Diagolon Rat Squad: The Soosaar Gun Grab

In the Spring of 2022, Global News reported 2 stories about arrests in Nova Scotia. The first was about 2 well known activists getting charged for harassment. The second concerned a man having his home raided over prohibited weapons and/or devices potentially being located there.

On the surface, there appeared to be nothing to connect the stories. However, the timing of this was interesting, to say the least.

Continuous Relationship With Law Enforcement?

Nearly everyone has seen this clip. At the POEC hearings, MacKenzie testified that “one example” of him reporting extremist activity was the group Liberate Your Neighbourhood, or LYNX. It has led many to speculate that there have been other instances of him cooperating with authorities.

MacKenzie is quite open about calling the RCMP on the LYNX group. As a result, many have wondered if this is the full story.

Just days after MacKenzie and Guptill were released, police raided a home in Mineville, Nova Scotia. The owner, then 55 years old, appeared to be a collector of weapons and gear from the 2 World Wars. But he was still charged.

If this wasn’t MacKenzie’s doing, then it’s one heck of a coincidence, much like the Preik arrest. In this case though, it’s not just his own freedom at stake, but Guptill’s as well.

Timeline Of Events In Preik/Soosaar Cases

January 10th, 2022: RCMP becomes aware of a video of MacKenzie (and another man), in possession of firearms, and would later accuse them of using them carelessly.

January 13th, 2022: According to the ITO (page 5) MacKenzie admitted to police that he was intoxicated when this happened.

January 22, 2022: RCMP applies for a search warrant for MacKenzie’s Pictou home for:

  1. Smith & Wesson M&P 9 firearm
  2. Glock 17 firearm
  3. High capacity magazine
  4. Gun holster
  5. Firearms registration paperwork
  6. MacKenzie’s cell phone (unknown brand)

January 25th, 2022: This is the first day that (if authorized) the search warrant would allow the police into MacKenzie’s home.

January 26th, 2022: RCMP raid MacKenzie’s home in Pictou, N.S., and file firearms charges. From the way the press release is worded, it sounds like he was released almost right away.

January 27th, 2022: Preik is arrested in Chilliwack, B.C.

January 28th, 2022: Preik is released without bail, while facing 6 charges.

February 3rd, 2022: Global News publishes the arrest of Preik. It was noted that he faced (a) five counts of careless use or storage of a firearm, and (b) one count of possession of a prohibited weapon. The article only specifies that an investigation had been ongoing since September 14th, 2021.

***This was covered in the previous piece, concerning the group “Liberate Your Neighbourhood”. However, it wasn’t the only thing going on. In fact, the Canadian media seems to go out of its way to not connect the dots.

March 20th, 2022: MacKenzie/Guptill (and others) are protesting outside the home of Robert Strang, the Medical Officer of Health for Nova Scotia. Police would claim that this far exceeded a simple demonstration.

March 23rd, 2022: News of the arrests MacKenzie/Guptill is reported. They’re charged with:

  • 430(1)(c) mischief
  • 264(2)(c)(i) harassment
  • 372(3) making harassing communications
  • 423.1(1)(b) intimidation

March 25th, 2022: MacKenzie/Guptill are *supposed* to have a hearing which would force the Crown to show cause of why they should be kept in custody. While initially opposed to any release, prosecutors changed their minds and agreed to let them go.

March 31st, 2022: Marty Soosaar is arrested on the following charges:

  • 86(2) contravention of storage regulations
  • 91(2) possession of restricted or prohibited firearm (over capacity magazines)
  • 91(2) possession of restricted or prohibited firearm (Morningstar Weapon)
  • 92(2) possession of restricted or prohibited weapon or device (over capacity magazines)
  • 92(2) possession of restricted or prohibited weapon or device (Morningstar Weapon)

April 1st, 2022: Soosaar was released pending the outcome of the case. Worth noting, that these are much the same charges that Landon Preik faced earlier after having his home raided, despite not having made any sort of videos.

April 27th, 2022: This is the first Court appearance listed in the “Replacement Information” for MacKenzie and Guptill. The original is not available to the public. There would be many more hearings over the next 2 years.

July 29th, 2022: Soosaar’s case is referred to Restorative Justice. Although he would have to make a few more appearances, the Crown was already agreeing to alternative measures.

February 2nd, 2023: Crown withdraws charges against Soosaar. However, his property is still to be forfeited to the Government.

June 5th, 2024: Court enters a stay of proceedings against MacKenzie and Guptil. It’s ruled that it took too long to get to Trial. Even factoring in Defence delays, it the Prosecution was still responsible for over 18 months, which fell outside the time limits for summary charges.

Within 2 months of this case being thrown out, MacKenzie, Guptill, Harrison and Vriend would embark on their nationwide “Terror Tour”. The timing was certainly convenient.

Why Does Any Of This Matter Now?

Critics might dismiss this as ancient news. After all, even if this theory is true, it’s been over 3 1/2 years since it happened.

In early 2022, “Diagolon” abruptly shifted from a more generic freedom-related podcast community to an overtly hyper-nationalistic one. And the focus has shifted from online to in-person meetings. There have been theories about why this is.

MacKenzie’s latest venture is Second Sons Canada, or SSC. This is Diagolon’s reinvention and rebranding. Given the rise (and apparently growth) of SSC, it’s worth asking what its real purpose is. After all, given the anti-white hate over the years, who’s to say that there won’t be efforts to monitor such activities? Even if the group itself is legitimate, member data can always be leaked.

And that leads to the final point: SSC requires a criminal background checks for applicants. Considering MacKenzie claims the RCMP framed him — in order to justify invoking the Emergencies Act — it’s a little suspicious that he would turn over his membership list to them. After all, who does he think conducts record checks in Canada?

An admitted police informant…. giving member data to the police. What could possibly go wrong in all of this? Good way to end up on a watch list.

(1) https://globalnews.ca/news/8703110/ns-police-offences-health-official/
(2) https://globalnews.ca/news/8728890/ns-wwi-wwii-weapons-charges/
(3) Nova Scotia Record of Proceedings — MacKenzie
(4) Nova Scotia Record of Proceedings — Soosaar

Diagolon Rat Squad: Liberate Your Neighbourhood

This is to follow up on a story that broke over 3 years ago.

It’s been long established that Jeremy MacKenzie (a.k.a. Raging Dissident) called the police on a group named “Liberate Your Neighbourhood”, and a member, Landon Preik. This happened while lockdowns were being enforced all over the country. It’s what he swore to under oath.

