Category: Military/Police

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Diagolon Gun Grab, Part 4: Caselaw Makes It Surprisingly Easy To Do

This continues the series on the “meme group” Diagolon, and the threat that it poses to gun ownership in Canada. Part 1 focused on the ruling of Gary Schill, which saw his privileges suspended for 5 years. Part 2 and Part 3 covered the testimony given by Detective Constable Ernest Carmichael.

The short version is that an Ontario Judge decided it was in the public interest to suspend Schill’s licence because of what he might do. This wasn’t because of a criminal conviction, or ties to terrorism or sedition. He was an administrator of the Diagolon Telegrams, and his posting came to police attention.

Yes, he was arrested for assault, and it was dropped. But it was the content he had posted online, his associations, his views, and making ammunition at home which led to the ban.

The hearsay evidence of his then-wife was also considered at the hearing, despite her not testifying at all. She had told police that a militia was being formed.

Now, how easy is it to suspend or revoke gun rights (or privileges) in Canada? Looking at the cases cited in the Schill decision, it’s actually pretty straightforward. Cases cited are listed at the bottom of the article, although not all are available on CanLII.

Starting with the Supreme Court of Canada:

(1) R. v. Wiles, 2005 SCC 84 (CanLII), [2005] 3 SCR 895

[9] I agree with the Court of Appeal. Mr. Wiles has not established that the imposition of the mandatory weapons prohibition orders constitutes cruel and unusual punishment. As noted by the Court of Appeal, the prohibition has a legitimate connection to s. 7 offences. The mandatory prohibition relates to a recognized sentencing goal — the protection of the public, and in particular, the protection of police officers engaged in the enforcement of drug offences. The state interest in reducing the misuse of weapons is valid and important. The sentencing judge gave insufficient weight to the fact that possession and use of firearms is not a right or freedom guaranteed under the Charter, but a privilege. It is also a heavily regulated activity, requiring potential gun-owners to obtain a licence before they can legally purchase one. In Reference re Firearms Act (Can.), [2000] 1 S.C.R. 783, 2000 SCC 31, this Court held that requiring the licensing and registration of firearms was a valid exercise of the federal criminal law power. If Parliament can legitimately impose restrictions on the possession of firearms by general legislation that applies to all, it follows that it can prohibit their possession upon conviction of certain criminal offences where it deems it in the public interest to do so. It is sufficient that Mr. Wiles falls within a category of offenders targeted for the risk that they may pose. The sentencing judge’s insistence upon specific violence, actual or apprehended, in relation to the particular offence and the individual offender takes too narrow a view of the rationale underlying the mandatory weapons prohibition orders.

To state the obvious: the above case dealt with a mandatory prohibition following a criminal conviction, whereas Schill had his charge dropped. So there is a difference.

Nonetheless, there are strong parallels in the reasoning. The Supreme Court ruled that owning firearms is not a right, but a privilege. There’s a valid principle of public safety at stake, and Parliament has the right to regulate firearm use and possession. Now, many people would take issue with this, but that is what was said.

By stating the firearm ownership is a privilege and not a right, it means there will always be the possibility of having them seized.

(2) R. v. Zeolkowski, 1989 CanLII 72 (SCC), [1989] 1 SCR 1378

A police officer made application in provincial court, pursuant to s. 98(4) of the Criminal Code, for an order prohibiting respondent from possessing any firearms or ammunition or explosive substances. Prior to the calling of any evidence, counsel for the respondent requested a general ruling as to the admission of hearsay evidence. The “custom” in Manitoba provincial courts had been to permit hearsay testimony at hearings on applications for a firearm prohibition. When the judge ruled that evidence at a firearm prohibition hearing was to be limited to what would be admissible at a criminal trial, counsel for the Crown, who had intended to rely on hearsay evidence as to threats made by respondent, called no evidence and the application was dismissed. The ruling as to admissibility was upheld on appeal by the Crown, first by the Court of Queen’s Bench, and then by a majority of the Court of Appeal.

However, the Supreme Court would decide otherwise and allow the Appeal.

Hearsay evidence is admissible at a firearm prohibition hearing under s. 98(6) unless such a result is precluded by the words “all relevant evidence”. The provincial court judge’s role in such hearings is to confirm the existence of the reasonable grounds which led the peace officer to launch the application, as proved on a balance of probabilities. It was not intended that the provincial court judge strictly apply the rules of evidence.

The expression “all relevant evidence” means all facts which are logically probative of the issue. The rules of evidence as to admissibility signify that the fact is relevant and that it satisfies auxiliary tests and extrinsic policies. Parliament, by using the phrase “all relevant evidence”, required only that the evidence at the firearm prohibition hearing be relevant; it did not address the question of exclusionary rules. The effect of the exclusionary rules is left to the provincial court judge as part of the whole body of evidence on which the provincial court judge determines whether reasonable grounds exist. Frailties in the evidence are a matter of weight.

When an Application is filed to revoke someone’s guns and licence, the standards are nowhere near as stringent as in a criminal trial. Yes, the basis for the Application is based on the Criminal Code of Canada, but it follows different rules.

Specifically, the standard of “proof beyond a reasonable doubt” has been replaced by “on the balance of probabilities”, which would be the civil test. Additionally, hearsay evidence which would typically be excluded in criminal cases is permitted here, but with the Judge typically giving less weight to it.

This is a 1989 case, so it’s been around for a very long time.

(3) B.C. (Chief Firearms Officer) v. Fahlman, 2004 BCCA 343 (CanLII)

[25] I read s. 5 differently. Section 5(1) creates a broad safety standard for eligibility to hold a firearms licence or to continue to hold one following a revocation inquiry. Section 5(2) requires a firearms officer or a Provincial Court judge on a reference to “have regard to” certain conduct by the applicant or licence holder. I do not read s. 5(2) as being exhaustive of the matters to be considered as affecting safety concerns under s. 5(1). There are many other things a firearms officer or a judge might consider that do not fit into s. 5(2) and that might logically and reasonably give rise to valid safety concerns. I agree with the appellant’s submission that there is no statutory obligation to decide the safety issue in favour of the applicant or licence holder when none of the criteria in s. 5(2) is present; and that there is no obligation to refuse a licence or order a revocation if one or more of those criteria are present. A plain reading of the section by itself evinces no such intention by Parliament. The firearms officer and the judge are entitled to consider anything about the background or conduct of the applicant or licence holder that is relevant to public safety.

The Court of Appeal for British Columbia had held that the Firearms Officer and the Judge are allowed to consider anything about the licence holder. The only question is whether their decisions are seen as “reasonable”.

