UN Principles For Responsible Investment (& ESG Agenda)

(1) https://www.unpri.org/
(2) http://archive.is/8Iyl
(3) http://archive.is/WcmOi
(4) https://www.unpri.org/pri/about-the-pri
(5) https://www.unpri.org/download?ac=5981
(6) https://www.unpri.org/annual-report-2018
(7) https://www.unpri.org/signatories/signatory-directory
(8) https://twitter.com/PRI_News
(9) https://www.unpri.org/credit-ratings/statement-on-esg-in-credit-ratings/77.article

What is UN Principles for Responsible Investment?

What is the PRI?
The PRI is the world’s leading proponent of responsible investment.
It works to understand the investment implications of environmental, social and governance (ESG) factors and to support its international network of investor signatories in incorporating these factors into their investment and ownership decisions. The PRI acts in the long-term interests of its signatories, of the financial markets and economies in which they operate and ultimately of the environment and society as a whole.
The PRI is truly independent. It encourages investors to use responsible investment to enhance returns and better manage risks, but does not operate for its own profit; it engages with global policymakers but is not associated with any government; it is supported by, but not part of, the United Nations.

Environmental, Social Governance
6 Principles of Investing

Principle 1: We will incorporate ESG issues into investment analysis and decision-making processes.
Principle 2: We will be active owners and incorporate ESG issues into our ownership policies and practices.
Principle 3: We will seek appropriate disclosure on ESG issues by the entities in which we invest.
Principle 4: We will promote acceptance and implementation of the Principles within the investment industry.
Principle 5: We will work together to enhance our effectiveness in implementing the Principles.
Principle 6: We will each report on our activities and progress towards implementing the Principles.

1/ Social justice to be incorporated into decision making
2/ Social justice to be incorporated into ownership
3/ Social justice to be considered when making investment decisions
4/ Social justice to be actively promoted
5/ Social justice to be group effort
6/ Effects of social justice to be reported

-Climate change
-Sustainable land use

-Human rights and labour standards
-Employee relations
-Conflict zones

-Tax avoidance
-Executive pay
-Director nominations
-Cyber security

United Nations Principles for Responsible Investment (UN PRI) is a marriage of sorts between the financial sector and the SJW/NPC groups in the world.

Here’s possibly the worst part:

Credit Ratings Initiative
The ESG in credit ratings initiative aims to enhance the transparent and systematic integration of ESG factors in credit risk analysis. The PRI is facilitating a dialogue between credit rating agencies (CRAs) and investors to cultivate a common language, discuss ESG risks to creditworthiness and bridge investor-CRA disconnects.
The initiative kicked off with the launch of the Statement on ESG in credit ratings, still open to sign and so far supported by 149 investors with $29.6 trillion of AUM, and 18 CRAs. There are three reports planned as part of the initiative and roundtables that the PRI is organising around the world for credit practitioners.
See below the work we have done so far, and contact us if you have any questions.

That is what it appears to be. Credit ratings and creditworthiness are to be based at least in part on a person or party’s commitment to the ESG agenda. Here are the signatories:

Axesor Rating
Liberum Ratings
Beyond Ratings
Microfinanza Rating
China Chengxin International Credit Rating Co., Ltd
Moody’s Corporation
Dagong Global Credit Ratings Group
RAM Ratings.
Fedafin AG
Rating-Agentur Expert RA GmbH
Fitch Group, Inc
Rating and Investment Information, Inc
Golden Credit Rating International Co., Ltd..
Scope Ratings
Japan Credit Rating Agency
Spread Ratings
JCR Eurasia Rating
S&P Global Ratings

Not only are credit rating agencies on board with this, but so are dozens of major investors. Here is the list provided by UN PRI.

Aberdeen Standard Investments
Addenda Capital Inc.
AEGON Asset Management
Alberta Investment Management Corporation
Alliance Bernstein
Allianz Global Investors
Challenger Limited
IVM Caring Capital
PGGM Investments
Christian Brothers Investment Services, Inc.
Janus Henderson Investors
Church of Sweden
Jarislowsky, Fraser Limited
PineBridge Investments
CIBC Asset Management Inc.
Kempen Capital Management NV
Principal Global Investors
Colchester Global Investors Limited
KfW Bankengruppe
Prudential Portfolio Managers (South Africa)
Colonial First State Global Asset Management (including First State Investments)
Public Investment Corporation (PIC)
La Française Group
Public Sector Pension Investment Board
Allianz SE
Compass Group
Länsförsäkringar AB
QBE Insurance Group Limited
AlphaFixe Capital Inc.
Connor, Clark & Lunn Investment Management Ltd.
Legal & General Investment Management (Holdings)
AMP Capital Investors
DDJ Capital Management, LLC
Leith Wheeler Investment Counsel Ltd.
RBC Global Asset Management
APG Asset Management
Delta Alternative Management
Local Government Superannuation Scheme
Régime de Retraite de l’Université de Montréal
Ardea Investment Management
Domini Impact Investments
LocalTapiola Asset Management Ltd
RobecoSAM AG
ASR Nederland N.V.
Lombard Odier
Royal London Asset Management
Australian Ethical Investment Ltd.
Element Investment Managers
Longfellow Investment Management Co., LLC
Sanlam Investment Management (SIM)
ERAFP – Etablissement de Retraite Additionnelle de la Fonction Publique Pension Scheme
M&G Investments
Sarasin & Partners LLP
Aviva Investors
Erste Asset Management GmbH
Maple-Brown Abbott Limited
Saturna Capital
AXA Group
ESG Portfolio Management
Mariner Investment Group, LLC.
AXA Investment Managers
Federal Finance
MFS Investment Management
Skandinaviska Enskilda Banken (SEB) AB
Bank J. Safra Sarasin Ltd
Fidelity International
SKY Harbor Capital Management
Barings LLC
Fiera Capital Corporation
Sparinvest S.A.
First State Superannuation Scheme
Mondrian Investment Partners Limited
Stone Harbor Investment Partners LP
BlueBay Asset Management LLP
Fonds de réserve pour les retraites – FRR
Moneda Asset Management
Svenska Handelsbanken AB (Publ)
BMO Global Asset Management
Franklin Templeton Investments
Montrusco Bolton Investments Inc. (MBII)
T&D Asset Management Co., Ltd.
BNP Paribas Asset Management
Futuregrowth Asset Management
Neuberger Berman Group LLC
Tareno AG
Brandywine Global Investment Management, LLC
Galliard Capital Management, Inc.
Nikko Asset Management Co. Ltd.
TD Asset Management (TD Asset Management Inc.)
Breckinridge Capital Advisors
Generation Investment Management LLP
NN Investment Partners
Tokio Marine Asset Management Co., Ltd. Japan
British Columbia Investment Management Corporation
Geroa Pentsioak EPSV
Nomura Asset Management Co., Ltd.
TPT Retirement Solutions
British Columbia Municipal Pension Plan
Global Evolution
Norwegian Government Pension Fund Norway (Norwegian Ministry of Finance and Folketrygdfondet)
Treehouse Investments, LLC
Brown Advisory
Goldman Sachs Asset Management (GSAM)
OFI Asset Management
Triodos Investment Management B.V.
BT Pension Scheme
Gramercy Funds Management
UBS Asset Management
Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec
Hermes Investment Management
Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan
Union Asset Management Holding AG
Caja Ingenieros Gestión SGIIC, SAU
HESTA Super Fund
OP Wealth Management (OP Asset Management Ltd, OP Fund Management Ltd and OP Property Management Ltd)
Union Bancaire Privée, UBP SA
California Public Employees’ Retirement System CalPERS
HSBC Global Asset Management
Ostrum Asset Management
University of Toronto Asset Management Corporation (re University of Toronto Endowment)
Calvert Research and Management
IFM Investors
Partners Group AG
Vancity Investment Management
Candriam Investors Group
Income Research & Management
Payden & Rygel
Victorian Funds Management Corporation
Insight Investment
Pegaso – Fondo pensione complementare
Wellington Management Company LLP
CDC – Caisse des dépôts et consignations
Investec Asset Management
Pension Protection Fund
Wespath Investment Management (General Board of Pension and Health Benefits of the United Methodist Church)