MacKenzie has repeatedly bragged — such as on Red Ice — that he contacted the RCMP because he viewed the group as a threat to public safety. It’s portrayed as civic necessity, and done to prevent violence. Rightly or wrongly, he has been labelled a “fed” and a “rat” for doing this.

Thing is, his version of events doesn’t add up. There is a much more plausible reason for MacKenzie contacting the police, namely to get himself out of his own gun charges. After all, Preik was arrested less than 2 days after he was.

The whole “HateGate” narrative never made sense in this regard either. If the authorities were looking for an excuse to invoke the Emergencies Act, MacKenzie would have given them a legitimate one. Why then would they frame him for it, if he was cooperative with police?

The Global News article on the case is dated February 3rd, 2022. It references a police investigation that began on September 14th, 2021. (See archive). The problem is that it lacks sufficient information about the case.

However, after ordering some court documents, things become a lot clearer.

MacKenzie’s Arrest/Residential Search January 26th, 2022

Inverness County District RCMP has arrested a man for firearms offences after executing a search warrant at a home in Pictou County.

On January 10, 2022, the Inverness County District RCMP began an investigation after a video was posted to social media of a man, in a business, waving a handgun around in a reckless manner and allegedly having an over capacity magazine. It was determined that this incident occurred on Whycocomagh Mountain Rd. in Whycocomagh.

On January 26, as part of the investigation, police executed a search warrant at a home on High St. in Pictou. During the search, police located and seized five restricted firearms including rifles and handguns, one unrestricted firearm, prohibited magazines, ammunition, body armour, a duty belt with attached holster and magazine pouches and cellular phones.

At the request of police, the suspect, a 35-year-old Pictou man, attended the Pictou RCMP Detachment prior to the search warrant execution and was arrested without incident. He was later released on conditions, which include that he not possess any firearms, weapons, ammunition or explosive substances. He will be facing charges of Careless Use of a Firearm, Unauthorized Possession of a Prohibited Device, Possession of a Prohibited Device Knowing It’s Possession is Unauthorized, Possession of a Firearm at an Unauthorized Place. He will appear in Port Hawkesbury Provincial Court on May 30, 2022.
File #: 2022-39074

Why does the January 26th, 2022 date matter? It’s because of what happened in the immediate aftermath.

MacKenzie was released, and headed to the convoy. Preik was picked up the next day.

Preik Picked Up January 27th, 2022 On Possession Charges

The information about the case is available, and it spells out exactly what he has been charged with. Interestingly, it lists both September and November 2021 dates.

Originally, there were 6 charges. It was later amended to 10.

  1. Section 91(1) Possession of prohibited weapon: Armi Jager AP80 semi-automatic rifle
  2. Section 91(1) Possession of prohibited weapon: CZ-CZ858 Tactical 2 semi-automatic rifle
  3. Section 91(2) Possession of prohibited devices: 5 handgun magazines, with 15 cartridge capacity
  4. Section 91(2) Possession of prohibited devices: 4 CZ magazines, with 30 cartridge capacity
  5. Section 91(2) Possession of prohibited devices: 1 CZ detachable magazine, with 30 cartridge capacity
  6. Section 86(1) Reckless transportation/storage: Rossi Ranch Hand Rifle
  7. Section 86(1) Reckless transportation/storage: K100 Dynamic Handgun
  8. Section 86(1) Reckless transportation/storage: CZ VZ58 Sporster semi-automatic rifle
  9. Section 86(1) Reckless transportation/storage: Mossberg shotgun
  10. Section 86(1) Reckless transportation/storage: CZ 75 Luger semi-automatic handgun

Notice what’s missing? Preik was never charged with terrorism, treason, sedition, or any violent offence. The complaint against him is solely for possession and transport/storage offences.

That is, of course, not to say that the current charges won’t mess up his life.

Are we supposed to believe that the RCMP took MacKenzie’s information and did nothing with it for months? And is it just a coincidence that they only acted after the raid in Pictou? It strains all credulity to accept such a narrative, but here we are.

MacKenzie: Contacting RCMP Necessary To Prevent Violence

Almost everyone by now is familiar with this clip.

At his POEC testimony MacKenzie specifically named “Liberate Your Neighbourhood” as a group that he turned into police. He said there was a group of men “with masks and guns, saying ‘this is a call to arms'”. It’s portrayed as a necessary act in order to protect public safety.

He also says that this happened in the Fall of 2021.

Again, the timeline doesn’t make sense, if MacKenzie is to be believed. While it seems true that he did contact the police, the sequence of events is very different. His version is quite implausible, and we’ll go through it.

Perhaps he had “more information” to share in January 2022.

Timeline Of Major Events For Preik And MacKenzie

September 14th, 2021: RCMP begins investigating a group called “Liberate Your Neighbourhood”, based on videos that had been posted online.

September 23rd, 2021: Preik interviewed by RCMP for first time.

September 29th, 2021: Preik interviewed by RCMP for second time.

November 2nd, 2021: Preik interviewed by RCMP for third time.

To make this clear, the police are obviously aware of who Preik is, having talked to him on 3 separate occasions. However, there will be no arrest for months. One has to wonder why. MacKenzie (supposedly) telling them about the videos wasn’t enough, but something would change.

January 10th, 2022: RCMP becomes aware of a video of MacKenzie (and another man), in possession of firearms, and would later accuse them of using them carelessly.

January 13th, 2022: According to the ITO (page 5) MacKenzie admitted to police that he was intoxicated when this happened.

January 22, 2022: RCMP applies for a search warrant for MacKenzie’s Pictou home for:

  1. Smith & Wesson M&P 9 firearm
  2. Glock 17 firearm
  3. High capacity magazine
  4. Gun holster
  5. Firearms registration paperwork
  6. MacKenzie’s cell phone (unknown brand)

January 25th, 2022: This is the first day that (if authorized) the search warrant would allow the police into MacKenzie’s home.

January 26th, 2022: RCMP raid MacKenzie’s home in Pictou, N.S., and file firearms charges. From the way the press release is worded, it sounds like he was released almost right away.

January 27th, 2022: Preik is arrested in Chilliwack, B.C.

January 28th, 2022: Preik is released without bail, while facing 6 charges.