(4) R. v. Christiansen, 2006 BCCA 189 (CanLII)

[7] After reviewing these statutory provisions and the authorities cited on this appeal (other than Fahlman, which supports his reasoning and conclusion), the appeal court judge found (at paras. 35 – 37) that s. 111 of the Code does not “exclusively deal with behaviour that could be characterized as involving criminal conduct or acts of violence against others.” Nor do the three criteria set out in the Firearms Act operate as “exhaustive criteria” for the application of s. 5 of that Act. Thus, a provincial court judge conducting a hearing under s. 111 of the Code is not confined to a determination of whether the three criteria set out in s. 5(2) of the Firearms Act are met in order to impose a prohibition. He concluded that the provincial court judge had made no error “in holding that there can be a firearms prohibition without criminal conduct, a history of real or threatened violent behaviour or a documented mental disorder that leads to violence.”

This is also from the Court of Appeal for British Columbia. Firearms prohibitions can happen even without a history of violent behaviour or a documented mental disorder. It’s very subjective.

(5) R. v. Hurrell, 2002 CanLII 45007 (ON CA)

[48] Applying that reasoning to this case, I am satisfied that when the words “not desirable”, which in my view simply mean “not advisable”, are read in context, they can hardly be described as so subjective, vague and amorphous that they fail to provide an adequate basis for legal debate. The fact that language may be open to judicial interpretation does not render it impermissibly vague. Flexibility and vagueness are not synonymous: see Reference re Criminal Code, Sections 193 & 195.1(1)(c), 1990 CanLII 105 (SCC), [1990] 1 S.C.R. 1123 at p. 1156, 56 C.C.C. (3d) 65 at p. 89 and French Estate v. Ontario (Attorney General) (1998), 1998 CanLII 1771 (ON CA), 38 O.R. (3d) 347 at p. 361, 157 D.L.R. (4th) 144 (C.A.); application for leave to appeal dismissed, [1998] S.C.C.A. No. 139). Moreover, because s. 117.04(1) is procedural and does not carry with it the threat of a criminal record or imprisonment, the need for precision is diminished: see French, supra, at p. 363 O.R. Finally, to the extent that the police or the issuing justice need a framework within which to assess the “non-desirability/public interest” component of s. 117.04(1), Parliament itself has provided guidance in ss. 5(1) and (2) of the Firearms Act, S.C. 1995, c. 39. These provisions deal with the eligibility for holding a firearms licence and read as follows:

The Court of Appeal for Ontario ruled that the language used was not unconstitutionally vague. The Court does go on to explain what examples are provided, but they are not exhaustive.

These are just a few of the cases that were used as a basis to have Schill’s guns taken away. The list is provided below, though some rulings aren’t published online. The short version of this is that it can happen for nearly any reason, hearsay evidence may be used, and it’s a low burden of proof.

Schill may be the first person to have his firearms taken away because of his “association” with Jeremy MacKenzie and Diagolon. But he won’t be the last.

Next up: the Public Emergency Order Commission (PEOC) hearings.

SCHILL HEARING:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/oncj/doc/2024/2024oncj249/2024oncj249.html
(2) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 1
(3) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 2, Cross Examination

POEC HEARINGS:
(1) https://publicorderemergencycommission.ca/
(2) POEC Report, Volume 1: Overview
(3) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 1 Overview
(4) POEC Report, Volume 2: Analysis (Part 1)
(5) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 2 Analysis Part 1
(6) POEC Report, Volume 3: Analysis (Part 2)
(7) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 3 Analysis Part 2 Recommendations
(8) POEC Report, Volume 4: Process and Appendices
(9) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 4 Process And Appendices
(10) POEC Report, Part 5: Policy Papers
(11) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 5 Policy Papers

MOSLEY DECISION:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2024/2024fc42/2024fc42.html#par41

CASELAW ON REVOKING FIREARMS PERMITS:
(1) R. v. Zeolkowski, 1989 CanLII 72 (SCC), [1989] S.C.J. No. 50, at para 12, 16, 17, 18
(2) British Columbia (Chief Firearms Officer) v. Fahlman, 2004 BCCA 343, at para 25.
(3) R. v. Christiansen, 2006 BCCA 189, at para 7.
(4) R. v. Bokhari, 2009 ONCJ 691, at para 10, relying on R. v. Day, [2006] O.J. No. 3187 (S.C.J.) and R. v. Morgan, [1995] O.J. No. 18 (Ont.Ct.(Prov.Div.)).
(5) R. v. Peacock-McDonald, 2007 ONCA 128, at para 40
(6) R. v. Douglas, 2013 ONCJ 649, at paras 45, 57.
(7) R. v. Mourtzis, 2015 ONCJ 74, at para 25.
(8) R. v. Roman, 2018 ONCJ 344, at para 89.
(9) R. v. Hurrell, 2002 CanLII 45007 (ON CA), [2002] O.J. No. 2819, at para 48.
(10) R. v. Christiansen, supra, at para 7.
(11) Fahlman, supra, at para 25.
(12) R. v. Peacock-Macdonald, supra, at para 40.
(13) R. v. Roman, supra, at para 89.
(14) R. v. Wiles, 2005 SCC 84, at para 9.

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Diagolon Gun Grab, Part 3: The Carmichael Testimony (Cont’d)

This continues the testimony of Detective Constable Ernest Carmichael. Both Day 1 and Day 2 of the hearings are available, along with the ruling itself.

Why does this matter? Because police were successful back in May 2024 for an Application to have Gary Schill’s firearms and licence suspended for 5 years. See Part 1 and Part 2 for more background information. It was largely (though not entirely) due to his association with Jeremy MacKenzie and Diagolon.

Schill had faced a charge of assault causing bodily harm against his then wife, Jennifer McNeil. She was also charged with a lesser count against him. Both were eventually dropped. Nonetheless, the police were still able to get a firearms suspension for Schill.

It’s immediately obvious that the standards for an Application to suspend or revoke a gun permit are far lower than when someone faces a criminal charge. Speculation and hearsay are permitted a lot more. Instead of “beyond a reasonable doubt”, the police must only demonstrate “on a balance of probabilities”. The Judge also has wide discretion to deem such a ban to be “in the public interest”.

Carmichael entered into evidence a document which he claims (or speculates) shows a plot to steal fuel during the trucker convoy. He says this is likely to circumvent the fuel shortages that had been intentionally imposed.

As for hearsay being admitted into the hearing, this is noteworthy:

Carmichael testifed that Jennifer McNeil, Schill’s wife at the time, provided other information to law enforcement during her victim statement. Specifically, she said that Schill was part of Diagolon, part of a militia, and targeting military and law enforcement members for recruitment.

Interestingly, McNeil herself didn’t testify at the hearing. Only Carmichael did. In a regular Court proceeding, her statements would have been considered “hearsay” and deemed inadmissible. The Judge allowed this in, and it doesn’t appear to have been challenged.

Carmichael continues (on page 8).

