Next week, on Tuesday August 13th, hundreds of Ontario health care workers will hear a Motion to determine whether or not their lawsuit can proceed.

The Statement of Claim (and the amended version) are both extremely poorly written. They fail to plead the necessary information to support any of the major allegations. And what has been pleaded is largely irrelevant. Here’s the previous review of the case.

For clarity, there are actually 2 separate Motions filed. One is from the Ontario Government, and the other from the various hospitals and health care employers. It seems that the latter have banded together in an effort to mitigate their costs.

1. Vast Majority Of Plaintiffs Are/Were Union Members

Out of the 473 named Plaintiffs, some 387 of them, or more than 80%, belong to unions. These include CUPE, Unifor, OPSEU, and others. Starting at page 58 in the hospitals Factum, the Plaintiffs, Defendants and respective unions are all listed. There are additional Plaintiffs who are simply “John Doe”.

Why does this matter? It’s because unions are typically governed by collective bargaining agreements. These include the processes to grieve matters. Almost universally, grievances that cannot be resolve end up getting sent to arbitration, whereas litigation is prohibited.

There are limited exceptions to this, such as workers suing their unions for failing to represent in good faith. However, none of these exceptions are listed, nor are any facts pleaded that would allow for them.

Unfair as it may be, the Courts are consistently ruling that injection mandates are essentially relating to the terms and conditions of employment. In essence, unionized workers don’t have the right to sue.

In theory, the non-union Plaintiffs could still go ahead. However, the pleading is full of serious defects, which will make that impossible. Read the last review. And the Factums (written arguments) filed outline additional problems.

In Court proceedings, there’s an overarching principle that cases are to be conducted as swiftly and cost effectively (cheaply) as possible. That’s going to be a problem for several reasons.

2. Motion Record Of 13,000 Pages Submitted

There was apparently a 23 volume Motion Record, comprising some 13,000 pages. A Motion Record is a collection of documents (typically the Notice, and Affidavit evidence) that will be used at the hearing.

Why 13,000 pages? This is because the Statement of Claim, and the amended one, don’t plead any facts or particulars about specific Plaintiffs. Nor do they plead facts or particulars about any facts or particulars for any Defendants. Essentially, the Defendants are having to provide basic information to the Court about the parties.

This is something the Plaintiffs are typically expected to do.

While this does seem like an absurd amount of material, consider that there are 473 named Plaintiffs. That works out to an average of about 27 pages per person, including employment agreements and union documentation.

This isn’t a effort to justify injection mandates. However, it is unfair — in terms of due process — to sue on behalf of so many people, yet provide no information about their circumstances.

3. Moron Lawyer Sues 59 Separate Defendants

There are 59 separate Defendants in this case. Yes, the usual Government ones are named, such as Doug Ford, Christine Elliott, the Attorney General and the Province of Ontario. This is to be expected.

However, dozens more are listed, and they are scattered across Ontario. Various hospitals and health centres are named, and have to respond. These organizations have little to no connection with each other.

In the Katanik case, organized by Take Action Canada, counsel made the decision to sue 47 different Defendants, including 20 municipalities, as well as the Ontario Government. This resulted in over 20 lawyers being involved to defend that case.

In this case, the various non-Government Defendants have pooled their money to file a single Motion to cover everyone. This was done to reduce overall expenses. And good for them, because this could have been a lot worse in terms of costs.

4. Hundreds Of Plaintiffs With No Connection

It has been pointed out in the Factums that the vast majority of the Plaintiffs don’t even live or work in Toronto, where this case was filed.

The Defendants argue that it’s improper to lump so many Plaintiffs together.

While some do work together and know each other, the Plaintiffs are scattered across the country. Now, this case could have been commenced as a Proposed Class Action (notwithstanding the union issue), but it wasn’t. It clogs up the Courts to bring so many unrelated cases together.

5. Pleading Is “Bad Beyond Argument” In Terms Of Quality

See the previous review. It outlines the major defects in the pleading, and provides constructive criticism about how it should have been done.

6. CSASPP Gets Honourable Mention Here

Back in late 2023, Justice Chalmers dismissed a $1.1 million defamation lawsuit brought against CSASPP, the Canadian Society for the Advancement of Science in Public Policy. He ruled that the now infamous email and FAQ were truthful and accurate.

Now, the hospital Defendants are quoting Justice Chalmers.