February 3rd, 2022: Global News publishes the arrest of Preik. It was noted that he faced (a) five counts of careless use or storage of a firearm, and (b) one count of possession of a prohibited weapon. The article only specifies that an investigation had been ongoing since September 14th, 2021.

August 2nd, 2022: Preik now facing a total of 10 charges. His release conditions are modified to require that he pay $200 if he breaches them.

December 8th, 2022: Preik appears in court on a further modified complaint.

January 27th, 2023: Crown elects to proceed by indictment (the more serious option)

September 6th, 2024: After voir dire hearing, it’s ruled that Preik’s 3 interrogations (September 23rd, 29th, and November 2nd of 2021) are all admissible as evidence. See page 5.

Preik faces trial later this year, while MacKenzie had all of his charges thrown out.

Why Does Any Of This Matter?

MacKenzie has long stated that he turned in the group to avoid violent (armed) confrontation with the state. While difficult to swallow for many, it’s at least a plausible excuse to send the RCMP after someone. Regardless of one’s personal feelings, there’s a justification to do this.

That justification disappears once you look when things happened.

Preik had been interviewed at least 3 times by police in late 2021. They clearly knew who he was, but chose not to make any arrest then. In fact, they only acted just a day or so after MacKenzie was picked up in Nova Scotia.

It’s unrealistic to assume police simply ignored specific allegations about an armed militia (as MacKenzie made) for several months. But we’re supposed to believe that arrest came just after his…. and it’s entirely a coincidence.

Did MacKenzie call the RCMP to inform them about a violent threat?

Or did he do it to get himself released from prison?

And what’s the deal with his “continuous relationship” with law enforcement? Diagolon isn’t an entrapment operation, is it?

PREIK COURT DOCUMENTS:
(1) Preik Record Of Proceeding
(2) Preik Information
(3) Preik Release
(4) Preik Transcript January 28 2022
(5) Preik Transcript January 28 2022 Copy
(6) Preik Transcript August 2 2022
(7) Preik Transcript August 2 2022 Copy
(8) Preik Transcript January 27 2023 Elect Method
(9) Preik Transcript August 15 2024 Not Guilty Plea

MEDIA ATTENTION:
(1) https://globalnews.ca/news/8591403/rcmp-seize-firearms-in-b-c-following-probe-into-video-by-self-described-militia/
(2) Preik Arrest Global News Announcement
(3) https://www.rcmp-grc.gc.ca/en/news/2022/rcmp-arrest-man-firearms-offences
(4) RCMP arrest man for firearms offences
(5) https://www.antihate.ca/jeremy_raging_dissident_mackenzie_arrested_waving_handgun_local_business

SEARCH WARRANT FOR MACKENZIE:
(1) ITO Warrant Application For Jeremy MacKenzie January 22 2022

Diagolon Gun Grab, Part 5: Carmichael’s 2013 Incident Of Assaulting A Prisoner

The recent focus on this site has been the Gary Schill case, dubbed the “Diagolon Gun Grab”. However, some information about the officer involved, Ernest Carmichael, needs to be shared as well. Back in 2013, the Special Investigations Unit was called over allegations of a police officer committing assault.

On the criminal end of things, Carmichael pleaded guilty to assault and received a conditional discharge. He was placed on probation for a year, meaning that he won’t have a record afterwrds.

As for the administrative side, Carmichael faced a count of “unnecessary force against a prisoner”. Now, this was an internal complaint within the police itself. This means that despite the guilty plea, he didn’t even lose his job. He admitted to kicking a prisoner in the head “2 or 3 times”, but wasn’t fired.

What ultimately happened to him was a 9 month demotion from 1st Class Constable to 2nd Class Constable, and 100 hours of community service.

This demonstrates that Carmichael has shown very poor judgement, but was allowed to keep his job which is considered a “position of trust”. Yes, it was a long time ago, but worth mentioning.

The case doesn’t seem to be cited on CanLII, but the decision is available nonetheless.

The agreed set of facts:

  1. Constable Ernest Carmichael #1950 has been a member of the York Regional Police since April of 2009. He has held the rank of First Class Constable since August of 2012.
  2. On April 21, 2013 at approximately 9:45 p.m., members of York Regional Police attended the public complainant’s residence to investigate an impaired driving complaint regarding her son. Her son had pulled into the driveway a few minutes earlier.
  3. The public complainant’s husband went to his front door and saw two uniformed police officers talking to his son. Mr. Horsak stepped outside and told the officers he wanted them off his property, as he believed they did not have cause to be there.
  4. The officers told Mr. Horsak that his son was under arrest and was going to be charged with impaired driving. Mr. Horsak replied that his son had just come home and was not impaired, and again told the officers to get off his property.
  5. While this conversation was taking place, the son ran inside the house. The two officers followed the public complainant’s son inside the home. The son then ran upstairs and locked himself inside a bathroom. The officers remained just inside the entrance of the house.
  6. Mr. Horsak told the officers to get out of his house and again to get off his property. The police did not leave the home and instead used their portable radios to request the attendance of more officers at the scene.
  7. Four more police officers, including PC Carmichael, arrived at the home a short while later and also entered the residence. Mr. Horsak pushed one of the officers, not PC Carmichael, on the chest to try to keep him from moving further into the house. A struggle ensued and two officers, PC Ron Peever #696 and PC Mark Kowalchuk #1823, took Mr. Horsak to the floor.
  8. Mr. Horsak ended up face-down on the floor in a prone position. One officer attempted to gain control of Mr. Horsak’s left arm while another officer attempted to gain control of his right arm, which were both under his body, in an attempt to handcuff him. According to Mr. Horsak, his arms are chronically susceptible to being dislocated, and he was trying to prevent this from occurring. However, he did not tell this to the police officers.
  9. While the two officers were attempting to subdue Mr. Horsak on the floor, PC Carmichael approached him and kicked him in the head two or three times. The officers were eventually able to place Mr. Horsak in handcuffs, then escorted him out of the house and placed him in the back of a police cruiser.
  10. On May, 20 2014, PC Carmichael appeared before the Honourable Justice Armstrong in the Ontario Court of Justice (Criminal Court). At that time, he entered a plea of guilty to the charge of assault contrary to section 255 of the Criminal Code of Canada. PC Carmichael received a conditional discharge and was placed on probation for a period of 12 months subject to terms, including.