In the very beginning, we weren’t 100 percent sure. The Freedom Convoy was quite organic and it, it began in Western Canada and transitioned across the, the country to Ottawa. As we understood it, there was going to be a convergence of vehicles, large trucks, arriving in Ottawa. I was involved in the project team that monitored the number of vehicles who would be attending, what the dynamic of the crowd would be, and trying to get an intelligence assessment of what the Freedom Convoy would look like once it arrived in Ottawa. Of concern to us was the presence and interest of most of Diagolon. Most members, because our investigation actually started prior to the Freedom Convoy.

We had the benefit of, of monitoring a lot of the individuals we were interested in, leading up to the Freedom Convoy and, subsequently, their travel to Ottawa. Our concern was obviously Diagolon had made their ideology quite well-known, from our perspective. They were preparing for a civil war. They had an appetite to overthrow the government and force the government to change their policies relating to the COVID-19 response. So our concern was that what had the potential to be a peaceful protest in Ottawa could evolve into a violent confrontation because of the extremist elements we knew of that would also be attending.

We had, we had a lot of examples of conversations that was happening leading up to the Freedom Convoy. The organizers themselves stated that they intended to stay in Ottawa until the government changed their position on the COVID-19 response. MacKenzie himself has spoken of civil war and encouraged his members to prepare for it.

They use a phrase often, which is, “Gun or rope.” And this implies that when civil war occurs, it’s going to be a Diagolon versus everybody response. And Diagolon’s – the way they, they would treat their enemies during this uprising or civil war would be – they, they would be afforded the option to be executed by firing squad or hung. So that was what the, the, “Gun or rope,” phrase often referred to. So there was a lot of examples of, of rhetoric like that leading up to the Freedom Convoy that, that indicated to us that these individuals had an appetite to arm themselves, prepare themselves and had an appetite for violent confrontation. In fact, I, I believe I quoted yesterday, one of the Ticker Tape messages on Jeremy MacKenzie’s podcast where he says, “You want blood, come and get it,” and then it was the, “Fuck you, make me.”

Remember all of those edgy podcast jokes and memes? Guess what? They’re being entered into evidence as legitimate threats to public safety. The police are actually doing it, and the Judge is taking it all seriously.

Here’s a thought: maybe rampant fed-posting wasn’t such a good idea.

Carmichael testifies that it wasn’t necessary to conduct direct surveillance on Diagolon itself during the trucker convoy. This was because so many people simply posted photos, videos and details online, police could simply monitor it.

He then references a video which he calls a “Diagolon meet up”, which include Schill, MacKenzie and several others.

Carmichael eventually gets into the arrests at Coutts, Alberta. One of them was Chris Lysak. It was apparently a joke that he was the “Head of Security for Diagolon”, given his size.

One of the ballistic vests seized apparently had 2 Diagolon flags on them.

Carmichael then goes on about the various meet-ups that had been arranged, and how the information was obtained by monitoring Telegram channels. Now this:

In preparation for this hearing, the Crown was required to provide disclosure to Schill. Specifically, Carmichael’s Affidavit was sent to him. For some reason, MacKenzie published portions of it on his Substack. This was used to help establish a direct connection.

Interestingly, Carmichael testifies that the authorities weren’t willing to pay for a subscription to MacKenzie’s Substack, which would have allowed them to view everything. They consider him a public threat, and spend large amounts of money monitoring Diagolon, but wouldn’t pay this nominal fee?

Carmichael also explains that police wanted to know exactly who was posting on Telegram — since most accounts were anonymous. Yes, the servers aren’t located within Canada. However, it doesn’t seem any real effort was put in to try. Or perhaps they did get in, but don’t want to disclose that.

Carmichael concedes that he doesn’t believe that everyone associated with Diagolon is a terrorist or an extremist. He says that there is a broad range of people who are attached in some way.

Carmichael then goes on to speculate at length about how he believes Diagolon has simply “gone underground” given the attention they’ve received. Without really providing evidence or support, he claims that it’s still a threat to the public.

On cross-examination from Schill’s Amicus Counsel (starting at page 25) Carmichael reiterates that he’s been monitoring the Telegram chats constantly. Even on his off days he often listens to podcasts. In his notes, he states that he has listened to at least 38 episodes.

Of course, this doesn’t include what other members of intelligence or law enforcement have been listening to.

It’s fascinating how such a bad spin is put on these things. “Get offline and find your friends” is a legitimate goal, in that the online world doesn’t reflect reality. However, it’s being construed to mean the formation of militias for the purpose of causing violence and civil unrest.

In some sense, Schill’s Amicus Counsel actually seems to have done more harm than good. He gets Carmichael to explain new things — such as cutting down towers to stop 5G — that weren’t previously testified to.

Carmichael then goes on about the risk that “fed posting” causes. He says that Diagolon members fear being entrapped by someone saying overtly illegal things. This, he concludes, has caused them to go offline a lot more, and to be more guarded in their speech.

Carmichael admits that there’s no reference to “military style shooting” in the chats he’s reviewed. This implies that it was simply his interpretation. Nonetheless, this sort of this was allowed into evidence.

Carmichael also concedes that Schill himself didn’t participate in the conversations about bush craft of firearms tactics. Moreover, he concludes that he didn’t have grounds to support the conclusion that Schill was involved with terrorism or sedition.

Carmichael concedes that there’s no evidence Schill ever went to a so-called “Diagolon meet up”. He admits that no surveillance on Schill’s residence concluded otherwise.

The topic of the arrest for domestic violence is discussed. Again, the charge was dropped at the time of this hearing.

The Crown briefly reexamines Carmichael, who testifies that they found ammunition at Schill’s residence that wasn’t compatible with any of his legally obtained firearms.

Ultimately, Justice Robinson does grant the Application, and issues a 5 year prohibition for Schill. He refuses to allow any exemptions, including for a crossbow for hunting.

He cites the Public Emergency Order Commission (PEOC) Report from Paul Rouleau as well. It states that: “[l]aw enforcement and intelligence agencies view Diagolon as a militia-like extremist organization.”

Unfortunately, too many people post without having any understanding of what’s been going on. The Emergencies Act wasn’t invoked because of a meme, and the “Hate Gate” emails didn’t clear anyone. The PEOC Report was referenced in the decision to take Schill’s firearms and licence.

Even though Diagolon isn’t listed as a terrorist entity, and despite no evidence Schill was involved in terrorism or sedition, Schill’s firearms were taken away anyway. Yes, his assault charge had been dropped, but that wasn’t enough.

The standard for revoking or suspending firearms is actually quite low, and can be done for nearly any reason. This will be addressed in the next part.