This is pretty messed up. Major credit ratings agencies and major investors committed to the same globalist and social justice agendas that comprise the UN. Sound financial decisions will take a backseat to these SJW causes.

Also, this seems eerily like China’s “Social Credit” system, where a person’s livelihood is impacted by irrelevant details. Will finance, business and trade be limited by one’s “social credit”?

Guess we will see.

Canada’s Bill C-74, Deferred Prosecution Agreement, and OECD Anti-Bribery Agreement

1. Important Links

(1) http://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/bill/C-74/royal-assent
(2) http://archive.is/wip/14Scd
(3) https://www.dentons.com/en/insights/alerts/2018/april/11
(4) http://archive.is/wip/q6KsR
(5) https://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/jody-wilson-raybould-resigns-from-cabinet/
(6) http://archive.is/wip/BxmzN
(7) https://globalnews.ca/news/5012770/jody-wilson-raybould-snc-lavalin-david-lametti/
(8) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MkDweZcSO-E
(9) https://nationalpost.com/news/politics/oecd-announces-it-is-monitoring-snc-lavalin-scandal-raising-prospect-canada-has-violated-international-anti-bribery-agreement
(10) http://www.oecd.org/corruption/oecdantibriberyconvention.htm
(11) http://www.oecd.org/daf/anti-bribery/ConvCombatBribery_ENG.pdf

(12) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/clntSmmry?clientOrgCorpNumber=359826&sMdKy=1562758127214
(13) https://www.elections.ca/WPAPPS/WPF/EN/CCS/ContributionReport?returnS

2. Some Context

This is supposedly a budget bill, but is in fact an omnibus bill (a bloated bill with many unrelated provisions), At the very end is Part 6, Division 20. Presumably it was tacked on as an afterthought.

The “Deferred Prosecution Agreement” (or DPA), is a mechanism which corporations can avoid criminal penalties in Canada. Under Canadian law, a company found guilty in criminal court would be prohibited from bidding on government contracts for a period of 10 years. Obviously, this would hurt the company.

Of course, if it looks like Government influence helped a company avoid criminal penalties, it would stink of corruption, as seems to be the case with Quebec engineering firm SNC Lavalin.

Former Attorney General Jody Wilson-Raybould resigned from her post after being pressured by the Trudeau Government to cut such a deal for SNC Lavalin, and help the company avoid criminal penalties.

If that didn’t stink enough, her successor, David Lametti, claimed he knew nothing, about the deal when he took over. He also took Trudeau’s word that nothing inappropriate happened. It doesn’t help that Lametti is from Montreal (as is SNC Lavalin).

Worse still, is that Lametti seems content with letting SNC Lavalin get its DPA anyway, which is what Wilson-Raybould had been pressured to do.

The Organization for Economic Development & Cooperation (OEDC), would also consider such actions to violate the multi-nation Anti-Bribery Agreement. So the fallout seems to be spreading, not being contained.