(a) That he not associate or communicate directly or indirectly with Mr. Horsak except as may be required in the course of his duties as a police officer; and
(b) That he perform 100 hours of community service by April 15, 2015

The terms of Carmichael’s probation still allowed him to associate with the victim as long as it was “required in the course of his duties as a police officer”.

Disposition:
.
In light of the seriousness of these allegations and bearing in mind all the evidence placed before me, Constable Ernest Carmichael #1950 will be demoted from his position of First Class Constable to Second Class Constable immediately for a period of nine (9) months and will return to First Class Constable upon the completion of the nine months at the Second Class Constable level pursuant to Section 85 (1) (c) of the Police Services Act.

Further, you will receive remedial training with the Policies of the York Regional Police Service as it relates to Use of Force and any other Policies as required and deemed necessary by your immediate supervisor in consultation with Senior Command of the York Regional Police Service.

In reading through the submissions on sentencing, it appears that these sort of complaints often bring fairly lax consequences.

I have considered the five (5) cases presented to me by Counsel. As I communicated earlier in this disposition the cases presented to me are not on point, however they were instructive for disposition considerations.

In Schofield vs. Metro Toronto Police (1994) the Commission stated:

“Consistency in the discipline process is often the earmark of fairness. The penalty must be consistent with the facts and consistent with similar cases that have been dealt with in earlier occasions. “

It’s rather disturbing to see the Adjudicator go on and on about the public needing to have confidence in law enforcement. But this decision, and the overall pattern, seem to do anything but inspire confidence.

Despite not being convicted of a crime, Carmichael was able to have Schill’s firearms taken away for things he posted online, homemade ammunition crafting, and largely speculative claims about a “militia”. Meanwhile, Carmichael admits to assaulting a prisoner, and gets to keep his service revolver (a restricted weapon), and his job (a position of trust). Interesting standards.

Final fun fact: Carmichael was successful in the Application to get Schill’s gun licence suspended (in large part) because of his association with Jeremy MacKenzie. At his hearing for excessive force, Carmichael’s Defence Counsel was named William MacKenzie. Small world, it seems.

Parts 1, 2, 3 and 4 of the series are available as well.

Thank you to the reader who forwarded this decision. It does give some much needed balance and context for what’s been going on.

SCHILL HEARING:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/oncj/doc/2024/2024oncj249/2024oncj249.html
(2) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 1
(3) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 2, Cross Examination

CARMICHAEL ASSAULTING A PRISONER:
(1) Ernest Carmichael Disciplinary Hearing Penalty Decision 25.07.2014
(2) https://toronto.ctvnews.ca/siu-lays-assault-charge-against-york-region-police-officer-1.1392108
(3) https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/york-police-officer-charged-with-assault/article_d1b43f97-a077-59b4-8603-747a94b76170.html

POEC HEARINGS:
(1) https://publicorderemergencycommission.ca/
(2) POEC Report, Volume 1: Overview
(3) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 1 Overview
(4) POEC Report, Volume 2: Analysis (Part 1)
(5) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 2 Analysis Part 1
(6) POEC Report, Volume 3: Analysis (Part 2)
(7) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 3 Analysis Part 2 Recommendations
(8) POEC Report, Volume 4: Process and Appendices
(9) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 4 Process And Appendices
(10) POEC Report, Part 5: Policy Papers
(11) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 5 Policy Papers

MOSLEY DECISION:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2024/2024fc42/2024fc42.html#par41

CASELAW ON REVOKING FIREARMS PERMITS:
(1) R. v. Zeolkowski, 1989 CanLII 72 (SCC), [1989] S.C.J. No. 50, at para 12, 16, 17, 18
(2) British Columbia (Chief Firearms Officer) v. Fahlman, 2004 BCCA 343, at para 25.
(3) R. v. Christiansen, 2006 BCCA 189, at para 7.
(4) R. v. Bokhari, 2009 ONCJ 691, at para 10, relying on R. v. Day, [2006] O.J. No. 3187 (S.C.J.) and R. v. Morgan, [1995] O.J. No. 18 (Ont.Ct.(Prov.Div.)).
(5) R. v. Peacock-McDonald, 2007 ONCA 128, at para 40
(6) R. v. Douglas, 2013 ONCJ 649, at paras 45, 57.
(7) R. v. Mourtzis, 2015 ONCJ 74, at para 25.
(8) R. v. Roman, 2018 ONCJ 344, at para 89.
(9) R. v. Hurrell, 2002 CanLII 45007 (ON CA), [2002] O.J. No. 2819, at para 48.
(10) R. v. Christiansen, supra, at para 7.
(11) Fahlman, supra, at para 25.
(12) R. v. Peacock-Macdonald, supra, at para 40.
(13) R. v. Roman, supra, at para 89.
(14) R. v. Wiles, 2005 SCC 84, at para 9.

Diagolon Gun Grab, Part 4: Caselaw Makes It Surprisingly Easy To Do

This continues the series on the “meme group” Diagolon, and the threat that it poses to gun ownership in Canada. Part 1 focused on the ruling of Gary Schill, which saw his privileges suspended for 5 years. Part 2 and Part 3 covered the testimony given by Detective Constable Ernest Carmichael.

The short version is that an Ontario Judge decided it was in the public interest to suspend Schill’s licence because of what he might do. This wasn’t because of a criminal conviction, or ties to terrorism or sedition. He was an administrator of the Diagolon Telegrams, and his posting came to police attention.

Yes, he was arrested for assault, and it was dropped. But it was the content he had posted online, his associations, his views, and making ammunition at home which led to the ban.

The hearsay evidence of his then-wife was also considered at the hearing, despite her not testifying at all. She had told police that a militia was being formed.

Now, how easy is it to suspend or revoke gun rights (or privileges) in Canada? Looking at the cases cited in the Schill decision, it’s actually pretty straightforward. Cases cited are listed at the bottom of the article, although not all are available on CanLII.