4. This Action is untenable with no reasonable chance of success. To borrow Justice Chalmers’ phrasing in Galati v. Toews et al, the pleading is prolix, argumentative, advances pseudo-legal concepts and conspiracy theories, and has no reasonable chance for success. Consequently, the Moving Parties seek an Order striking out the Plaintiffs’ (the “Responding Parties”) Amended Statement of Claim (the “Amended Claim”), without leave to amend, on four grounds:

76. Moreover, this Action does not exist in isolation. Similar pleadings have been filed in Ontario and British Columbia. The British Columbia pleading has since been struck. The Ontario pleading was recently described by Justice Chalmers as follows:

The Ontario pleading is prolix and argumentative. The claim advances pseudo-legal concepts and conspiracy theories that the pandemic was pre-planned and executed by the WHO, Bill Gates, the World Economic Forum and unnamed billionaires and oligarchs. The similarly drafted A4C claim was struck by Justice Ross. In doing so, he described the pleading as “bad beyond argument”.

77. Justice Chalmers further opined that the similar Ontario Action has been improperly pleaded and improperly asserts “bizarre conspiracy theories” which are ineffective and have little or no chance of success. The Moving Parties submit that the same observations equally apply to this case.

Since Vaccine Choice Canada discontinued their case — and presumably kept all the donor money — these comments from Justice Chalmers are closest there will be to a ruling. While the CSASPP case was over (alleged) defamation, the critique has made its way to this lawsuit.

It’s also amusing that the Plaintiffs’ Factum cites that CSASPP was successful in surviving a Motion to Strike back in 2022. This is a bit surreal, to attempt to bankrupt an organization, and then piggyback off of their work.

7. Lawyer Unaware Of Employment Law Precedent

As an aside, it’s baffling that counsel keeps citing the 1995 Supreme Court case of Weber v. Ontario Hydro. It went a long way towards shutting down the ability of unionized employees to go to Court. Time and time again, Judges have thrown lawsuits out for lack of jurisdiction if there’s another outlet.

8. How Much Money Have Plaintiffs Had To Pay?

Without seeing the retainer agreements, it’s impossible to know for sure, but consider that there are 473 named Plaintiffs.

The retainer in the Adelberg case — the Federal one — was $1,000 each.
The retainer in the Katanik case — run by Take Action Canada — was $1,500 each.
There have been rumours going around as well that this retainer was $2,000 per head.

  • 473 Plaintiffs * $1,000/Plaintiff = $473,000
  • 473 Plaintiffs * $1,500/Plaintiff = $709,500
  • 473 Plaintiffs * $2,000/Plaintiff = $946,000

As a rough estimate, it’s fair to say that the Plaintiffs have collectively paid between half a million dollars and a million. And all they’re getting is a cut-and-paste Statement of Claim, with no prospects of getting to Trial.

It’s the same garbage pleading over and over again.

9. Some Final Thoughts

Anyhow, the hearing is next week, assuming it doesn’t get postponed. Of course, it’s also possible that the case just gets dropped altogether. It has happened before.

What will the outcome be? It’s possible that the unionized Plaintiffs will be barred from suing completely. However, the non-unionized Plaintiffs would still have to redraft a proper Claim. This is pretty much what happened with the Adelberg (Federal) case — Government employees were barred, but the private sector workers could proceed. Such a decision could happen again.

Assuming that any of the Plaintiffs are allowed to refile, they need to retain a competent lawyer. Their current one clearly isn’t up to the task.

Pardon earlier errors that listed the hearing date as August 18th, 2024, and the number of Plaintiffs as around 300. It is actually August 13th, with 473 (named) Plaintiffs.

(1) Grifters Main Page
(2) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/laws/regu/rro-1990-reg-194/latest
(3) https://www.ontario.ca/page/search-court-cases-online
(4) Dorceus Statement Of Claim
(5) Dorceus Amended Statement Of Claim
(6) Dorceus Defendant Moving Party Factum SJM Government
(7) Dorceus Defendant Moving Party Factum SJM Hospitals
(8) Dorceus Plaintiff Responding Factum SJM

Trudeau’s Former Campaign Manager Pushing For Extra TFWs At Tim Hortons

Canadians have wondered how the scale of “temporary” foreign workers has skyrocketed in recent years. Here, we’ll try to answer at least some of it, using an interesting case.

Restaurant Brands International Inc. is a company that boasts of “$40 billion in annual system-wide sales and over 30,000 restaurants in more than 100 countries”. It owns:

  • Tim Hortons
  • Burger King
  • Popeyes
  • Firehouse Subs

Tim Hortons is perhaps the most well known chain, or at least one of them. It’s also where the prevalence of foreign workers is one of the most noticeable. Now, why has this been happening?

It should surprise no one that corporations lobby governments all the time to change laws that suit their needs. This is no different. However, we can at least track official communications, and see what they’ve been talking about.

Louis-Alexandre Lanthier, a consultant with PAA Public Affairs Advisors, is a former campaign manager for Justin Trudeau. Yes, this is the sitting Prime Minister.