3. Content Of Deferred Prosecution Agreement

Summary, Part 6, Division 20
Division 20 of Part 6 amends the Criminal Code to establish a remediation agreement regime. Under this regime, the prosecutor may negotiate a remediation agreement with an organization that is alleged to have committed an offence of an economic character referred to in the schedule to Part XXII.‍1 of that Act and the proceedings related to that offence are stayed if the organization complies with the terms of the agreement.
Text Of Bill
Remediation Agreements
715.‍3 (1) The following definitions apply in this Part.
court means a superior court of criminal jurisdiction but does not include a court of appeal.‍ (tribunal)
offence means any offence listed in the schedule to this Part.‍ (infraction)
organization has the same meaning as in section 2 but does not include a public body, trade union or municipality.‍ (organisation)
remediation agreement means an agreement, between an organization accused of having committed an offence and a prosecutor, to stay any proceedings related to that offence if the organization complies with the terms of the agreement. (accord de réparation)
victim has the same meaning as in section 2 but, with respect to an offence under section 3 or 4 of the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act, it includes any person outside Canada.‍ (victime)
Acting on victim’s behalf
(2) For the purposes of this Part, a third party not referred to in section 2.‍2 may also act on a victim’s behalf when authorized to do so by the court, if the victim requests it or the prosecutor deems it appropriate.
715.‍31 The purpose of this Part is to establish a remediation agreement regime that is applicable to organizations alleged to have committed an offence and that has the following objectives:
(a) to denounce an organization’s wrongdoing and the harm that the wrongdoing has caused to victims or to the community;
(b) to hold the organization accountable for its wrongdoing through effective, proportionate and dissuasive penalties;
(c) to contribute to respect for the law by imposing an obligation on the organization to put in place corrective measures and promote a compliance culture;
(d) to encourage voluntary disclosure of the wrongdoing;
(e) to provide reparations for harm done to victims or to the community; and
(f) to reduce the negative consequences of the wrongdoing for persons — employees, customers, pensioners and others — who did not engage in the wrongdoing, while holding responsible those individuals who did engage in that wrongdoing.
Conditions for remediation agreement
715.‍32 (1) The prosecutor may enter into negotiations for a remediation agreement with an organization alleged to have committed an offence if the following conditions are met:
(a) the prosecutor is of the opinion that there is a reasonable prospect of conviction with respect to the offence;
(b) the prosecutor is of the opinion that the act or omission that forms the basis of the offence did not cause and was not likely to have caused serious bodily harm or death, or injury to national defence or national security, and was not committed for the benefit of, at the direction of, or in association with, a criminal organization or terrorist group;
(c) the prosecutor is of the opinion that negotiating the agreement is in the public interest and appropriate in the circumstances; and
(d) the Attorney General has consented to the negotiation of the agreement.
Factors to consider
(2) For the purposes of paragraph (1)‍(c), the prosecutor must consider the following factors:
(a) the circumstances in which the act or omission that forms the basis of the offence was brought to the attention of investigative authorities;
(b) the nature and gravity of the act or omission and its impact on any victim;
(c) the degree of involvement of senior officers of the organization in the act or omission;
(d) whether the organization has taken disciplinary action, including termination of employment, against any person who was involved in the act or omission;
(e) whether the organization has made reparations or taken other measures to remedy the harm caused by the act or omission and to prevent the commission of similar acts or omissions;
(f) whether the organization has identified or expressed a willingness to identify any person involved in wrongdoing related to the act or omission;
(g) whether the organization — or any of its representatives — was convicted of an offence or sanctioned by a regulatory body, or whether it entered into a previous remediation agreement or other settlement, in Canada or elsewhere, for similar acts or omissions;
(h) whether the organization — or any of its representatives — is alleged to have committed any other offences, including those not listed in the schedule to this Part; and
(i) any other factor that the prosecutor considers relevant.
Factors not to consider
(3) Despite paragraph (2)‍(i), if the organization is alleged to have committed an offence under section 3 or 4 of the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act, the prosecutor must not consider the national economic interest, the potential effect on relations with a state other than Canada or the identity of the organization or individual involved.
Notice to organization — invitation to negotiate
715.‍33 (1) If the prosecutor wishes to negotiate a remediation agreement, they must give the organization written notice of the offer to enter into negotiations and the notice must include
(a) a summary description of the offence to which the agreement would apply;
(b) an indication of the voluntary nature of the negotiation process;
(c) an indication of the legal effects of the agreement;
(d) an indication that, by agreeing to the terms of this notice, the organization explicitly waives the inclusion of the negotiation period and the period during which the agreement is in force in any assessment of the reasonableness of the delay between the day on which the charge is laid and the end of trial;
(e) an indication that negotiations must be carried out in good faith and that the organization must provide all information requested by the prosecutor that the organization is aware of or can obtain through reasonable efforts, including information enabling the identification of any person involved in the act or omission that forms the basis of the offence or any wrongdoing related to that act or omission;
(f) an indication of how the information disclosed by the organization during the negotiations may be used, subject to subsection (2);
(g) a warning that knowingly making false or misleading statements or knowingly providing false or misleading information during the negotiations may lead to the recommencement of proceedings or prosecution for obstruction of justice;
(h) an indication that either party may withdraw from the negotiations by providing written notice to the other party;
(i) an indication that reasonable efforts must be made by both parties to identify any victim as soon as practicable; and
(j) a deadline to accept the offer to negotiate according to the terms of the notice.
Admissions not admissible in evidence
(2) No admission, confession or statement accepting responsibility for a given act or omission made by the organization during the negotiations is admissible in evidence against that organization in any civil or criminal proceedings related to that act or omission, except those contained in the statement of facts or admission of responsibility referred to in paragraphs 715.‍34(1)‍(a) and (b), if the parties reach an agreement and it is approved by the court.
Mandatory contents of agreement
715.‍34 (1) A remediation agreement must include
(a) a statement of facts related to the offence that the organization is alleged to have committed and an undertaking by the organization not to make or condone any public statement that contradicts those facts;
(b) the organization’s admission of responsibility for the act or omission that forms the basis of the offence;
(c) an indication of the obligation for the organization to provide any other information that will assist in identifying any person involved in the act or omission, or any wrongdoing related to that act or omission, that the organization becomes aware of, or can obtain through reasonable efforts, after the agreement has been entered into;
(d) an indication of the obligation for the organization to cooperate in any investigation, prosecution or other proceeding in Canada — or elsewhere if the prosecutor considers it appropriate — resulting from the act or omission, including by providing information or testimony;
(e) with respect to any property, benefit or advantage identified in the agreement that was obtained or derived directly or indirectly from the act or omission, an obligation for the organization to
(i) forfeit it to Her Majesty in right of Canada, to be disposed of in accordance with paragraph 4(1)‍(b.‍2) of the Seized Property Management Act,
(ii) forfeit it to Her Majesty in right of a province, to be disposed of as the Attorney General directs, or
(iii) otherwise deal with it, as the prosecutor directs;
(f) an indication of the obligation for the organization to pay a penalty to the Receiver General or to the treasurer of a province, as the case may be, for each offence to which the agreement applies, the amount to be paid and any other terms respecting payment;
(g) an indication of any reparations, including restitution consistent with paragraph 738(1)‍(a) or (b), that the organization is required to make to a victim or a statement by the prosecutor of the reasons why reparations to a victim are not appropriate in the circumstances and an indication of any measure required in lieu of reparations to a victim;
(h) an indication of the obligation for the organization to pay a victim surcharge for each offence to which the agreement applies, other than an offence under section 3 or 4 of the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act, the amount to be paid and any other terms respecting payment;
(i) an indication of the obligation for the organization to report to the prosecutor on the implementation of the agreement and an indication of the manner in which the report is to be made and any other terms respecting reporting;
(j) an indication of the legal effects of the agreement;
(k) an acknowledgement by the organization that the agreement has been made in good faith and that the information it has provided during the negotiation is accurate and complete and a commitment that it will continue to provide accurate and complete information while the agreement is in force;
(l) an indication of the use that can be made of information obtained as a result of the agreement, subject to subsection (2);
(m) a warning that the breach of any term of the agreement may lead to an application by the prosecutor for termination of the agreement and a recommencement of proceedings;
(n) an indication of the obligation for the organization not to deduct, for income tax purposes, the costs of any reparations or other measures referred to in paragraph (g) or any other costs incurred to fulfil the terms of the agreement;
(o) a notice of the prosecutor’s right to vary or terminate the agreement with the approval of the court; and
(p) an indication of the deadline by which the organization must meet the terms of the agreement.