Starting with the Supreme Court of Canada:

(1) R. v. Wiles, 2005 SCC 84 (CanLII), [2005] 3 SCR 895

[9] I agree with the Court of Appeal. Mr. Wiles has not established that the imposition of the mandatory weapons prohibition orders constitutes cruel and unusual punishment. As noted by the Court of Appeal, the prohibition has a legitimate connection to s. 7 offences. The mandatory prohibition relates to a recognized sentencing goal — the protection of the public, and in particular, the protection of police officers engaged in the enforcement of drug offences. The state interest in reducing the misuse of weapons is valid and important. The sentencing judge gave insufficient weight to the fact that possession and use of firearms is not a right or freedom guaranteed under the Charter, but a privilege. It is also a heavily regulated activity, requiring potential gun-owners to obtain a licence before they can legally purchase one. In Reference re Firearms Act (Can.), [2000] 1 S.C.R. 783, 2000 SCC 31, this Court held that requiring the licensing and registration of firearms was a valid exercise of the federal criminal law power. If Parliament can legitimately impose restrictions on the possession of firearms by general legislation that applies to all, it follows that it can prohibit their possession upon conviction of certain criminal offences where it deems it in the public interest to do so. It is sufficient that Mr. Wiles falls within a category of offenders targeted for the risk that they may pose. The sentencing judge’s insistence upon specific violence, actual or apprehended, in relation to the particular offence and the individual offender takes too narrow a view of the rationale underlying the mandatory weapons prohibition orders.

To state the obvious: the above case dealt with a mandatory prohibition following a criminal conviction, whereas Schill had his charge dropped. So there is a difference.

Nonetheless, there are strong parallels in the reasoning. The Supreme Court ruled that owning firearms is not a right, but a privilege. There’s a valid principle of public safety at stake, and Parliament has the right to regulate firearm use and possession. Now, many people would take issue with this, but that is what was said.

By stating the firearm ownership is a privilege and not a right, it means there will always be the possibility of having them seized.

(2) R. v. Zeolkowski, 1989 CanLII 72 (SCC), [1989] 1 SCR 1378

A police officer made application in provincial court, pursuant to s. 98(4) of the Criminal Code, for an order prohibiting respondent from possessing any firearms or ammunition or explosive substances. Prior to the calling of any evidence, counsel for the respondent requested a general ruling as to the admission of hearsay evidence. The “custom” in Manitoba provincial courts had been to permit hearsay testimony at hearings on applications for a firearm prohibition. When the judge ruled that evidence at a firearm prohibition hearing was to be limited to what would be admissible at a criminal trial, counsel for the Crown, who had intended to rely on hearsay evidence as to threats made by respondent, called no evidence and the application was dismissed. The ruling as to admissibility was upheld on appeal by the Crown, first by the Court of Queen’s Bench, and then by a majority of the Court of Appeal.

However, the Supreme Court would decide otherwise and allow the Appeal.

Hearsay evidence is admissible at a firearm prohibition hearing under s. 98(6) unless such a result is precluded by the words “all relevant evidence”. The provincial court judge’s role in such hearings is to confirm the existence of the reasonable grounds which led the peace officer to launch the application, as proved on a balance of probabilities. It was not intended that the provincial court judge strictly apply the rules of evidence.

The expression “all relevant evidence” means all facts which are logically probative of the issue. The rules of evidence as to admissibility signify that the fact is relevant and that it satisfies auxiliary tests and extrinsic policies. Parliament, by using the phrase “all relevant evidence”, required only that the evidence at the firearm prohibition hearing be relevant; it did not address the question of exclusionary rules. The effect of the exclusionary rules is left to the provincial court judge as part of the whole body of evidence on which the provincial court judge determines whether reasonable grounds exist. Frailties in the evidence are a matter of weight.

When an Application is filed to revoke someone’s guns and licence, the standards are nowhere near as stringent as in a criminal trial. Yes, the basis for the Application is based on the Criminal Code of Canada, but it follows different rules.

Specifically, the standard of “proof beyond a reasonable doubt” has been replaced by “on the balance of probabilities”, which would be the civil test. Additionally, hearsay evidence which would typically be excluded in criminal cases is permitted here, but with the Judge typically giving less weight to it.

This is a 1989 case, so it’s been around for a very long time.

(3) B.C. (Chief Firearms Officer) v. Fahlman, 2004 BCCA 343 (CanLII)

[25] I read s. 5 differently. Section 5(1) creates a broad safety standard for eligibility to hold a firearms licence or to continue to hold one following a revocation inquiry. Section 5(2) requires a firearms officer or a Provincial Court judge on a reference to “have regard to” certain conduct by the applicant or licence holder. I do not read s. 5(2) as being exhaustive of the matters to be considered as affecting safety concerns under s. 5(1). There are many other things a firearms officer or a judge might consider that do not fit into s. 5(2) and that might logically and reasonably give rise to valid safety concerns. I agree with the appellant’s submission that there is no statutory obligation to decide the safety issue in favour of the applicant or licence holder when none of the criteria in s. 5(2) is present; and that there is no obligation to refuse a licence or order a revocation if one or more of those criteria are present. A plain reading of the section by itself evinces no such intention by Parliament. The firearms officer and the judge are entitled to consider anything about the background or conduct of the applicant or licence holder that is relevant to public safety.

The Court of Appeal for British Columbia had held that the Firearms Officer and the Judge are allowed to consider anything about the licence holder. The only question is whether their decisions are seen as “reasonable”.

(4) R. v. Christiansen, 2006 BCCA 189 (CanLII)

[7] After reviewing these statutory provisions and the authorities cited on this appeal (other than Fahlman, which supports his reasoning and conclusion), the appeal court judge found (at paras. 35 – 37) that s. 111 of the Code does not “exclusively deal with behaviour that could be characterized as involving criminal conduct or acts of violence against others.” Nor do the three criteria set out in the Firearms Act operate as “exhaustive criteria” for the application of s. 5 of that Act. Thus, a provincial court judge conducting a hearing under s. 111 of the Code is not confined to a determination of whether the three criteria set out in s. 5(2) of the Firearms Act are met in order to impose a prohibition. He concluded that the provincial court judge had made no error “in holding that there can be a firearms prohibition without criminal conduct, a history of real or threatened violent behaviour or a documented mental disorder that leads to violence.

This is also from the Court of Appeal for British Columbia. Firearms prohibitions can happen even without a history of violent behaviour or a documented mental disorder. It’s very subjective.