In their “services” section, PAA lists the following:

  • Government advisory services – The art of persuading government involves intervening early, helping often, and supporting your arguments with evidence. We work at all levels of the political system, among public servants and with influential stakeholders, to gather intelligence and create a consensus about the best path forward.
  • Corporate communications – We offer the full gamut of corporate communications services from carefully crafted PR programs to print, broadcast and digital ad campaigns and social media. We help our clients communicate both internally and externally. Whatever the medium, we are gifted at the fine art of communication.
  • Media relations – For over a decade, we have been nurturing powerful relationships with journalists and media executives across Canada, so we can help educate various audiences about issues important to our clients. We are experts in everything from writing releases and staging press conferences to amassing earned media and leveraging it on all the requisite social media channels.
  • Crisis communications – How an organization responds to a crisis reveals its character. PAA helps clients navigate difficult situations to help ensure that their reputations emerge not just intact but enhanced. We have expertise handling all manner of crises, including: product recalls; executive departures; site specific incidents; cyber and ransomware attacks; and data breaches.
  • Stakeholder relations – Stakeholder relations are as important as any other. After careful collaboration with our clients, we are adept at handling investor, board, employee and partner relations. Our success in these areas relies on communicating clearly, concisely, and often, and, of course, on listening.

Cute, isn’t it? They “work to create a consensus”, all while “educating various audiences” on important issues. Sure, the information is public, but how many people actually research this sort of thing?

As an aside, this isn’t unique to Liberals. Lobbying firms reach out to politicians of all stripes. What this means is that even when there’s a change in administration, there’s still a lobbyist who can reach out. Voting Conservative won’t save you.

Let’s look at that last part again:

Interestingly, lobbyists also pushed Ottawa for bailout money, such as CEWS, or the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy. Now, while they get extra tax breaks from Canada, they push for changes to replace them from the workforce.

The Lobbying Registry is a gold mine of information, and it lends real insight as to who is pulling the strings of politicians. There are Provincial ones as well.

So, who is Louis-Alexandre Lanthier?

It’s all available on his LinkedIn page, as well as his PAA profile. Influence peddling has become so prevalent that no one bothers to hide it anymore.

Executive Assistant
Parliament of Canada
Oct 2008 to Mar 2014 · 5 yrs 6 mos
Région de Ottawa, Canada
• Developed a strategy for the candidate to assure a constant presence in Papineau and consulted on a media strategy to ensure a continuing message of momentum resulting in a win on Election Day but also reversing a trend going from a loss by 900 votes in the previous election to a win by 1200 votes in 2008 and a win by 4000 votes in 2011.

• Established an office in Montreal and in Ottawa with five staff to accommodate the demands of our constituents. Imposed a protocol for prioritizing requests and ensure a proper delimitation of responsibilities. And supervised all correspondence.

• Started a volunteers program where dozens of students can contribute their talent to the benefit of the office on weekly bases while getting the formation that they need to find employment in any office.

• Entrusted to handle all media request and public appearance for the representative and made sure that he was well prepared by redacting media lines and speeches; media advisories and press releases costumed for the situation.

• Maintained the MP’s schedule including organising and accompanying him on his tours across the country. Ensuring that events are balanced between the stakeholders of our portfolio, the party and media.

That was from LinkedIn. His work profile states:

Based in PAA’s Ottawa office, Louis-Alexandre brings over 25 years from government and corporate experience to his role as Principal Advisor and Sector Lead, Supply Chain & Transportation, including seven years in the office of Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau.

Previously, Louis-Alexandre led Government Affairs for a large transportation corporation, advising clients representing varied interests in sectors such as information technology, transport, infrastructure, trades, communication, and health. He is part of a small group of people who have more than 20 years of experience on Parliament Hill. He has worked with the public service, politicians, political parties, interest groups and stakeholders on a wide variety of political and policy issues. During his years with Mr. Trudeau — from 2007 to 2014 — he was responsible for the overall management of the Ottawa and Montreal offices, including managing the office budget and staff as well as acting as a media liaison and spokesperson, in both official languages.

Louis-Alexandre and his husband are the proud adoptive parents of a wonderful son. They enjoy the excitement of outdoor activities and all the family amenities that the great city of Ottawa has to offer.

To state the obvious: Tim Hortons and Restaurant Brands International Inc. are hardly the only places to be pushing for the replacement of Canadian workers. It’s happening everywhere. Still, the coziness of politicians and big business are troubling to see.

Stephen Yardy is another RBI consultant. His LinkedIn profile states that he was an NDP campaign organizer from 2008 until 2022. According to the Lobbying Registry, his primary goal appears to be foreign worker permits and immigration issues. In other words, flood Canada with cheaper labour in order to drive down wages and increase profits.