Admissions not admissible in evidence
(2) No admission, confession or statement accepting responsibility for a given act or omission made by the organization as a result of the agreement is admissible in evidence against that organization in any civil or criminal proceedings related to that act or omission, except those contained in the statement of facts and admission of responsibility referred to in paragraphs (1)‍(a) and (b), if the agreement is approved by the court.

Optional content of agreement
(3) A remediation agreement may include, among other things,
(a) an indication of the obligation for the organization to establish, implement or enhance compliance measures to address any deficiencies in the organization’s policies, standards or procedures — including those related to internal control procedures and employee training — that may have allowed the act or omission;
(b) an indication of the obligation for the organization to reimburse the prosecutor for any costs identified in the agreement that are related to its administration and that have or will be incurred by the prosecutor; and
(c) an indication of the fact that an independent monitor has been appointed, as selected with the prosecutor’s approval, to verify and report to the prosecutor on the organization’s compliance with the obligation referred to in paragraph (a), or any other obligation in the agreement identified by the prosecutor, as well as an indication of the organization’s obligations with respect to that monitor, including the obligations to cooperate with the monitor and pay the monitor’s costs.

Oh, it gets much worse.

4. Anti-Corruption Agreements

Here is the CONVENTION itself:

Article 1
The Offence of Bribery of Foreign Public Officials
1. Each Party shall take such measures as may be necessary to establish that it is a criminal offence under its law for any person intentionally to offer, promise or give any undue pecuniary or other advantage, whether directly or through intermediaries, to a foreign public official, for that official or for a third party, in order that the official act or refrain from acting in relation to the performance of official duties, in order to obtain or retain business or other improper advantage in the conduct of international business.
2. Each Party shall take any measures necessary to establish that complicity in, including incitement, aiding and abetting, or authorisation of an act of bribery of a foreign public official shall be a criminal offence. Attempt and conspiracy to bribe a foreign public official shall be criminal offences to the same extent as attempt and conspiracy to bribe a public official of that Party.
3. The offences set out in paragraphs 1 and 2 above are hereinafter referred to as “bribery of a foreign public official”.

The document is quite long, and a read it recommended.

5. Liberal Donor Bruce Hartley Is Lavalin Lobbyist

How did this DPA come to be. Perhaps one name can explain it: Bruce Hartley.

Hartley has been a long time Liberal donor. He now is a registered lobbyist with SNC-Lavalin. One of his specific lobbying targets was the creation of the DPA.

(Hartley has made 124+ donations to the Liberal Party and its members since 2005).

(Hartley is registered as a Lavalin lobbyist.)

(Hartley’s job includes lobbying for DPA)

6. Bottom Line

1/ The Federal Government added this “Deferred Prosecution Agreement” into the Criminal Code to allow companies to avoid criminal penalties (and the bulk of financial penalties), under this arrangement. This is stuffed into the end of a completely unrelated budget bill.
2/ Attorney General Jody Wilson-Raybould resigned after she alleges being pressured to cut a deal with Quebec engineering firm, SNC Lavalin
3/ Federal Government denies this, claims it was a “misunderstanding”
4/ New AG says he sees nothing wrong, and may still give DPA to SNC Lavalin.
5/ Public interest and outrage in story is growing.
6/ This DPA appears to violate international anti-bribery agreement.
7/ Liberal donor Bruce Hartley is now an SNC-Lavalin lobbyist, and is tasked with pushing for the creation of the DPA.

Canada, the World Statistics Hub & StatsCan

1. Interesting Canadian Laws

CLICK HERE, for the Privacy Act.
CLICK HERE, for the Financial Administration Act.
CLICK HERE, for the Federal Accountability Act.
CLICK HERE, for the Access to Information Act.

2. StatsCan and UN SDG Data Hub

CLICK HERE, for the Information Hub.
CLICK HERE, for world data hub. This shows instant access to information on foreign investment.
CLICK HERE, for transparency & reporting.
CLICK HERE, for the UN Stats Open SDG Data Hub.
CLICK HERE, for a surprisingly informative handbook on Agenda 21.
CLICK HERE, for SDG Data Hub (Gender).
CLICK HERE, for SDG Data Hub (Income inequality).
CLICK HERE, for the SDG catalogue.
CLICK HERE, for the SDG “indicators” list.

Recent Scandal In Canada
Remember this one?
CLICK HERE, for StatsCan wanting to seize bank records of Canadians as “research tools”.
CLICK HERE, for the Privacy Commissioner throwing StatsCan under the bus.

Not only did the Liberal Government oppose a 2010 initiative to make the long-form census “VOLUNTARY”, but they were actually okay with StatsCan raiding bank accounts for information on customers. 500,000 per year.

This data was supposed to be “anonymised”, meaning that once the entire personal profile is complete, the identifiers will be stripped away and it will only used for research purposes.

Under very public backlash, the Federal Government halted. And due to complaints filed with the Privacy Commissioner, the matter had to be suspended. According to the Canadian Banker’s Association (as of March 4, 2019), the plan is still halted. Here is that message from a follow-up with CBA rep, Aaron Boles:

“At this point, the project is on hold, per the letter StatsCan sent to affected banks on November 16, 2018, where StatsCan said, “Statistics Canada is not expecting any personal data from your institution in January 2019.” The CBA and its members are also encouraged that the Office of the Privacy Commissioner has launched an investigation into Statistics Canada’s data request, which we understand will be underway until this spring. The banking sector continues to emphasize the central importance of protecting the privacy and security of customer financial data and personal information.
Best regards,

Not only does the Canadian Government not value Canadian privacy with regards to banking and financial information, but there is a legitimate question of whether this information is shared globally.

A more cynical person (or black pilled person), would think this bank data seizure is being done in order to find innovative ways to tax citizens, to finance the One-World Agenda. Nope, couldn’t be that.