(5) R. v. Hurrell, 2002 CanLII 45007 (ON CA)

[48] Applying that reasoning to this case, I am satisfied that when the words “not desirable”, which in my view simply mean “not advisable”, are read in context, they can hardly be described as so subjective, vague and amorphous that they fail to provide an adequate basis for legal debate. The fact that language may be open to judicial interpretation does not render it impermissibly vague. Flexibility and vagueness are not synonymous: see Reference re Criminal Code, Sections 193 & 195.1(1)(c), 1990 CanLII 105 (SCC), [1990] 1 S.C.R. 1123 at p. 1156, 56 C.C.C. (3d) 65 at p. 89 and French Estate v. Ontario (Attorney General) (1998), 1998 CanLII 1771 (ON CA), 38 O.R. (3d) 347 at p. 361, 157 D.L.R. (4th) 144 (C.A.); application for leave to appeal dismissed, [1998] S.C.C.A. No. 139). Moreover, because s. 117.04(1) is procedural and does not carry with it the threat of a criminal record or imprisonment, the need for precision is diminished: see French, supra, at p. 363 O.R. Finally, to the extent that the police or the issuing justice need a framework within which to assess the “non-desirability/public interest” component of s. 117.04(1), Parliament itself has provided guidance in ss. 5(1) and (2) of the Firearms Act, S.C. 1995, c. 39. These provisions deal with the eligibility for holding a firearms licence and read as follows:

The Court of Appeal for Ontario ruled that the language used was not unconstitutionally vague. The Court does go on to explain what examples are provided, but they are not exhaustive.

These are just a few of the cases that were used as a basis to have Schill’s guns taken away. The list is provided below, though some rulings aren’t published online. The short version of this is that it can happen for nearly any reason, hearsay evidence may be used, and it’s a low burden of proof.

Schill may be the first person to have his firearms taken away because of his “association” with Jeremy MacKenzie and Diagolon. But he won’t be the last.

Next up: the Public Emergency Order Commission (PEOC) hearings.

SCHILL HEARING:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/oncj/doc/2024/2024oncj249/2024oncj249.html
(2) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 1
(3) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 2, Cross Examination

POEC HEARINGS:
(1) https://publicorderemergencycommission.ca/
(2) POEC Report, Volume 1: Overview
(3) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 1 Overview
(4) POEC Report, Volume 2: Analysis (Part 1)
(5) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 2 Analysis Part 1
(6) POEC Report, Volume 3: Analysis (Part 2)
(7) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 3 Analysis Part 2 Recommendations
(8) POEC Report, Volume 4: Process and Appendices
(9) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 4 Process And Appendices
(10) POEC Report, Part 5: Policy Papers
(11) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 5 Policy Papers

MOSLEY DECISION:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2024/2024fc42/2024fc42.html#par41

CASELAW ON REVOKING FIREARMS PERMITS:
(1) R. v. Zeolkowski, 1989 CanLII 72 (SCC), [1989] S.C.J. No. 50, at para 12, 16, 17, 18
(2) British Columbia (Chief Firearms Officer) v. Fahlman, 2004 BCCA 343, at para 25.
(3) R. v. Christiansen, 2006 BCCA 189, at para 7.
(4) R. v. Bokhari, 2009 ONCJ 691, at para 10, relying on R. v. Day, [2006] O.J. No. 3187 (S.C.J.) and R. v. Morgan, [1995] O.J. No. 18 (Ont.Ct.(Prov.Div.)).
(5) R. v. Peacock-McDonald, 2007 ONCA 128, at para 40
(6) R. v. Douglas, 2013 ONCJ 649, at paras 45, 57.
(7) R. v. Mourtzis, 2015 ONCJ 74, at para 25.
(8) R. v. Roman, 2018 ONCJ 344, at para 89.
(9) R. v. Hurrell, 2002 CanLII 45007 (ON CA), [2002] O.J. No. 2819, at para 48.
(10) R. v. Christiansen, supra, at para 7.
(11) Fahlman, supra, at para 25.
(12) R. v. Peacock-Macdonald, supra, at para 40.
(13) R. v. Roman, supra, at para 89.
(14) R. v. Wiles, 2005 SCC 84, at para 9.

Diagolon Gun Grab, Part 3: The Carmichael Testimony (Cont’d)

This continues the testimony of Detective Constable Ernest Carmichael. Both Day 1 and Day 2 of the hearings are available, along with the ruling itself.

Why does this matter? Because police were successful back in May 2024 for an Application to have Gary Schill’s firearms and licence suspended for 5 years. See Part 1 and Part 2 for more background information. It was largely (though not entirely) due to his association with Jeremy MacKenzie and Diagolon.

Schill had faced a charge of assault causing bodily harm against his then wife, Jennifer McNeil. She was also charged with a lesser count against him. Both were eventually dropped. Nonetheless, the police were still able to get a firearms suspension for Schill.

It’s immediately obvious that the standards for an Application to suspend or revoke a gun permit are far lower than when someone faces a criminal charge. Speculation and hearsay are permitted a lot more. Instead of “beyond a reasonable doubt”, the police must only demonstrate “on a balance of probabilities”. The Judge also has wide discretion to deem such a ban to be “in the public interest”.

Carmichael entered into evidence a document which he claims (or speculates) shows a plot to steal fuel during the trucker convoy. He says this is likely to circumvent the fuel shortages that had been intentionally imposed.

As for hearsay being admitted into the hearing, this is noteworthy:

Carmichael testifed that Jennifer McNeil, Schill’s wife at the time, provided other information to law enforcement during her victim statement. Specifically, she said that Schill was part of Diagolon, part of a militia, and targeting military and law enforcement members for recruitment.

Interestingly, McNeil herself didn’t testify at the hearing. Only Carmichael did. In a regular Court proceeding, her statements would have been considered “hearsay” and deemed inadmissible. The Judge allowed this in, and it doesn’t appear to have been challenged.

Carmichael continues (on page 8).

In the very beginning, we weren’t 100 percent sure. The Freedom Convoy was quite organic and it, it began in Western Canada and transitioned across the, the country to Ottawa. As we understood it, there was going to be a convergence of vehicles, large trucks, arriving in Ottawa. I was involved in the project team that monitored the number of vehicles who would be attending, what the dynamic of the crowd would be, and trying to get an intelligence assessment of what the Freedom Convoy would look like once it arrived in Ottawa. Of concern to us was the presence and interest of most of Diagolon. Most members, because our investigation actually started prior to the Freedom Convoy.

We had the benefit of, of monitoring a lot of the individuals we were interested in, leading up to the Freedom Convoy and, subsequently, their travel to Ottawa. Our concern was obviously Diagolon had made their ideology quite well-known, from our perspective. They were preparing for a civil war. They had an appetite to overthrow the government and force the government to change their policies relating to the COVID-19 response. So our concern was that what had the potential to be a peaceful protest in Ottawa could evolve into a violent confrontation because of the extremist elements we knew of that would also be attending.