Andrew Teliszewsky is another one with RBI Inc., though his listed areas of concern had to do with income taxation and interest deductibility. His LinkedIn profile states that he held several Government roles in Ontario, including when Dalton McGuinty was Premier.

Éric Lamoureux is yet another one of the lobbyists. But something more interesting about him is his role in lobbying Quebec to lean on Ottawa to cut SNC Lavalin a break over corruption charges. Though he’s apparently no longer with PAA, the archived version is still there.

Based in Montréal, Éric draws on deep expertise in politics and public administration to help clients protect and promote their interests in Canada and Québec. As a specialist in issues management, regulatory affairs, stakeholder relations and media relations, Éric has achieved many notable successes on behalf of his clients, including: helping a global financial services company safeguard its market position in the face of regulatory change; mobilizing the support of a provincial government to pressure for changes to the federal Criminal Code on a client’s behalf; and encourage a major Canadian municipal government to reverse a decision to construct a public building beside a client facility.

It takes a special kind of bold to put in one’s work profile that (one of) their biggest accomplishments was sweet-talking on the Quebec Government into putting pressure on Ottawa over a corporate client facing criminal charges. That client, of course, was SNC Lavalin.

Keep in mind, there are currently programs in place to have taxpayers subsidize the majority of the wages of foreign workers coming to Canada. This means that the public is forced to foot the bill for their own replacement.

In any event, this is nowhere near the complete list of influence peddlers trying to bring in endless amounts of “temporary” workers. But it does go to show just how high up the rot is.

(0) https://www.rbi.com/English/brands/default.aspx

(1A) https://www.linkedin.com/in/louis-alexandre-lanthier-75517b3b/
(1B) Louis-Alexandre Lanthier LinkedIn Profile
(1C) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=370666&regId=951762
(1D) https://paainc.ca/
(1E) https://paainc.ca/team/louis-alexandre-lanthier/

(2A) https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephen-yardy-b0a4a326/
(2B) Stephen Yardy LinkedIn Profile
(2C) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=373452&regId=949610

(3A) https://www.linkedin.com/in/andrew-teliszewsky-3b6b39171/
(3B) Andrew Teliszewsky LinkedIn Profile
(3C) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=375563&regId=950475

(4A) https://www.linkedin.com/in/ericlamoureux/
(4B) Eric Lamoureux LinkedIn Profile
(4C) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=373267&regId=954552
(4D) Wayback Machine Archive
(4E) Eric Lamoureux Public Affairs Advisors

Recent Statistics From U.S. Customs And Border Protection (USCBP), As Of 2024

This article will focus on data from the U.S. Customs and Border Protection, or USCBP. It sheds light on just how bad things are with their borders, particularly the side with Mexico. There have been many interests vested in not securing it. Consequently, people flood in illegally, since there’s little reason not to at least try.

Why should Canadians care about this?

The answer is simple: it’s not just an American problem. Open borders threatens nations in general. Not only that, many of those illegal aliens will surely be working their way to Canada, given the generous welfare benefits available.

There’s also some historical data, going back 100 years on total apprehensions.

The following data is by no means all of the information that CBP releases, including on weapons and drugs. It’s just a portion of it. But it should be alarming to anyone who takes border security seriously.

Total Customs And Border Patrol Enforcement Actions

YEAR TOTALS OFFICE OF FIELD OPS US BORDER PATROL
FY 2017 526,901 216,370 310,531
FY 2018 683,178 281,881 404,142
FY 2019 1,148,024 288,523 859,501
FY 2020 646,822 241,786 405,036
FY 2021 1,956,519 294,352 1,662,167
FY 2022 2,766,582 551,930 2,214,652
FY 2023 3,201,144 1,137,452 2,063,692
FY 2024* 1,981,177 809,460 1,171,717

* Beginning in March FY20, OFO Encounters statistics include both Title 8 Inadmissibles and Title 42 Expulsions. To learn more, visit Title-8-and-Title-42-Statistics. Inadmissibles refers to individuals encountered at ports of entry who are seeking lawful admission into the United States but are determined to be inadmissible, individuals presenting themselves to seek humanitarian protection under our laws, and individuals who withdraw an application for admission and return to their countries of origin within a short timeframe.

** Beginning in March FY20, USBP Encounters statistics include both Title 8 Apprehensions and Title 42 Expulsions. To learn more, visit Title-8-and-Title-42-Statistics. Apprehensions refers to the physical control or temporary detainment of a person who is not lawfully in the U.S. which may or may not result in an arrest.