3. Countries In World Stats Hub

1/ Australia
2/ Belgium
3/ China
4/ France
5/ Germany
6/ Hong Kong
7/ India
8/ Italy
9/ Japan
10/ Mexico
11/ Netherlands
12/ Norway
13/ Singapore
14/ South Korea
15/ Spain
16/ Switzerland
17/ United Kingdom
18/ United States

** Note: This list comes from the StatsCan website.

CLICK HERE, for a page on reporting and disclosure by the Canadian Government. This page may actually prove very useful.

4. Will UN Use This Data?

Certainly appears to be that way.

An API to retrieve information and metadata on the Sustainable Development Goals
The Sustainable Development Goals indicators database provides transparency on the data used for global reporting. The database contains data on the global Sustainable Development Goal indicators used in the Sustainable Development Goals Report 2018, and includes country-level data as well as regional and global aggregates.

The global Sustainable Development Goal indicators API gives programmatic access to the global indicators database using the OpenAPI specification.

The database, maintained by the Statistics Division, released on 20 June 2018 contains over 1 million observations. However, this is not the number of unique observations, as several indicators and their data are repeated. For the complete list of the indicators that are repeated in the indicator framework please see https://unstats.un.org/sdgs/indicators/indicators-list/ .

The following global indicator framework was developed by the Inter-Agency and Expert Group on SDG Indicators (IAEG-SDGs) and agreed upon, including refinements on several indicators, at the 48th session of the United Nations Statistical Commission held in March 2017.

The global indicator framework was later adopted by the General Assembly on 6 July 2017 and is contained in the Resolution adopted by the General Assembly on Work of the Statistical Commission pertaining to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (A/RES/71/313), Annex. Annual refinements of indicators will be included in the indicator list as they occur. The official indicator list below includes the global indicator framework as contained in A/RES/71/313 and refinements agreed by the Statistical Commission at its 49th session in March 2018 (E/CN.3/2018/2, Annex II).

The list includes 232 indicators on which general agreement has been reached. Please note that the total number of indicators listed in the global indicator framework of SDG indicators is 244. However, since nine indicators repeat under two or three different targets (see below), the actual total number of individual indicators in the list is 232.
Indicators in the global indicator framework that repeat are the following:

So when Statistics Canada demands our personal information in census forms, where does the information go?

When employers, schools, and medical centers are forced to turn over information to StatsCan for “research purposes”, what exactly happens to our personal information? How much of it is shared? How much is shared outside of Canada?

That October 2018 scandal of StatsCan (under Liberal direction) trying to seize Canadians’ financial information is merely the tip of the iceberg. But then again, we are not Canadians, but rather “global citizens”, living in a post-national world.

UN Panel On Digital Cooperation

(The UN High-Level Panel on Digital Cooperation)

(Another shot of the panel)

(Digital Cooperation)

(Internet Governance Forum, 2012, in Columbia)

(Arab Internet Governance)

(Internet Governance, Challenges & Opportunities)

(Burnaby South debate. Watch at 7:25 in video)

(Burnaby South Liberal Candidate Richard Lee supports UN regulation of internet)

1. Important Links

(1) http://www.un.org/en/digital-cooperation-panel/
(2) http://www.un.org/en/pdfs/HLP-on-Digital-Cooperation_Press-Release.pdf
(3) High Level Panel On Digital Cooperation Press-Release
(4) https://digitalcooperation.org/
(5) https://www.cepal.org/cgi-bin/getProd.asp?xml=/socinfo/noticias/noticias/4/48074/P48074.xml&xsl=/socinfo/tpl-i/p1f.xsl&base=/socinfo/tpl-i/top-bottom.xsl
(6) https://www.unescwa.org/sites/www.unescwa.org/files/events/files/program.pdf
(7) Arab Internet Governance Forum
(8) https://www.unescwa.org/sub-site/arabDIG
(9) https://www.unescwa.org/publications/internet-governance-challenges-and-opportunities-escwa-member-countries

2. Quotes From Website

The scale, spread and speed of change brought about by digital technology is unprecedented, and the current means and levels of international cooperation are unequal to the challenge. Digital technologies make a significant contribution to the realisation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and cut uniquely across international boundaries, policy silos and professional domains. Cooperation across domains and across borders is therefore critical to realizing the full social and economic potential of digital technologies, mitigating the risks they pose, and curtailing any unintended consequences.

The High-level Panel on Digital Cooperation was convened by the UN Secretary-General to advance proposals to strengthen cooperation in the digital space among Governments, the private sector, civil society, international organizations, academia, the technical community and other relevant stakeholders.

The Panel is expected to raise awareness about the transformative impact of digital technologies across society and the economy, and contribute to the broader public debate on how to ensure a safe and inclusive digital future for all, taking into account relevant human rights norms.

A number of questions here:
1/ Is this “global cooperation” being used to advance Agenda 2030?
2/ Social potential as in what?
3/ Why strengthen cooperation? Is this a form of policing?
4/ Safe and inclusive digital future? Does this mean that opinions or ideas that don’t make people feel “safe and inclusive” will be banned?
5/ Human rights norms as in what? Censoring of ideas? Something like a global M103 (to ban criticism of Islam)?
6/ Seeing how Statistics Canada has no issue with privacy breaches, what kinds of safeguards can we expect here?

The Panel will hold two in-person meetings in September 2018 and January 2019, and will meet virtually as required.
The Panel will also seek to gather the views and proposals of Member States, relevant industries, civil society and academia worldwide through a careful consultation process. It will draw expertise from expert communities across the globe through engagement at existing events, conferences and forums as well as call for contributions from the general public through virtual hubs and online participation platforms. Two regional consultations will be organized in Asia and in Africa.
The Panel will complete its deliberations and submit its final report, including actionable recommendations, within a nine-month period. The report will map trends in digital technologies, identify gaps and opportunities, and outline proposals for strengthening international cooperation in the digital space.


Why was the Panel established?
Current means and levels of international cooperation are not commensurate with the scale and rapidity of changes brought about by digital technologies. Digital technologies cut uniquely across international boundaries. Cooperation across sectors and across borders is critical to realizing the full social and economic potential of digital technologies as well as mitigating the risks they could pose.

Why is it called High-level Panel on Digital Cooperation?
The term Digital Cooperation aims to frame discussions on digital issues in a cooperative framework; it also aims to break silos by encouraging thinking and action across domains, and build trust among various stakeholders.