We had, we had a lot of examples of conversations that was happening leading up to the Freedom Convoy. The organizers themselves stated that they intended to stay in Ottawa until the government changed their position on the COVID-19 response. MacKenzie himself has spoken of civil war and encouraged his members to prepare for it.

They use a phrase often, which is, “Gun or rope.” And this implies that when civil war occurs, it’s going to be a Diagolon versus everybody response. And Diagolon’s – the way they, they would treat their enemies during this uprising or civil war would be – they, they would be afforded the option to be executed by firing squad or hung. So that was what the, the, “Gun or rope,” phrase often referred to. So there was a lot of examples of, of rhetoric like that leading up to the Freedom Convoy that, that indicated to us that these individuals had an appetite to arm themselves, prepare themselves and had an appetite for violent confrontation. In fact, I, I believe I quoted yesterday, one of the Ticker Tape messages on Jeremy MacKenzie’s podcast where he says, “You want blood, come and get it,” and then it was the, “Fuck you, make me.”

Remember all of those edgy podcast jokes and memes? Guess what? They’re being entered into evidence as legitimate threats to public safety. The police are actually doing it, and the Judge is taking it all seriously.

Here’s a thought: maybe rampant fed-posting wasn’t such a good idea.

Carmichael testifies that it wasn’t necessary to conduct direct surveillance on Diagolon itself during the trucker convoy. This was because so many people simply posted photos, videos and details online, police could simply monitor it.

He then references a video which he calls a “Diagolon meet up”, which include Schill, MacKenzie and several others.

Carmichael eventually gets into the arrests at Coutts, Alberta. One of them was Chris Lysak. It was apparently a joke that he was the “Head of Security for Diagolon”, given his size.

One of the ballistic vests seized apparently had 2 Diagolon flags on them.

Carmichael then goes on about the various meet-ups that had been arranged, and how the information was obtained by monitoring Telegram channels. Now this:

In preparation for this hearing, the Crown was required to provide disclosure to Schill. Specifically, Carmichael’s Affidavit was sent to him. For some reason, MacKenzie published portions of it on his Substack. This was used to help establish a direct connection.

Interestingly, Carmichael testifies that the authorities weren’t willing to pay for a subscription to MacKenzie’s Substack, which would have allowed them to view everything. They consider him a public threat, and spend large amounts of money monitoring Diagolon, but wouldn’t pay this nominal fee?

Carmichael also explains that police wanted to know exactly who was posting on Telegram — since most accounts were anonymous. Yes, the servers aren’t located within Canada. However, it doesn’t seem any real effort was put in to try. Or perhaps they did get in, but don’t want to disclose that.

Carmichael concedes that he doesn’t believe that everyone associated with Diagolon is a terrorist or an extremist. He says that there is a broad range of people who are attached in some way.

Carmichael then goes on to speculate at length about how he believes Diagolon has simply “gone underground” given the attention they’ve received. Without really providing evidence or support, he claims that it’s still a threat to the public.

On cross-examination from Schill’s Amicus Counsel (starting at page 25) Carmichael reiterates that he’s been monitoring the Telegram chats constantly. Even on his off days he often listens to podcasts. In his notes, he states that he has listened to at least 38 episodes.

Of course, this doesn’t include what other members of intelligence or law enforcement have been listening to.

It’s fascinating how such a bad spin is put on these things. “Get offline and find your friends” is a legitimate goal, in that the online world doesn’t reflect reality. However, it’s being construed to mean the formation of militias for the purpose of causing violence and civil unrest.

In some sense, Schill’s Amicus Counsel actually seems to have done more harm than good. He gets Carmichael to explain new things — such as cutting down towers to stop 5G — that weren’t previously testified to.

Carmichael then goes on about the risk that “fed posting” causes. He says that Diagolon members fear being entrapped by someone saying overtly illegal things. This, he concludes, has caused them to go offline a lot more, and to be more guarded in their speech.

Carmichael admits that there’s no reference to “military style shooting” in the chats he’s reviewed. This implies that it was simply his interpretation. Nonetheless, this sort of this was allowed into evidence.

Carmichael also concedes that Schill himself didn’t participate in the conversations about bush craft of firearms tactics. Moreover, he concludes that he didn’t have grounds to support the conclusion that Schill was involved with terrorism or sedition.

Carmichael concedes that there’s no evidence Schill ever went to a so-called “Diagolon meet up”. He admits that no surveillance on Schill’s residence concluded otherwise.

The topic of the arrest for domestic violence is discussed. Again, the charge was dropped at the time of this hearing.

The Crown briefly reexamines Carmichael, who testifies that they found ammunition at Schill’s residence that wasn’t compatible with any of his legally obtained firearms.

Ultimately, Justice Robinson does grant the Application, and issues a 5 year prohibition for Schill. He refuses to allow any exemptions, including for a crossbow for hunting.

He cites the Public Emergency Order Commission (PEOC) Report from Paul Rouleau as well. It states that: “[l]aw enforcement and intelligence agencies view Diagolon as a militia-like extremist organization.”

Unfortunately, too many people post without having any understanding of what’s been going on. The Emergencies Act wasn’t invoked because of a meme, and the “Hate Gate” emails didn’t clear anyone. The PEOC Report was referenced in the decision to take Schill’s firearms and licence.

Even though Diagolon isn’t listed as a terrorist entity, and despite no evidence Schill was involved in terrorism or sedition, Schill’s firearms were taken away anyway. Yes, his assault charge had been dropped, but that wasn’t enough.

The standard for revoking or suspending firearms is actually quite low, and can be done for nearly any reason. This will be addressed in the next part.

SCHILL HEARING:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/oncj/doc/2024/2024oncj249/2024oncj249.html
(2) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 1
(3) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 2, Cross Examination

POEC HEARINGS:
(1) https://publicorderemergencycommission.ca/
(2) POEC Report, Volume 1: Overview
(3) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 1 Overview
(4) POEC Report, Volume 2: Analysis (Part 1)
(5) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 2 Analysis Part 1
(6) POEC Report, Volume 3: Analysis (Part 2)
(7) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 3 Analysis Part 2 Recommendations
(8) POEC Report, Volume 4: Process and Appendices
(9) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 4 Process And Appendices
(10) POEC Report, Part 5: Policy Papers
(11) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 5 Policy Papers

MOSLEY DECISION:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2024/2024fc42/2024fc42.html#par41

Diagolon Gun Grab, Part 2: The Carmichael Testimony

This continues the series on “Diagolon”, and the consequences that have resulted from this group. The last article focused on the ruling of Justice Robinson, who suspended Gary Schill’s firearms licence and weapons for a period of 5 years. Schill was a former administrator of the Diagolon podcast.