Inadmissible Foreign Criminals And Outstanding Warrants

YEAR OFO C.N.E NCIC** USBP C.N.E USBP Warrants
FY 2017 10,596 7,656 8,531 2,675
FY 2018 11,623 5,929 6,698 1,550
FY 2019 12,705 8,546 4,269 4,153
FY 2020 7,009 7,108 2,438 2,054
FY 2021 6,567 8,979 10,763 1,904
FY 2022 16,993 10,389 15,267 949
FY 2023 20,166 11,509 15,267 988
FY 2024*** 11,626 6,946 10,337 587

OFO = Office of Field Operations
USBP = U.S. Border Patrol

* Criminal noncitizens refers to noncitizens who have been convicted of crime, whether in the United States or abroad, so long as the conviction is for conduct which is deemed criminal by the United States. Criminal noncitizens encountered at ports of entry are inadmissible, absent extenuating circumstances, and represent a subset of total OFO inadmissibles. U.S. Border Patrol arrests of criminal noncitizens are a subset of total apprehensions. See U.S. Border Patrol Criminal Noncitizen Statistics for a breakdown of criminal noncitizen stats by type of conviction.

** NCIC (National Crime Information Center) arrests refers to the number of CBP arrests of individuals, including U.S. citizens, who are wanted by other law enforcement agencies.

*** FY 2024, or Fiscal Year 2024, ends on September 30th, 2024

Drug Seizure Statistics 2021-2024

YEAR OC NO DE JA FE MA AP MY JN JL AU SE TOT
2021 98K 67K 69K 60K 90K 88K 64K 89K 93K 77K 75 45 913K
2022 83K 58K 45K 50K 60K 44K 53K 47K 61K 54K 60K 41K 656K
2023 37K 39K 40K 49K 70K 56K 36K 41K 44K 50K 49K 39K 549K
2024* 37K 48K 34K 37K 67K 51K 46K 321K

* FY 2024, or Fiscal Year 2024, ends on September 30th, 2024

Data represents pounds that were seized, rounded for space considerations. For example, 58K means 58,000 pounds of narcotics.

Source: https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/drug-seizure-statistics

Types Of Drugs Seized 2021-2024

YEAR MJ ME CO FE HE KH KE EC LSD OTH
2021 319K 192K 98K 11K 5K 203K 22K 1K 38 73K
2022 155K 175K 70K 15K 2K 175K 14K 1K 36 49K
2023 150K 140K 81K 27K 2K 70K 8K 649 11 71K
2024* 110K 105K 41K 11K 513 5K 9K 321 6 39K

MJ = Marijuana
ME = Methamphetamine
CO = Cocaine
FE = Fentanyl
HE = Heroin
KH = Khat (Catha Edulis)
EC = Ecstasy
LSD = LSD
OTH = Other Drugs

Source: https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/drug-seizure-statistics

* FY 2024, or Fiscal Year 2024, ends on September 30th, 2024

Weapons And Firearms Seized

YEAR AM CA MA OG RE SC SI BA TOTAL
FY 2021 345,757 419 230,761 181 18,036 595,154
FY 2022 1,029,554 516 115,902 253 1,272 1,147,497
FY 2023 501,368 847 7,532 34,181 324 357 2,457 544 547,610
FY 2024* 243,783 178 6,475 47,719 175 238 1,907 3,282 303,756

AM = Ammunition
CA = Case
MA = Magazine
OG = Other Gun Parts
RE = Receiver
SC = Scope
SI = Silencer/Muffler
BA = Vest/Body Armour

* FY 2024, or Fiscal Year 2024, ends on September 30th, 2024

Source: https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/weapons-and-ammunition-seizures

Terrorist Screening Encounters

OFFICE OF FIELD OPERATIONS
YEAR SOUTHERN BORDER NORTHERN BORDER TOTAL
FY 2017 116 217 333
FY 2018 155 196 351
FY 2019 280 258 538
FY 2020 72 124 196
FY 2021 103 54 157
FY 2022 67 313 380
FY 2023 80 484 564
FY 2024* 24 172 196
U.S. BORDER PATROL
YEAR SOUTHERN BORDER NORTHERN BORDER TOTAL
FY 2017 2 0 2
FY 2018 6 0 6
FY 2019 0 3 3
FY 2020 3 0 3
FY 2021 15 1 16
FY 2022 98 0 98
FY 2023 169 3 172
FY 2024* 80 1 81

* FY 2024, or Fiscal Year 2024, ends on September 30th, 2024

Source: https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-enforcement-statistics

Arrests Of Non-Citizen Gang Members

YEAR 18TH ST. MS-13 PAISAS OTHER TOTAL
FY 2015 84 335 73 352 844
FY 2016 47 253 119 283 702
FY 2017 61 228 53 194 536
FY 2018 145 413 62 188 808
FY 2019 168 464 90 254 976
FY 2020 36 72 93 162 363
FY 2021 28 113 79 128 348

Source: https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-enforcement-statistics-fy2023

Note: More recent data breaks down data among many other gangs. However, most have had just a few members detained at the border.