SCHILL HEARING:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/oncj/doc/2024/2024oncj249/2024oncj249.html
(2) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 1
(3) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 2, Cross Examination

POEC HEARINGS:
(1) https://publicorderemergencycommission.ca/
(2) POEC Report, Volume 1: Overview
(3) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 1 Overview
(4) POEC Report, Volume 2: Analysis (Part 1)
(5) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 2 Analysis Part 1
(6) POEC Report, Volume 3: Analysis (Part 2)
(7) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 3 Analysis Part 2 Recommendations
(8) POEC Report, Volume 4: Process and Appendices
(9) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 4 Process And Appendices
(10) POEC Report, Part 5: Policy Papers
(11) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 5 Policy Papers

MOSLEY DECISION:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2024/2024fc42/2024fc42.html#par41

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Diagolon Gun Grab, Part 1: The Schill Decision

A few months ago, an Ontario Court Judge suspended the firearms permit of a man deemed to be a threat to the public. This came despite him being convicted of no crime. Gary Schill is prohibited from owning any firearm, cross-bow, prohibited weapon, restricted weapon, prohibited device, ammunition, prohibited ammunition or explosive substance for 5 years.

The reasoning of Justice Robinson rested largely — though not entirely — on his association with the “meme” group Diagolon, and its leader, Jeremy MacKenzie. The testimony itself as available in the transcripts linked below.

As an aside, yes, his name is misspelled throughout the ruling.

Part 2 of the series will focus on the testimony that was used.

For some background, Schill was arrested back in April 2022, along with his then-wife, Jennifer McNeil. Both faced domestic violence charges, but with his being the more serious. Charges against them were eventually dropped.

McNeil told the police that Schill: (a) was a member of Diagolon; (b) was a stream moderator; and (c) was recruiting ex-military members for the purpose of building a militia.

Following this, York Regional Police went to the Court for the purpose of pre-emptively getting a firearms prohibition against Schill. This came despite the fact that the charge against him had been dropped.

It’s worth noting that it’s not alleged that Schill ever engaged in any terrorist behaviour, or committed any ideologically motivated violence. However, the Judge thought that there were valid concerns that he might endanger the public.

This will probably come as a surprise to Diagolon supporters, who seem to be under the mistaken belief that the group was supposedly cleared with the “HateGate” revelations. Diagolon, after all, was based on a joke of a new country made up of the “sane” Provinces and States, going from Alaska to Florida.

But no such exoneration ever happened.

Paul S. Rouleau, head of Public Emergency Order Commission (PEOC) made it clear he views the group as a militia-like network. Members of CSIS, the RCMP and OPP all testified about their concerns.

There’s also the false claim going around that panic over this “meme country” was responsible for having the state of emergency declared in the first place. That also isn’t true. While MacKenzie and Diagolon were cited as concerns, there was a lot more going on.

Anyhow, more on that in a later piece. As for Schill:

[5] The entirety of the Crown’s case came through the evidence of D.C. Carmichael, a police officer with York Regional Police’s Tactical Intelligence Unit, a unit tasked with investigating terrorism, extremism and subversive groups.

Diagolon, Jeremy McKenzie and Mr. Schill.
[6] In August 2021, the police received a complaint from a member of the public regarding a police officer who was publicly associated with Jeremy McKenzie, a well-known extremist.

[7] Initially, D.C. Carmichael was tasked with conducting a surface level assessment of Mr. McKenzie. He quickly learned that Mr. McKenzie was a prominent podcaster under the name “Raging Dissident” with a large following. His views were vehemently anti-government and anti-authority. Mr. McKenzie was the founder and face of an organization named Diagolon.

[8] D.C. Carmichael identified two Diagolon-related Telegram channels in York region. One was entitled the “North of 7 Community Safe Zone for C-19 Bigots”. The other was “York Region Bigots”, which later became “York Region Purebloods.” D.C. Carmichael was able to join the channels and monitor their activity for approximately two years.

[9] The two York region channels directly referenced Diagolon. Whenever Jeremy McKenzie posted anything or released a podcast, its contents would be shared immediately on the York-region Telegram channels.

[10] The content of the channels was anti-vaccine, anti-government, white nationalist and white supremacy rhetoric. It involved conspiracy theory discussions and talk about assembly a militia by acquiring weaponry and body armour and planning meet-ups.

[11] D.C. Carmichael identified Mr. Schill early on as an active member on the Telegram channels. Unlike others who hid behind aliases, Mr. Schill identified himself by his real name and real photograph.

[12] Mr. McKenzie, the founder of Diagolon, actively promoted “Day of the Rope”, a book about a white supremacist revolution that was based on “The Turner Diaries”, a 1978 neo-nazi novel. The books, described by D.C. Carmichael as the bible of white nationalism, recount a race war that evolves into genocide in which all non-whites, Jews and “race traitors” are lynched.

[13] D.C. Carmichael observed nazi imagery on many of the profile pictures of Diagolon members on Telegram. Their discussions included coordinating meet-ups to engage in shooting and combat-training.

[14] A photograph of one such meet-up [exhibit 1] shows a gathering of 14 individuals performing a Diagolon “salute”. Mr. Schill can be seen saluting under a large Diagolon flag.

[15] As of 28 March 2024, D.C. Carmichael was able to determine through a social media query that Mr. Schill was still following Jeremy McKenzie on Instagram.

[16] There was also evidence that Mr. Schill was in communication with Paolo Scarpelli, a close associate of Jeremy McKenzie’s, to organize Diagolon dinner parties at Mr. Schill’s residence.

Conversations from Telegram were entered into evidence to try to demonstrate that these were not just words, but that Schill (and others) intended to meet up.

According to D.C. Ernest Carmichael, he had been monitoring various Telegram chats for approximately 2 years. This wasn’t anonymous gossip from the Canadian Antihate Network. It was the police actively monitoring group chats. These were used as exhibits.

Not only are the police watching the postings, but they’re checking to see who’s following who. It’s one way to build a “network of association”.

Telegram Chats Going Into Evidence

Posting pictures of guns, ammunition or body armour with the caption “let’s meet up” is a pretty idiotic thing to do. Considering the various topics that are discussed, it’s hard to imagine that it wouldn’t be used to try to incriminate people.

Asking to “take everything to DMs” or direct messages was used by the police to imply that this was intended for illegal purposes. Now, it may all have been perfectly legal and legitimate, but it was used as evidence that it wasn’t.

It’s quite stunning what people post. And the police were able to record everything, without ever needing a warrant.

The Judge also referenced the Coutts blockade, and the arrest of Chris Lysak, whom had been referred to as the “head of security of Diagolon”.

Publishing Evidence On MacKenzie’s Substack

[27] Shortly after Mr. Schill received his disclosure on the domestic charges, excerpts from it were posted on Jeremy McKenzie’s blog on Substack, an online platform.