What are the expected outcomes?
The Panel will submit a report that will provide a high-level independent contribution to the broader public debate on digital cooperation frameworks and support Member States in their consultations on these issues.
The report is expected to: 1) raise awareness about the transformative impact of digital technologies across society and the economy, 2) identify policy, research and information gaps as well as ways to improve interdisciplinary action on digital technologies, and 3) present concrete proposals to strengthen cooperation in the digital space in an effective and inclusive manner.
It is expected that the consultation process leading to the report will contribute to stimulating discussion among and between various stakeholder groups on how they can work together to maximize the potential of the digital transformation.

Guess what isn’t mentioned here?
Free speech, privacy.

How is this different from other panels, commissions and international forums on similar topics?
The Secretary-General welcomes the increased focus on the implications of digital technologies for our society and our economy through commissions, conferences and other forums. This signifies that the timing is ripe for the digital policy ecosystem to evolve to the next level of maturity.

The work of all these initiatives can and should be mutually reinforcing. Wherever possible, this Panel will work with other initiatives and seek to identify synergies and complementarities.

Word salad.

How is the Panel supported?
The Panel is supported by a small Secretariat funded by donor resources, and based in New York and Geneva.
How were the Panel members selected?
The Secretary-General invited 20 independent experts with a range of professional and academic backgrounds in fields related to technology and policy. All members serve in their personal capacity, not as representatives of their affiliated institutions.
The Panel’s composition represents a broad mix of disciplines and sectors, geographic, gender and age diversity in an effort to reflect the cross-boundary nature of the digital sphere. Given that young people will be disproportionately affected by the future impact of a digital society, the Panel includes several individuals under the age of 35.

Racial diversity.
Gender diversity.
Age diversity.
No mention of diversity of thought. Perhaps how some person think can be a bad idea.

Contact and More Information
Visit the dedicated website for further information, engagement opportunities and news: www.digitalcooperation.org
For updates about the Panel, follow on Twitter at @UNSGdigicoop or sign up for the mailing list.

To provide suggestions or comments, contact the High Level Panel Secretariat at: digitalcooperation [at] unops.org

3. Some Thought

To be frank, the idea that the UN is actually getting together for “digital cooperation” is downright scary. Which ones will be “enhanced” by digital cooperation?

  • UN Global Migration Compact
  • Paris Accord
  • Proposed UN Global Government
  • Agenda 21, Agenda 2030
  • Global Citizen Education Agenda
  • New Development Financing
  • Efforts to ban criticism of Islam
  • Any of the dozens of other initiatives?

Liberal Candidate for the Burnaby by-election, Richard Lee says that he supports having the UN regulate internet activity. And the UN openly supports “digital cooperation”.

Is this the next frontier?

What exactly will they cooperate on? This is disturbingly vague? Will there be “cooperation” to stifle unpopular opinions? Perhaps to censor ideas and beliefs deemed inappropriate? Will this be a way to monitor and prevent criticism of Islam?

Will this be a means to streamline continued mass migration, or to continue financing UN scams like

Agenda 2030: UN Sustainable Development, Wealth Transfer Scheme

(A wealth transfer scheme that would put the Paris Accord to shame)

Frank Vaughn does an interesting review of Agenda 2030. Go check out his podcast.

CLICK HERE, for the link to Agenda 2030.
2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development web

1. We, the Heads of State and Government and High Representatives, meeting at United Nations Headquarters in New York from 25 to 27 September 2015 as the Organization celebrates its seventieth anniversary, have decided today on new global Sustainable Development Goals.

Before going any further, let’s point one thing out: this was signed at the end of September 2015. Stephen Harper (yes, a so-called “Conservative”) was still Prime Minister. It was another month before he was voted out.

Sustainable Development Goals
Goal 1. End poverty in all its forms everywhere
Goal 2. End hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture
Goal 3. Ensure healthy lives and promote well being for all at all ages
Goal 4. Ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all
Goal 5. Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls
Goal 6. Ensure availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all
Goal 7. Ensure access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all
Goal 8. Promote sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment and decent work for all
Goal 9. Build resilient infrastructure, promote inclusive and sustainable industrialization and foster innovation
Goal 10. Reduce inequality within and among countries
Goal 11. Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable
Goal 12. Ensure sustainable consumption and production patterns
Goal 13. Take urgent action to combat climate change and its impacts*
Goal 14. Conserve and sustainably use the oceans, seas and marine resources for sustainable development
Goal 15. Protect, restore and promote sustainable use of terrestrial ecosystems, sustainably manage forests, combat desertification, and halt and reverse land degradation and halt biodiversity loss
Goal 16. Promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels
Goal 17. Strengthen the means of implementation and revitalize the Global Partnership for Sustainable Development

A quick look will show 2 things:
1/ A near obsession with gender equality
2/ This is a massive wealth transfer scheme

1.4 By 2030, ensure that all men and women, in particular the poor and the vulnerable, have equal rights to economic resources, as well as access to basic services, ownership and control over land and other forms of property, inheritance, natural resources, appropriate new technology and financial services, including microfinance

1.5 By 2030, build the resilience of the poor and those in vulnerable situations and reduce their exposure and vulnerability to climate related extreme events and other economic, social and environmental shocks and disasters

All men and women will have equal rights to economic resources? Sounds lovely, but a logistical question: what about cultures which don’t give equal rights to women? Remember diversity is our strength, and cultures must be respected.

Build the resilience to reduce exposure and vulnerabilities? Okay, this sounds expensive.

2.a Increase investment, including through enhanced international cooperation, in rural infrastructure, agricultural research and extension services, technology development and plant and livestock gene banks in order to enhance agricultural productive capacity in developing countries, in particular least developed countries

Livestock gene banks? Genetically modified farm animals and crops?
Some more detail on the research would be nice.

3.c Substantially increase health financing and the recruitment, development, training and retention of the health workforce in developing countries, especially in least developed countries and small island developing States

4.a Build and upgrade education facilities that are child, disability and gender sensitive and provide safe, non violent, inclusive and effective learning environments for all

What about nations and cultures who view women as second class people? Will they be on board with this? And build and upgrade facilities? Are we building entire schools?

>5.6 Ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights as agreed in accordance with the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development and the Beijing Platform for Action and the outcome documents of their review conferences

Health care is important. No argument on that. However,

Two points worth addressing here.
First, “access to reproductive rights”? Is this code for financing abortions globally?
Second, what about cultures that don’t recognize women as equals?