Arrests of Non-Citizens with Criminal Convictions

FISCAL YEAR TOTAL ARRESTS
FY 2017 8,531
FY 2018 6,698
FY 2019 4,269
FY 2020 2,438
FY 2021 10,763
FY 2022 12,028
FY 2023 15,267
FY 2024* 10,337

* FY 2024 ends on September 30th, 2024

Source: https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-enforcement-statistics/criminal-noncitizen-statistics

Records checks of available law enforcement databases following the apprehension of an individual may reveal a history of criminal conviction(s). That conviction information is recorded in a U.S. Customs and Border Protection database, from which the data below is derived.

Total Criminal Convictions by Type Of Non-Citizens

YEAR ABSV ROB DUI HOM DRUG IRE WEAP SEX OTH
FY 2017 692 595 1,596 3 1,249 4,502 173 137 1,851
FY 2018 524 347 1,113 3 871 3,920 106 80 1,364
FY 2019 299 184 614 2 449 2,663 66 58 814
FY 2020 208 143 364 3 386 1,261 49 156 580
FY 2021 1,178 825 1,629 60 2,138 6,160 336 488 2,691
Fy 2022 1,142 896 1,614 62 2,239 6,797 309 365 2,891
FY 2023 1,254 864 2,493 29 2,055 8,790 307 284 3,286
FY 2024* 662 412 1,778 20 942 6,368 142 133 1,933

* Fiscal Year 2024 runs October 1, 2023- September 30, 2024.

Source: https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-enforcement-statistics/criminal-noncitizen-statistics

The FY total displays the total CES apprehensions but does not equal the sum of data by category because the same apprehension can have multiple NCIC Charges that are included in multiple categories.

“Other” includes any conviction not included in the categories above.

ABSV = Assault, Battery, Domestic Violence
ROB = Burglary, Robbery, Larceny, Theft, Fraud
DUI = Driving Under The Influence
HOM = Homicide: Murder, Manslaughter, etc….
DRUG = Illegal Drug Possession, Trafficking
IRE = Illegal Re-Entry
WEAP = Illegal Weapons Possession, Transport, Trafficking
SEX = Sexual Offences
OTH = Categories Not Listed Above

Historical Data On Apprehensions: 1925 – 2020

YEAR TOTAL YEAR TOTAL YEAR TOTAL
1925 22,199 1926 12,735 1927 16,393
1928 23,566 1929 32,711 1930 20,880
1931 22,276 1932 22,735 1933 20,949
1934 10,319 1935 11,016 1936 11,728
1937 13,054 1938 12,851 1939 12,037
1940 10,492 1941 11,294 1942 11,784
1943 11,175 1944 31,175 1945 69,164
1946 99,591 1947 193,657 1948 192,779
1949 288,253 1950 468,339 1951 509,040
1952 528,815 1953 835,311 1954 1,028,246
1955 225,186 1956 68,420 1957 46,225
1958 40,504 1959 32,996 1960 28,966
1961 29,384 1962 29,897 1963 38,861
1964 42,879 1965 52,422 1966 79,610
1967 94,778 1968 123,519 1969 172,391
1970 231,116 1971 302,517 1972 396,495
1973 498,123 1974 634,777 1975 596,796
1976 696,039 1977 812,541 1978 862,837
1979 888,729 1980 759,420 1981 825,290
1982 819,919 1983 1,105,670 1984 1,138,566
1985 1,262,435 1986 1,692,544 1987 1,158,030
1988 969,214 1989 891,147 1990 1,103,354
1991 1,132,033 1992 1,199,560 1993 1,263,490
1994 1,031,668 1995 1,324,202 1996 1,549,876
1997 1,412,953 1998 1,555,776 1999 1,579,010
2000 1,676,438 2001 1,266,214 2002 955,310
2003 931,557 2004 1,160,395 2005 1,189,075
2006 1,089,092 2007 876,704 2008 723,825
2009 556,041 2010 463,382 2011 340,252
2012 364,768 2013 420,789 2014 486,651
2015 337,117 2016 415,816 2017 310,531
2018 414,142 2019 859,501 2020 405,036

* FY 2020 ended on September 30th, 2020

Source: https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/media-resources/stats (pdf file) (archive)

Again, this is nowhere near all the information that the CBP puts out. It’s just a snapshot of the people, drugs, weapons and more that have been stopped. It’s alarming to think how many people, drugs and weapons aren’t being caught.

(1) https://www.cbp.gov/
(2) https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-enforcement-statistics
(3) https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/drug-seizure-statistics
(4) https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/weapons-and-ammunition-seizures
(5) https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters
(6) https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-enforcement-statistics/criminal-noncitizen-statistics
(7) https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/media-resources/stats
(8) U.S. Border Patrol Total Apprehensions (FY 1925 – FY 2020) (508)

Senate Recommends Adding “Temporary” Workers To Reflect True Immigration Numbers

Not too long ago, Canadians were fed the line that only 300,000 to 400,000 people were coming to Canada each year. The more “moderate” plan from the Conservatives supposedly was only 250,000 annually.