This is mind-bogglingly stupid. Schill, at the time, was facing a charge of assault causing bodily harm. If the Crown had proceeded by indictment (the more serious option) a conviction even for a first offence would have been serious. It would mean a mandatory 10 year ban on all non-restricted weapons, and a lifetime ban on any restricted or prohibited weapons.

This is, of course, in addition to any jail time, probation or fine that was handed down.

Sharing with someone privately is one thing. But what would cause a person to think that publishing evidence in an open criminal case (with violence alleged) was a good idea?

Quoting The PEOC Report

Report of the Public Inquiry into the 2022 Public Order Emergency
[39] In February 2023, a report was released by the Honourable Paul S. Rouleau, Commissioner of a public Inquiry into the declaration of a Public Order Emergency issued by the federal government in 2022.

[40] The Report noted that “[l]aw enforcement and intelligence agencies view Diagolon as a militia-like extremist organization.”

[41] The Report further found that:
Diagolon may have started as a joke on Mr. McKenzie’s podcast, but it has grown into a larger community. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) has described Diagolon as a militia-like network with members who are armed and prepared for violence. In his testimony, the head of the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP) Intelligence Bureau described Diagolon as an extremist group… I am satisfied that law enforcement’s concern about Diagolon is genuine and well founded. The fact that a ballistic vest that was seized by the RCMP during the protests in Coutts – along with numerous guns – bore a Diagolon patch suggests as much.

[42] Notwithstanding the findings of the Commission, Mr. Foy points out that Diagolon is not currently listed as a terrorist entity on Public Safety Canada’s list of domestic terrorist groups.

Worth noting: Diagolon is not currently listed as a terrorist group.

Now, one could argue that it was unfair to have the PEOC Report used as a foundation for Justice Robinson here. Sure, it could be viewed as guilt by association. That being said, PEOC was used as a basis to pull Schill’s gun licence.

Assessment Of Risk Of Diagolon, Schill, MacKenzie

[64] The views of Jeremy McKenzie and his creation, Diagolon, can properly be described as anti-government and anti-authority, promoting the assembly of a militia to overthrow or, at the very least, actively resist the government.

[65] Mr. Pearson invites me to make a finding that Diagolon is a “terrorist group” as defined in s.83.01 C.C.. It is unnecessary for me to do so.

[66] Rather, it is sufficient – and permissible – for me to rely on the Commission Report’s findings that Diagolon is a militia-like extremist organization consisting of members who are armed and prepared for violence. I concur with the Commission’s finding that law enforcement’s concern about Diagolon is genuine and well-founded.

[67] Apart from the Commission’s findings, the evidence before me reasonably supports a valid public safety concern about the activities and members of Diagolon.

[68] Viewed cumulatively, there is cogent evidence that situates Mr. Schill in the inner ideological circle of Diagolon and close to its founder, Jeremy McKenzie. There is also cogent evidence of Mr. Schill’s intention to engage in the type of illegal activity espoused by Diagolon. For example:

(a) Mr. Schill’s devices show direct communication between him and Mr. McKenzie;

(b) Mr. Schill remains a follower of Mr. McKenzie on Instagram;

(c) Mr. Schill was an active participant on Telegram’s Diagolon channels based in York Region;

(d) Mr. Schill was observed in attendance at a Diagolon meet-up, where he was photographed giving the Diagolon salute under the Diagolon flag;

(e) Mr. Schill was actively engaged in organizing Diagolon meetings with Paolo Scarpelli, a close associate of Jeremy McKenzie;

(f) Mr. Schill’s wife provided evidence that he was attempting to recruit ex-military members to build a militia;

(g) Mr. Schill’s Telegram posts can reasonably be interpreted as an attempt to organize tactical shooting and combat training outings;

(h) Mr. Schill’s posts about attempting to acquire Level IV body armour and his desire to be “protected against mil spec” suggests active resistance against the government and not merely protection;

(i) Mr. Schill’s use of guarded language (e.g. “catch my drift” ) seems to confirm the illegal objective of the posts;

(j) Mr. Schill’s post about the House of Commons is clearly a reference to burning down Parliament;

(k) Mr. Schill was part of the inner circle Diagolon meeting on the outskirts of Ottawa during the Freedom Convoy;

(l)At the meeting, in which Jeremy McKenzie personally acknowledged and thanked Mr. Schill, Mr. McKenzie’s parting words were “there will not be any fucking surrendering as long as I am around;”

(m) Mr. Schill’s garage contained a re-load station in which he stored “huge amounts” of ammunition, not all of which was compatible with his lawfully-owned firearms; and

(n) In that same re-load station, Mr. Schill had a hand-drawn sketch of what can only be interpreted as a plan to engage in criminal activity at a closed gas station.

This was enough for Justice Robinson to conclude that a 5 year prohibition from weapons was warranted. For all the cries about this group just being a podcast community and “based on a meme”, these conversations and meets were used as evidence.

This ruling came from an Ontario Judge, not some nobody. Now, it’s precedent, and will almost certainly be cited in future cases.

Diagolon and MacKenzie weren’t cleared by the PEOC report. Rouleau made it clear that the thought the group was dangerous.

They weren’t cleared by the Mosley ruling either. That was the January 2024 verdict in Federal Court that it was unreasonable to invoke the Emergencies Act. There was just passing mention of them at all.

Defenders have claimed that there was no evidence of wrongdoing, and that there was a heavy reliance on groups like the Canadian Antihate Network. This was supposed to be some major intelligence failure. But Carmichael testified that he personally had been monitoring the chats for 2 years. The transcripts are available, and are also worth a read.

Now, a person has had his firearms rights suspended — despite not being convicted of a crime — due in large part to his connection to this “meme” group.

Could the police be lying or exaggerating in order to punish someone they ideologically disagree with? Sure, it’s possible. Nonetheless they were successful at getting the licence taken away. Please read the decision in full.

Guess that wasn’t something to brag about on the “Road Rage Terror Tour”.

More on PEOC and Mosley coming in subsequent posts.

Now, the ruling does look really, REALLY bad, but what was actually said at the hearing? The transcripts are available, so Carmichael’s testimony can be looked at. And interestingly, it comes across as a lot more speculative than what the Judge wrote. Stay tuned.

SCHILL HEARING:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/oncj/doc/2024/2024oncj249/2024oncj249.html
(2) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 1
(3) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 2, Cross Examination

POEC HEARINGS:
(1) https://publicorderemergencycommission.ca/
(2) POEC Report, Volume 1: Overview
(3) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 1 Overview
(4) POEC Report, Volume 2: Analysis (Part 1)
(5) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 2 Analysis Part 1
(6) POEC Report, Volume 3: Analysis (Part 2)
(7) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 3 Analysis Part 2 Recommendations
(8) POEC Report, Volume 4: Process and Appendices
(9) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 4 Process And Appendices
(10) POEC Report, Part 5: Policy Papers
(11) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 5 Policy Papers

MOSLEY DECISION:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2024/2024fc42/2024fc42.html#par41

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Private Members Bill C-388: Fast Tracking Energy, Gas And Weapons To Ukraine

Garnett Genuis, Conservative Member of Parliament for Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB, has introduced Bill C-388. The short title is: Boosting Canadian Energy and Mining Projects and Ukraine’s Munitions Supply Act. As implied, the goal is to ship weapons and energy to Ukraine. It’s been promoted on Twitter.