6.a By 2030, expand international cooperation and capacity building support to developing countries in water and sanitation related activities and programmes, including water harvesting, desalination, water efficiency, wastewater treatment, recycling and reuse technologies

This I would actually agree with.

7.b By 2030, expand infrastructure and upgrade technology for supplying modern and sustainable energy services for all in developing countries, in particular least developed countries, small island developing States and landlocked developing countries, in accordance with their respective programmes of support

Expand infrastructure. More $$$. Don’t we already pay billions annually for foreign aid? Where does it go, and how will we ensure this isn’t wasted?

8.a Increase Aid for Trade support for developing countries, in particular least developed countries, including through the Enhanced Integrated Framework for Trade related Technical Assistance to Least Developed Countries

Increased aid. More $$$$

9.b Support domestic technology development, research and innovation in developing countries, including by ensuring a conducive policy environment for, inter alia, industrial diversification and value addition to commodities

9.c Significantly increase access to information and communications technology and strive to provide universal and affordable access to the Internet in least developed countries by 2020

So we are financing internet and communications which will presumably be better an cheaper than what we schlubs have to buy ourselves? Now, are we financing research, or just handing over technology?

10.b Encourage official development assistance and financial flows, including foreign direct investment, to States where the need is greatest, in particular least developed countries, African countries, small island developing States and landlocked developing countries, in accordance with their national plans and programmes

You read it right here: all about financial flow.

11.2 By 2030, provide access to safe, affordable, accessible and sustainable transport systems for all, improving road safety, notably by expanding public transport, with special attention to the needs of those in vulnerable situations, women, children, persons with disabilities and older persons

Providing access to public transport systems? Does this mean the West will be financing the entire construction and installation of such systems?

12.a Support developing countries to strengthen their scientific and technological capacity to move towards more sustainable patterns of consumption and production

Clarification: Are we financing research in developing countries, or are we simply giving large amounts of Westerm developed technology?

13.2 Integrate climate change measures into national policies, strategies and planning

If industry and burning fossil fuels causes greenhouse gases, which lead to global warming, the “why” would we be trying to develop industry here? Seems counterintuitive.

15.a Mobilize and significantly increase financial resources from all sources to conserve and sustainably use biodiversity and ecosystems

If food, water, sanitation and health care are so urgent, then wouldn’t this be a very low priority by comparison? Just saying, human welfare should take precedent.

16.a Strengthen relevant national institutions, including through international cooperation, for building capacity at all levels, in particular in developing countries, to prevent violence and combat terrorism and crime

What about places like Palestine, which democratically elected Hamas, a terrorist group? Will they still get funded? Will funds go to “combatting terrorism”?

Means of implementation and the Global Partnership
60. We reaffirm our strong commitment to the full implementation of this new Agenda. We recognize that we will not be able to achieve our ambitious Goals and targets without a revitalized and enhanced Global Partnership and comparably ambitious means of implementation. The revitalized Global Partnership will facilitate an intensive global engagement in support of implementation of all the Goals and targets, bringing together Governments, civil society, the private sector, the United Nations system and other actors and mobilizing all available resources.

61. The Agenda’s Goals and targets deal with the means required to realize our collective ambitions. The means of implementation targets under each Sustainable Development Goal and Goal 17, which are referred to above, are key to realizing our Agenda and are of equal importance with the other Goals and targets. We shall accord them equal priority in our implementation efforts and in the global indicator framework for monitoring our progress.

62. This Agenda, including the Sustainable Development Goals, can be met within the framework of a revitalized Global Partnership for Sustainable Development, supported by the concrete policies and actions outlined in the Addis Ababa Action Agenda, which is an integral part of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The Addis Ababa Action Agenda supports, complements and helps to contextualize the 2030 Agenda’s means of implementation targets. It relates to domestic public resources, domestic and international private business and finance, international development cooperation, international trade as an engine for development, debt and debt sustainability, addressing systemic issues and science, technology, innovation and capacity building, and data, monitoring and followup.

63. Cohesive nationally owned sustainable development strategies, supported by integrated national financing frameworks, will be at the heart of our efforts. We reiterate that each country has primary responsibility for its own economic and social development and that the role of national policies and development strategies cannot be overemphasized. We will respect each country’s policy space and leadership to implement policies for poverty eradication and sustainable development, while remaining consistent with relevant international rules and commitments. At the same time, national development effort need to be supported by an enabling international economic environment, including coherent and mutually supporting world trade, monetary and financial systems, and strengthened and enhanced global economic governance. Processes to develop and facilitate the availability of appropriate knowledge and technologies globally, as well as capacity building, are also critical. We commit to pursuing policy coherence and an enabling environment for sustainable development at all levels and by all actors, and to reinvigorating the Global Partnership for Sustainable Development.

From reading through this: Agenda 2030 puts a large focus on wealth transfer, from developed nations to underdeveloped nations. However, there seems to be no focus on internal control or auditing mechanisms to ensure the money is actually well spent.

At heart, this is really a globalist agreement.
What “Conservative” would actually sign off on this?

CBC Propaganda #4: More On The “Wage Gap”

(CBC Promoting The Long Debunked “Wage Gap”)

CBC, a.k.a The “Communist Broadbasting Corporation”, or the “Caliphate Broadcasting Corporation”, is a government funded “news” organization. It receives about $1.5 billion annually to spew out anti-Canadian stories. Taxpayers don’t get a say in the matter.

CLICK HERE, to reach the CBC Propaganda Masterlist. It is far from complete, but being added to regularly.

CBC released this article, today, but included in the references is this article. This review includes them both.

“A new report on the highest-paid CEOs adds evidence to the argument that women face a “double-pane glass ceiling” at the top of Canada’s corporate ladder — first in getting to the executive suite and, once there, earning as much as their male counterparts.
The Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (CCPA) calculates that of the more than 1,200 named executive officers (NEOs) at 249 publicly traded companies in Canada, women earn about 68 cents for every dollar made by their male counterparts.
The study says the gap closes to 86 cents when looking at the wages of women and men in senior manager roles, almost in line with the country’s overall pay gap of 87 cents based on Statistics Canada calculations.”

The article will provide no evidence for this claim of a “double-pane glass ceiling” at all. Some actual proof of this claim would be nice.

Interestingly, this article links an older CBC article, see below, which makes the claim that the earnings gap between men and women is explained largely by different personal choices, such as 1/ family life; 2/ employment path; and 3/ education choices.