Is the Overton Window finally shifting? 5 years ago, this website reported that the true scale of people immigrating to Canada was vastly under reported. See here, here, here, here and here. In reality, the number is more like 1 million per year, and has been for a long time. The Annual Reports to Parliament from 2019, 2020, 2021 and 2022 are available. 2023 will be covered shortly. In order to have a meaningful discussion on policy, accurate information has to be included.

Specifically, public discourse about “immigration levels” had focused primarily on the number of new permanent residents. This is misleading because it glosses over so-called temporary categories, including:

  1. Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP)
  2. International Mobility Program (IMP)
  3. International Students

Each of these programs has options to transition to permanent resident, or at least to extend the stay via other means.

Finally, in the Spring of 2023, Statistics Canada finally began disclosing more realistic figures. The organization admitted that 2022 saw approximately 1 million people enter the country.

Now, the Senate has recommended changes in how the TFWP is reported. Does this mean that the TFWP will be scrapped, or greatly scaled down? Nope. What it does it include the numbers in the totals that are disclosed to the public.

The Temporary Foreign Worker Program was created in 1973 as a measure of last resort to bring foreign workers to Canada on a temporary basis to fill jobs for which qualified Canadians were not available. It is now clear that this program is essential and entrenched; it is therefore time to recognize this reality and adapt Canada’s migrant labour infrastructure accordingly.

In other words, it’s not going away.

However, to be more transparent with the totals, it’s not just the TFWP that needs to be addressed. There’s also the International Mobility Program, which is similar, but effectively an open work permit. Then there are the hundreds of thousands of student visas handed out every year.

RECOMMENDATION 3
The Standing Senate Committee on Social Affairs, Science and Technology recognizes that neither migrant work programs nor workers are truly temporary, and therefore, recommends that the Government of Canada:
.
implement the March 2024 commitment to include temporary residents in the annual Immigration Levels Plans;
-provide more transparent pre- and on-arrival information about transitioning from temporary work permits to permanent residence;
-review the language and education eligibility criteria required to apply for permanent residence;
expand the Provincial Nominee Program to allow more temporary and migrant workers to obtain permanent residence;
-make migrant workers eligible for integration services under the existing Settlement Program and increase funding to support the additional demand, including to community organizations already doing this work;
develop Settlement Program services specific to temporary residents’ needs including targeted language and education resources to support greater integration and reduce barriers to obtaining permanent residence; and
increase funding to the Migrant Workers Support Program and existing grassroots organizations to support dedicated services across the country to help migrant workers navigate Canadian bureaucracy before, during and after their stay, including accessing health care, social supports like Employment Insurance, and immigration needs.

While the bit about transparency is nice, the Senate also recommends increasing the number of temporary workers that obtain PR status. They also suggest increasing taxpayer funding across the board.

As for their recent report, (archived here), the Senate does show how many people are actually coming via “temporary” categories. Here are the official statistics, compiled from the last 20 years. Sources are the reports linked below.

Year Stu TFWP IMP Total
2003 61,293 82,151 143,444

2004 56,536 90,668 147,204

2005 57,476 99,146 156,622

2006 61,703 112,658 174,361

2007 64,636 165,198 229,834

2008 79,509 192,519 272,028

2009 85,140 178,478 263,618

2010 96,157 182,276 278,433

2011 98,383 190,842 289,225

2012 104,810 213,573 318,383

2013 111,865 221,310 333,175

2014 127,698 95,086 197,924 420,078

2015 219,143 73,016 175,967 468,126

2016 265,111 78,402 207,829 551,342

2017 317,328 78,788 224,033 620,149

2018 356,876 84,229 255,034 696,139

2019 402,427 98,310 306,797 807,534

2020 256,740 84,609 242,130 583,452

2021 445,776 103,552 313,294 862,622

2022 550,187 135,818 470,033 1,156,038

From the way the reports are worded, it appears that these are new visas being issued. In fairness, some are people who had one category expire, and are applying for another.

However, the reports are confusing as to how many people are counted across multiple programs. A cynic may wonder if it’s done deliberately.

This point had been made before, but is important to go over again. (See archive). In 2013/2014, the “Conservative” Government of Stephen Harper faced backlash for how many TFWs were coming into the Canada, and the effect of reducing wages. In 2014, following public backlash at the TFWP being abused, subsequent reports splits it off with the IMP, to help camouflage what was going on.