However, the Bill is so lacking in details and specifics that it’s unsettling where this will end up. It comes across as a way to endlessly throw money away on a foreign conflict. Not once does Genuis mention any safeguards that would be put in place.

Genuis also wants Canada’s “outdated” or unneeded equipment to be sent off as well. Apparently, the Canadian Forces won’t use them, but they’ll help fight off Russian aggression. It’s never explained or implied how this will happen. To summarize:

  • Canada has made promises to send weapons to Ukraine and not fulfilled them
  • Canada has weapons that are “surplus, and no longer useful” here
  • Canada should be sending equipment to Ukraine that it no longer uses
  • Canada should be buying new equipment here, or making more weapons
  • Canada should fast track gas and energy and mining projects to Ukraine
  • Energy and mining growth will help Canadian economy

Dealing with energy and mining first:

Plan to Fast Track Energy and Mining Projects
Preparation of plan
2 (1) Within 60 days after the day on which this Act comes into force, the Minister of Natural Resources must, in collaboration with representatives of the provincial governments responsible for natural resources, prepare a detailed plan to fast track energy and mining projects, including those related to liquefied natural gas and civilian nuclear energy, that includes measures to displace energy exports from hostile countries and support energy cooperation with allies and partners.

Genuis’ legislation would compel Ottawa to come up with a plan to fast track various energy exports to Ukraine. But this is still very broad, and doesn’t give any numbers or targets.

There’s also nothing in the Bill that would require that energy sales take place at fair market rates. Yes, he pitches the “benefits” to the Canadian economy, but how much could a country at war for 2 years afford? The Bill doesn’t specify any of this. Would these be (forgivable) loans? To what degree would the public be forced to subsidize this?

Bearing in mind that Genuis has openly supported and endorsed the Paris Accord, he wants to ramp up production in Canada anyway. This isn’t so that Canadians can have cheap fuel and energy prices, but so that Ukraine can. Interestingly, he doesn’t seem concerned about potential Carbon taxes when it applies to energy shipments abroad. This was from 2017, but a revealing clip, assuming he still holds the same views.

Would the details be worked out behind the scenes by anonymous bureaucrats?

Now, getting to the munitions part:

Genuis is extremely vague on which “munitions” would be sent to Ukraine. He implies that it’s older equipment that the Canadian Forces wouldn’t need. In that case, why would Ukraine need it? Are these guns? Body armour? Explosives? Vehicles? Surveillance equipment?

Genuis doesn’t specify if he expects the “unneeded” weapons to be sold to Ukraine at fair market rates (or close to it). If the Trudeau Government is so wasteful and incompetent, isn’t he concerned they’ll simply be given away, or sold for next to nothing? Is he worried that the munitions will end up in the hands of a hostile power?

And if these are things the Canadian Forces are unlikely to ever use, are they obsolete to the point that they’re useless in war? This isn’t clarified.

Changes To Other Acts As Well

Purposes
10 (1) The Corporation is established for the purposes of
(a) supporting and developing, directly or indirectly, domestic business, at the request of the Minister and the Minister of Finance for a period specified by those Ministers;
.
(b) supporting and developing, directly or indirectly, Canada’s export trade and Canadian capacity to engage in that trade and to respond to international business opportunities; and
.
(c) providing, directly or indirectly, development financing and other forms of development support in a manner that is consistent with Canada’s international development priorities

Section 10(c) of the Export Development Act will be altered to make include this subsequently: “the Corporation shall give preference to the development of munitions manufacturing capacity in Ukraine.”

Genuis’ Bill, if implemented, would give priority to shipping weapons to Ukraine over other foreign “development”.

The Defence Production Act would have Section 16 amended to include this:

16.‍1 For as long as any territory of Ukraine is occupied by armed forces of the Russian Federation, the Minister of National Defence must periodically review Canada’s inventory of defence supplies, and the Minister must offer to donate to Ukraine any defence supplies that, in the opinion of the Minister of National Defence, are surplus or no longer useful to Canada.

The Business Development Bank of Canada Act would be amended to give Ukraine priority to develop munitions. In other words, preference with tax dollars will be given to a foreign country.

The Export and Import Permits Act would be amended to treat weapons exports to Ukraine the same as exports to the United States.

As with most Canadian legislation, there are built-in regulations which give almost unfettered power to bureaucrats. This would alter several Acts, but do nothing to ensure accountability. The whole thing comes across as a means to endlessly take from taxpayers, under the guise of preventing Russian aggression.

For all that Genuis — and Conservatives in general — rail against Trudeau waste and corruption, there’s nothing in Bill C-388 that would prevent more of the same. Are we to be skeptical domestically, but not internationally?

(1) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bills
(2) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/44-1/c-388
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Members/en/garnett-genuis(89226)
(4) https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/bill/C-388/first-reading
(5) https://twitter.com/GarnettGenuis/
(6) https://twitter.com/GarnettGenuis/status/1786470255960744343
(7) https://laws.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/E-20/page-1.html#h-211513
(8) https://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/d-1/
(9) https://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/b-9.9/index.html
(10) https://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/e-19/

Private Member Bills In Current Session:
(1) Bill C-206: Decriminalizing Self Maiming To Avoid Military Service
(2) Bill C-207: Creating The “Right” To Affordable Housing
(3) Bill C-219: Creating Environmental Bill Of Rights
(4) Bill C-226: Creating A Strategy For Environmental Racism/Justice
(5) Bill C-229: Banning Symbols Of Hate, Without Defining Them
(6) Bill C-235: Building Of A Green Economy In The Prairies
(7) Bill C-245: Entrenching Climate Change Into Canada Infrastructure Bank
(8) Bill C-250: Imposing Prison Time For Holocaust Denial
(9) Bill C-261: Red Flag Laws For “Hate Speech”
(10) Bill C-293: Domestic Implementation Of Int’l Pandemic Treaty
(11) Bill C-312: Development Of National Renewable Energy Strategy
(12) Bill C-315: Amending CPPIB Act Over “Human, Labour, Environmental Rights”
(13) Bill C-367: Removing Religious Exemptions Protecting Against Antisemitism
(14) Bill C-373: Removing Religious Exemptions Protecting Against Antisemitism 2.0
(15) Bill S-215: Protecting Financial Stability Of Post-Secondary Institutions
(16) Bill S-243: Climate Related Finance Act, Banking Acts
(17) Bill S-248: Removing Final Consent For Euthanasia
(18) Bill S-257: Protecting Political Belief Or Activity As Human Rights
(19) Bill S-275: Adding “Sustainable And Equitable Prosperity” To Bank Of Canada Act

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Bit Of History: Royal Canadian Legion Got Bailout Money, Supported Vaccine Passports

The topic of bailout subsidies during the so-called “pandemic” was addressed extensively on this site. In short, countless groups and industries were getting some form of payout from Ottawa.