“The author of the report says the findings, while focused on the executive level where pay is already high, point to a larger equity issue.
CEOs make 197 times pay of average worker
“This is certainly about executives — that’s what we’re looking at — but I think it’s reflective of what’s happening throughout corporate Canada and the difficulties that women face in getting a fair shake even if they do have the qualifications,” said David Macdonald, the centre’s senior economist.
The findings are attached to the left-leaning centre’s annual report on the salaries of Canada’s highest-paid CEOs, who are estimated to earn what an average worker makes in a year by the time lunch rolls around Wednesday.
A review of corporate filings of publicly traded companies shows the top CEOs earned an average of $10 million in 2017, the most recent year available, or about 197 times more than the average worker.”

The report is focused on executive level, where pay is already high, which points to a larger equity issue?!

Do they mean “equality”, which is equal opportunity?

No, they mean “equity”, which is equal outcome

No evidence is provided that women don’t “receive a fair shake” in the corporate world. Again, if you are going to make such claims, back them up.

Yes, CEOs typically make far, far more than the average worker. But that is not proof of discrimination. With this equity push, is this a roundabout argument in favour of communism?

“”But this supposedly more competitive job market is not yielding markedly higher average wages, and ordinary workers aren’t gaining on CEOs,” the report says.
An earlier analysis by The Canadian Press that’s cited in the centre’s report found a similar gender gap among the country’s top 60 publicly traded companies. The review of records for 312 NEOs showed only 25 women and they earned an average of 64 cents for every dollar made by male counterparts.”

Once more, merely stating that there are differences is not proof of any discrimination. This article doesn’t seem to account for different industries, length of service, or profitability.

Interviews with about a dozen executives revealed a range of reasons.

Okay, before going any further, it needs to be pointed out: 12 is a low number.

“Old boys’ club hiring
They told The Canadian Press about how companies rely on the “old boys’ club” for executive searches. They also spoke about how outdated — and unchallenged — corporate culture in some companies leave women out of top jobs or fail to provide workplace support. The executives also mentioned a lack of confidence and risk-taking among women, an issue highlighted in academic research on executive pay.
Macdonald’s report zeros in on three issues:
[1] Few women are CEOs — about four per cent of Canadian CEOs and 10 per cent of top executives are women — where pay is the highest.
[2] “Performance pay” given to top executives — stock, stock options or cash rewards based on how a company performs — is predominantly higher for men than women. Eliminating bonus pay from the equation shrinks the gap to 82 cents, or almost the gap in the wider workforce.
[3] Companies with more women in executive ranks tend to be smaller organizations, and therefore pay less than their larger counterparts, Macdonald said.”

These sections actually largely refute the claims given above.

No workplace support? That is unfortunate, but if you are a senior officer or CEO of a company, then that company effectively is your life. Doubtful men get much support either.

The first reason given — few women are CEOs or executives — is not proof of any bias. This article does not detail any difference in education, work experience, or family or personal circumstances that might genuinely explain why women are not getting involved in high level business.

The second reason given — performance pay — is not discrimination. If a company does better, then it’s top staff will likely get bigger bonuses. Eliminating the bonus pay may shrink the “wage gap”, but it goes against free markets, and is a step towards communism.

The third reason given — women work for smaller companies — would be a valid justification to pay an executive less. Much harder for a smaller company to make the same payouts.

Rather than support the thesis, that there is a “double-pane glass ceiling” for women in business, other parts of the article suggest there are perfectly legitimate reasons women in top positions are earning less on average than men.

Further, this linked article provides a very reasonable explanation for the “wage gap”: men and women, on average, make different life choices. Sure, if we take free choice away, we could obtain wage parity.

“Securities legislation passed in 2017 created a “comply or explain” model for diversity on corporate boards, rather than setting quotas for the number of women, for instance. Macdonald’s report, citing a decade of data from Norway where quotas have increased the number of women on boards, suggests quotas aren’t the answer to closing the pay gap.”

Spoken too soon. There have been efforts to force social engineering on major companies, and the evidence still doesn’t show the difference disappearing.

“About a third of CEO pay is in the form of bonuses, supposedly tied to stock prices, and another quarter is in the form of stock options.
The CCPA argues this has the effect of promoting short-term thinking that boosts stock prices, but is not necessarily good management.
“With so much of CEO total pay being variable and related to short-term stock price fluctuations, there is a strong incentive to forego long-term investments that may depress present-day profits in favour of short-term decisions, like under-investment, that will boost current profits and stock prices,” the report says.”

This seems to reinforce the earlier suggestion that men in charge of companies have companies that perform better. This may be a knock against capitalism itself, but at no point does it show evidence for the “double-pane glass ceiling” that is keeping women down.

Perhaps there are other factors that explain the “wage gap”.

Men Are Killed More At Work

CLICK HERE, for the recent Bureau of Labor Statistics (US) released in the U.S. on December 18.

Look on page 4, specifically on the divide on gender and occupational injury resulting in death. There were listings for 2016 and 2017 on a per-capita basis (per 100,000 people). Note: it excluded: 1/ children under 16 years of age; 2/ volunteers; and 3/ military personnel.

2016, for women there were 387 deaths per 100,000 workers,
2016, for men there were 4,803 deaths per 100,000 workers.

2017, for women there were 386 deaths per 100,000 workers.
2017, for men there were 4761 deaths per 100,000 workers.

From this, we can determine that men were 12.4 times more likely to be killed at work than women in 2016, and 12.3 times more likely in 2017. At least this is the case in the U.S.

Men Work In More Physical And Dangerous Jobs

CLICK HERE, for a Bureau of Labor Statistic release in 1995. Most of the physical and dangerous jobs are ones with a majority of men.

Men Work More Hours

CLICK HERE, for the actual link.

This one, citing a 2007 data collection, showed men working on average 39.5 hours per week, while woman worked 33.2 hours per week.

CLICK HERE, for another StatsCan graph showing overtime. An interesting split, men were more likely to work “paid” overtime, while women were more likely to work “unpaid” overtime.

Men And Women Have Different Work Patterns
We could go on endlessly about the differences in work, work type, overtime, and danger. However, the data is clear from the research available. These are just a few data sets chosen, from Statistics Canada and the BLS in the United States.

Despite being regularly debunked, the “wage gap” is still thrown around as if there is actually some human right.

Yes, there are difference in how much men and women are paid. But there are legitimate reasons for those differences.