The Issue of Employer-Specific Work Permits
An overwhelming majority of migrant workers, migrant worker advocates, academics and economists told the committee that employer-specific work permits are the single most egregious condition of vulnerability. While employer-specific work permits are most often associated with the TFWP, Judy Fudge notes that “approximately one-third” of IMP participants also hold them.

Catherine Bryan summarized that the closed work permit is a primary concern for migrant workers because it imposes barriers on their ability to “contest any difficulties that they are encountering and it makes it almost impossible for them to leave.” Elizabeth Kwan added that these permits make “migrant workers vulnerable to abuse and exploitation and provide employers with a stable low-wage and compliant migrant workforce.”

Page 34 of the Senate report recommends scrapping the requirement that foreign workers stay with a single employer.

On some level, it’s nice to see an initiative from the Senate to reflect the true scale of people coming to Canada. However, they seem content with increasing the numbers overall. Not exactly a win.

There’s also the problem that Ottawa doesn’t know how many people remain in the Canada after their visas expire. It was just 2016 when it was announced that a proper entry/exit system would be implemented. Before this, there wasn’t really any passport tracking of who had left.

This Senate report will be followed up.

(1) https://sencanada.ca/en/committees/SOCI/44-1
(2) https://sencanada.ca/en/info-page/parl-44-1/soci-temporary-and-migrant-labour/
(3) https://sencanada.ca/content/sen/committee/441/SOCI/reports/2024-05-17_SOCI_Migrant_Report_e.pdf
(4) Canada Senate SOCI Report 2024
(5) https://www.ctvnews.ca/canada/canada-to-begin-collecting-exit-passport-data-1.2947418

ANNUAL IMMIGRATON REPORTS TO PARLIAMENT:
(1) 2004 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(2) 2005 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(3) 2006 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(4) 2007 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(5) 2008 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(6) 2009 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(7) 2010 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(8) 2011 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(9) 2012 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(10) 2013 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(11) 2014 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(12) 2015 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(13) 2016 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(14) 2017 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(15) 2018 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(16) 2019 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(17) 2020 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(18) 2021 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(19) 2022 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament
(20) 2023 Annual Immigration Report To Parliament

Vote Harder! Poilievre Tells Corporate Canada To “Fire Your Lobbyist”

Recently, Pierre Poilievre, leader of the CPC and the Official Opposition of Canada, published an article in the National Post. The catchy title called on Corporate Canada to “fire your lobbyist”.

But apparently, the call is to stop lobbying other politicians. Poilievre himself seems quite content. In fact, the Lobbying Registry of Canada lists him meeting with special interest groups 329 times. Whether a person believes in the practice of political lobbying or not, this comes across as hypocritical.

Then there’s this:

At the most, the Chamber of Commerce, Business Council, and Canadian Federation of Independent Business hold pointless luncheons and meetings and write op-eds or record interviews that almost no one sees. As leader of the Conservative Party of Canada, I refuse to meet the aforementioned groups. They tell me what I already know.

Sounds lovely, doesn’t it? Fortunately for Poilievre, few will bother to fact check anything that he says. But there are always nerdy, autistic trolls that have too much time on their hands.

In the article, he claims that he refuses to meet with the groups: (a) Chamber of Commerce; (b) Business Council, and (c) Canadian Federation of Independent Business. However, records from the Lobbying Registry make it clear that he does meet with them. Not like any of this is difficult to find out.

There’s also apparently a Chamber of Marine Commerce that Poilievre has met with.

He’s also met 10 times with CIJA, the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs. There were 3 meetings with NCCM, the National Council of Canadian Muslims. Both have lobbied for changes to the Canadian Human Rights Act, to ban “hate speech”.

There are countless other examples of Poilievre being lobbied by the sorts of people that he now rails against. He mentions Teck Resources in the National Post article, despite also having been lobbied by them.

Want to stop the latest tax hike? Or get bureaucracy out of the way to build homes, mines, factories, pipelines and more? Then cancel your lunch meeting at the Rideau Club. Fire your lobbyist. And go to the people.

Sounds catchy, just like so many of his soundbites. But apparently it’s still okay for him to meet with lobbyists. Presumably this attitude will change if and when he ever takes power.

Did Poilievre write this himself? Or did his handlers?

In any event, vote harder!

(1) https://nationalpost.com/opinion/pierre-poilievre-corporate-lobbyists-keep-sucking-up-to-high-tax-anti-resource-liberals
(2) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/
(3) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/advSrch
(4) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/advSrch?searchCommand=navigate&time=1715077407904
(5) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=391128
(6) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=354769
(7) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=444749
(8) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=487562
(9) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=489399
(10) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=498788
(11) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=502584
(12) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=584972
(13) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=519778
(14) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=591832
(15) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/advSrch?searchCommand=navigate&time=1715078569598