However, a recent story is worth covering. A 2021 video of Danielle Smith (who wasn’t in politics at the time) recently surfaced. She said that tyranny — such as vaccine passports — were the kind of things that the Canadian Forces were supposed to fight against.

Unfortunately, it doesn’t appear that Smith has the backbone to stand behind her remarks, especially during campaign season. She has since backed down when asked about this.

Previously, the United Conservative Party, was headed by Jason Kenney, who supported vaccine passports, mask mandates, business closures, and jailed dissidents. Smith barely paid lip service to this, and ignores the fact that the U.C.P. accepted bailout money from Trudeau.

At the risk of being seen as trashing the military, it’s important to at least consider the financial incentives that the Royal Canadian Legion has had over the last few years. These groups made the decision to enforce Provincial vaccine passport requirements in 2021 and 2022, despite supposedly supporting freedom.

For a specific example, the Royal Canadian Legion received $14 million in late 2020 “in order to continue operations during the Covid pandemic this organization is receiving funding.” Was this a case of making a deal with the devil?

Then, there are other things to look at.

CEWS, Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy Recipients:

  • BC/YUKON COMMAND OF THE ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION
  • LEGION OF CHRIST, CANADA, INCORPORATED
  • LEGION ROYALE CANADIENNE SUCC. 136, LAKE MEGANTIC
  • MONTGOMERY BRANCH 351 ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION #100 CHARLESWOOD BRANCH
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION AMBASSADOR (ONT. NO. 143) BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BANFF COL MOORE (ALTA NO 26) BRANCH
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BLENHEIM
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BR 263 COQUITLAM
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BR 94
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BR NO 240
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 10
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 500
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 79
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 80
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH NO. 35
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH NO 9
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRIGDEWATER BRANCH N.S. #24 POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION CHAPELHOW BRANCH #284
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION DOMINION COMMAND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION EGANVILLE (ONTARIO NO. 353) BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION & GENERAL STEWART BR NO 4
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION GRANVIEW (PACIFIC NO 179) BRANCH
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION, HENDERSON HIGHWAY BRANCH NO. 215
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION MISCOUCHE BRANCH 18
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION MOOSE JAW BRANCH 59
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION REDCLIFF BRANCH NO. 6
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION ST. LAURENT BRANCH 250 INC.
  • THE ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 056
  • THE ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 550
  • The Royal Canadian Legion Branch 64, Conception Bay Centre Inc.
  • THE ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH NO. 46
  • THE ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION, CONCEPTION BAY BRANCH 50 INC.
  • THE ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION,FORT ROUGE #97
  • THE ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION, NOVA SCOTIA/NUNAVUT COMMAND – BENEVOLENT FUND
  • THE ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION WEYBURN BRANCH 47 INC.

It would be nice to know how much each individual branch received in bailout money, but the specifics are not included in the CEWS database.

Also noteworthy is that the various Legions (or at least many of them) are structured as charities. This comes with significant tax benefits, which not even non-profits can match.

Registered Charities — Canada Revenue Agency:

  • BRANCH 393 ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION SENIOR CITIZENS COMPLEX
  • BRITISH COLUMBIA/YUKON COMMAND OF THE ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION FOUNDATION
  • CLEMENTSPORT BRANCH #122,THE ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION (POPPY FUND)
  • COURCELETTE #058 ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION POPPY FUND
  • DISTRICT C. ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION VETERANS HOSPITAL FUND
  • FONDS DE COQUELICOT DE LA LEGION ROYALE CANADIENNE, BRANCHE 52
  • FONDS DE COQUELICOT, LEGION ROYALE CANADIENNE “QUEBEC NORTH SHORE” NO. 003
  • FRANK MORRIS ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH NO. 13 BENEVOLENT FUND
  • LEGION ROYALE CANADIENNE “ORTONA 42” FONDS DU COQUELICOT
  • LEGION ROYALE CANADIENNE CAISSE DU COQUELICOT FILIALE 44
  • OKOTOKS BRANCH #291, ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION POPPY TRUST FUNDS
  • P.E.I. Command of the Royal Canadian Legion Veterans’ Memorial and Charity Fund
  • Royal Canadian Legion (Ont. No.15) Branch Poppy Fund
  • Royal Canadian Legion – Branch 551 Poppy Fund
  • Royal Canadian Legion Ambassador & Walkerville (Ont. No. 644) Branch Poppy Fund
  • Royal Canadian Legion Branch #475 Poppy Trust Fund
  • Royal Canadian Legion Branch Poppy Fund
  • Royal Canadian Legion Branch 163 Pipes and Drums
  • Royal Canadian Legion Branch 218 Poppy Fund
  • Royal Canadian Legion Cold Lake #211 Branch Poppy Fund
  • Royal Canadian Legion Espanola (ont No 39) Branch Poppy Fund
  • Royal Canadian Legion Pincher Creek Branch #43 Poppy Fund
  • Royal Canadian Legion Victory Branch #317 Poppy Trust Fund
  • Royal Canadian Legion, North Battleford Branch #70 (Sask) Poppy Fund
  • Royal Canadian Legion, Poppy Trust Fund, Gull Lake, Saskatchewan
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION (ASSINIBOIA BRANCH #17), POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION (WIARTON) BRANCH 208 POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION – BRANCH 5 MEMORIAL SCHOLARSHIP FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION – BR 32 (POPPY FUND TRUST ACCOUNT)
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION #77 POPPY FUND CHARITY
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION A V M SULLY- BRANCH 109 SCHOLARSHIP TRUST
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION AMBASSADOR (ONT. NO. 143) POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION ARRAS BRANCH 59 POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BEAVER VALLEY (ONTARIO NO 281) BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BELLE RIVER BRANCH 399 POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BELLEVILLE ONT. NO. 99 BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BEVERLY (ONTARIO NO. 500) BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH #498 – POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH NO. 20 DIGBY POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 142 DUNNVILLE BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 148, (NORTH BURNABY) POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 18 POPPY TRUST FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 212 KEMPTVILLE ONTARIO POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 232 POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 26
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 272 POPPY
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 288 POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 324
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 479, NIAGARA FALLS POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRANCH 532 MEMORIAL SCHOLARSHIP FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BRIGDEWATER BRANCH N.S. #24 POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BROCKVILLE ONT. NO. 96 BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BROME (QUE. NO. 23) BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION BURKS FALLS ONT. NO. 405 BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION CAMPBELLFORD ONT. NO. 103 BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION CAMROSE BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION CANWOOD BRANCH # 132 POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION CASTOR BRANCH POPPY FUND, BRANCH NO 119, THE
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION COBDEN & DISTRICT (ONTARIO NO. 550) BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION COBEQUID NO. 72 BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION COOKSVILLE ONT NO 582 BRANCH POPPY TRUST FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION CORNWALL (ONTARIO NO 297) BRANCH POPP
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION CORUNNA (ONT NO 447 LESLIE SUTHERLAND) BRANCH POPPY FUND
  • ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION DEEP RIVER (ONTARIO NO 436) BRANCH POPPY FUND

This is not the complete list. The Canada Revenue Agency lists over 200 such groups with a charity designation.

There’s nothing wrong — in principle — with such groups having this designation, nor receiving tax benefits for it. But one has to wonder if their status would have been revoked if they didn’t play along with the narrative.

In addition to the regular benefits of being a registered charity, such groups were also eligible for extra lockdown and rental subsidies.

Qualifying organizations that are subject to a lockdown and must shut their doors or significantly limit their activities under a public health order may be eligible for additional Lockdown Support of 25 per cent of eligible expenses.

In response to concerns raised by stakeholders about the program, the Government is proposing to amend the CERS in order to allow applicants to include eligible expenses in their CERS application before the expense has been paid. This means that organizations can include rent and other eligible amounts already paid in respect of a claim period as well as amounts that are payable for the claim period when submitting their CERS applications. Amounts that are not paid at the time of the application will have to be paid no later than 60 days after payment of the subsidy.

To be eligible, organizations must be individuals, taxable corporations and trusts, non-profit organizations or registered charities.

Does this mean that various branches of the Royal Canadian Legion took the bailout money as bribes? Not necessarily, but this can’t be completely ignored.

Don’t forget, the Canadian military supposedly saw this “pandemic” as a unique opportunity to use propaganda techniques on Canadian citizens. They refer to it as “shaping and exploiting information”. This was done with the purpose of pushing public health measures, while attempting to minimize civil disobedience.

In other words. the Forces used subversion and deceit in order to wage war on its citizens.

With that in mind, one has to ask if the various Royal Legions were also compromised. Did they turn their backs on veterans in order to push for compliance with lockdown measures?

If the Forces are okay with (or at least willing) to use propaganda in order to push a particular narrative, would various Legions do it as well?

(1) https://twitter.com/_llebrun/status/1655681786389622784
(2) https://pressprogress.ca/danielle-smith-boycotted-remembrance-day-poppies-railed-against-mainstream-medicine-on-podcast/
(3) https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/danielle-smith-adolf-hitler-netflix-rachel-notley-1.6836160
(4) https://globalnews.ca/news/9686254/ucp-danielle-smith-nazi-comments/
(5) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/?sort=agreement_value+desc&search_text=royal+legion&page=1
(6) https://search.open.canada.ca/grants/record/vac-acc,021-2020-2021-Q3-00061,current
(7) https://www.ctvnews.ca/politics/struggling-legions-and-veterans-organizations-to-receive-20m-in-emergency-support-1.5182483
(8) https://apps.cra-arc.gc.ca/ebci/habs/cews/srch/pub/bscSrch
(9) https://www.canada.ca/en/revenue-agency/news/2020/11/canada-emergency-rent-subsidy.html
(10) https://ottawacitizen.com/news/national/defence-watch/military-leaders-saw-pandemic-as-unique-opportunity-to-test-propaganda-techniques-on-canadians-forces-report-says

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Private Member’s Bill C-206: Decriminalizing Self-Injury Done To Avoid Active Military Service

This is another one that’s a bit of a head scratcher.

New Democrat M.P. Randall Garrison introduced Bill C-206 back in December 2021. This would have removed section 98(c) of the National Defence Act. It would mean that it was no longer an offence to injure or main oneself or another for the purpose of avoiding active service.

Although not specified in the Bill, presumably it would be okay to injure another for this purpose if it was done with the person’s consent.

The timing is also interesting. First Reading was at the end of 2021, when vaccine passports were in full swing. A cynic may wonder if this was part of some coordinated effort to help gut the military, by making it easier for people to get out.

Malingering, aggravating disease or infirmity or injuring self or another
.
98 Every person who
(a) malingers or feigns or produces disease or infirmity,
(b) aggravates, or delays the cure of, disease or infirmity by misconduct or wilful disobedience of orders, or
(c) willfully maims or injures himself or any other person who is a member of any of Her Majesty’s Forces or of any forces cooperating therewith, whether at the instance of that person or not, with intent thereby to render himself or that other person unfit for service, or causes himself to be maimed or injured by any person with intent thereby to render himself unfit for service,
.
is guilty of an offence and on conviction, if he commits the offence on active service or when under orders for active service or in respect of a person on active service or under orders for active service, is liable to imprisonment for life or to less punishment and, in any other case, is liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding five years or to less punishment.

It would be interesting whether Garrison came up with this Bill himself, or whether someone else (and who) is really behind it. Somehow, it seems doubtful that it was his idea.

So far, it hasn’t gone past First Reading, but we’ll have to see how it plays out.

Sources:
(1) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bills?page=2
(2) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/44-1/c-206
(3) https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/bill/C-206/first-reading
(4) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Members/en/randall-garrison(71995)
(5) https://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/N-5/index.html

Private Member Bills In Current Session:
(A) Bill C-207: Creating The “Right” To Affordable Housing
(B) Bill C-219: Creating Environmental Bill Of Rights
(C) Bill C-226: Creating A Strategy For Environmental Racism/Justice
(D) Bill C-229: Banning Symbols Of Hate, Without Defining Them
(E) Bill C-230: Protecting HCW From MAiD Compulsion DEFEATED
(F) Bill C-235: Building Of A Green Economy In The Prairies
(G) Bill C-250: Imposing Prison Time For Holocaust Denial
(H) Bill C-261: Red Flag Laws For “Hate Speech”
(I) Bill C-293: Domestic Implementation Of Int’l Pandemic Treaty
(J) Bill C-312: Development Of National Renewable Energy Strategy
(K) Bill C-315: Amending CPPIB Act Over “Human, Labour, Environmental Rights”
(L) Bill S-215: Protecting Financial Stability Of Post-Secondary Institutions
(M) Bill S-243: Climate Related Finance Act, Banking Acts
(N) Bill S-248: Removing Final Consent For Euthanasia
(O) Bill S-257: Protecting Political Belief Or Activity As Human Rights