This doesn’t just automatically happen. A police officer brings an Application under Section 111 of the Criminal Code to ask a Judge to suspend someone’s rights. This isn’t as formal as a Trial, and the proof standards aren’t anywhere near as high.

Now, what was said during the hearing?

Fortunately, a redacted version of the Day 1 and Day 2 transcripts were published. The redactions appear to have been done to remove the name of Schill’s ex-wife. Yes, it’s from Antihate, but still worth a read.

Schill was represented by an Amicus Curiae. This is someone who isn’t a party, but is allowed to assist and make submissions for parties. Think of them as “duty-counsel”. They can be common for self-represented litigants and accused persons.

Ernest Carmichael is a detective constable with York Regional Police Service. He testified that he had been with the Tactical Intelligence Unit for 5 years. He went on to explain what had he and his group had been doing lately.

He testified that there had been a complaint that a member of the York Regional Police had publicly associated himself with Jeremy MacKenzie and Diagolon. That person is apparently no longer part of the force. It’s implied (though not explicitly stated) that the association cost him his position.

It paints a disturbing picture for many reasons.

First, the standard of proof needed to revoke a firearms licence is surprisingly low. Even though this is based in the Criminal Code, there’s no “proof beyond a reasonable doubt” needed. Far from it. “Balance of probabilities” is what’s important here.

Second, the rules of evidence are also much more lax, including hearsay evidence that should otherwise be prohibited. This included and Affidavit from Detective Constable Dimitri Kritsotakis, submitted, despite him not appearing. Carmichael is given wide latitude to speculate on matters.

Third, it’s explained here just how heavily surveilled podcasts and social media sites are. Without speaking to a single witness, this police officer was able to get a warrant to seize electronic devices.

Fourth, freedom of association — a protected right — seems meaningless when someone can lose their job because of who they interact with. Unfortunately, the circumstances here are not explained. The officer is not named, nor is his exact fate spelled out.

Fifth, it shows just how clueless and out-of-touch MacKenzie’s followers are with reality. They are oblivious to the basic facts. The Emergencies Act wasn’t declared because of a “meme”, and people weren’t exonerated due to some “Hate Gate emails”.

The above is from page 8. No actual interviews had to be conducted. The information obtained online was sufficient, which should really scare people.

Carmichael goes on to testify that he came across a video MacKenzie posted, just before receiving the formal complaint. He describes the “Raging Dissident persona” as this: He sells anger, really, on his podcast. He’s often vehemently anti-government, anti-authority. So by virtue of that, his following tends to be of the same vein.

Carmichael testifies that he had been monitoring “these channels” for the better part of 2 years. While it implies he refers to Diagolon channels, it could mean others as well. Then there’s this on page 14:

Yeah. The majority of the content was – especially considering the time, it was very anti-COVID, anti-vaccine, anti-government material. There was a lot of conspiracy theory material in that. There was a lot of what I would define as White nationalists, White supremacy ideology existing within that space. There was also a lot of what I would define as militia-type discussions. There was a lot of talk of acquiring weaponry, body armour, ammunition, planning meet-ups, organizing community events, and then also articulating the purpose of these events beyond simply….

This is getting to the heart of it. Carmichael alleges that there’s more than just racist and anti-authoritarian posting done here. Conversations also involved firearms, body armour and meet-ups.

“The Day Of The Rope” and “The Turner Diaries” are both cited as well.

Carmichael testifies that not only was he observing and documenting conversations about guns and meetings, but that meetings themselves were surveilled.

Carmichael does go on about the backstory of the name “Diagolon”. Specifically, that it was based on the idea of a fictional country made up of the more sane and stable Provinces and U.S. States. That detail is agreed on by everyone.

However, Carmichael states (or opines?) that it became more of a separatist movement.

Carmichael also explains how he identified Schill, and it’s pretty stupid. He used his real name, real photo, and dropped details about the region he was living in. From there, a simple background check from a prior arrest revealed everything else.

Yes. So Mr. Schill made a number of statements that caused concern for us. With these statements, he was also promoting the fact that he was a firearms fanatic; he was involved in reloading within his garage, which means taking – basically, building bullets himself rather than commercially purchasing them…

…and producing a large amount of ammunition in his private residence. So this, like, compounded with the rhetoric, plus what we already understood about Diagolon raised our concerns related to public safety.

So I’ll, I’ll expand on some of the conversation pieces that we observed, but as an example, for – some of the messaging that Jeremy MacKenzie provided his, his members, I can read some of the messaging that was included on his podcast that would have been re-shared in the Telegram channels. He stated – during a podcast, there was a ticker tape, similar to what you would see on maybe CP24 that would scroll across the screen. And the banner stated:

Mentally prepare yourself for the hardest decade of your life. Your children need you to reject the system in its entirety. It isn’t for you. It is for your enemy, and it seeks to subvert, subjugate, and destroy you. You either pro-human freedom or you are not. One of those choices makes you our mortal enemy. Death to Circulon. We all just wanted to be left alone. You want blood. We got what you want. Come and get it. Fuck you, make me.

So that was some of the rhetoric that Jeremy MacKenzie was, was pumping out to his followers, who would then re-share it on the Telegram channel. So on the heels of a statement like that his members would then begin organizing in-person meetings. They would discuss what the purpose of these meetings would be. It was almost always around planning. I can quote, “bush craft, survival training, firearms training.” In fact, I can recall a conversation that involved Mr. Schill where they were discussing shooting and firearm training, but then Mr. Schill had stated something to the effect of, “Well, I don’t want to just go shoot. I’d like smaller groups. And I want to shoot with a purpose.” I interpreted that to mean they didn’t want to just go target shooting on a range. They wanted to apply practical skills to their shooting, similar to what you’d see the military or law enforcement trained to do.

It would be interesting to know — though it’s not expanded on — is whether this is just conversations being recorded, or whether the police (or CSIS) have actually gone to these meets.

Carmichael goes on (page 29) about conversations that happened about body armour, and what some good choices were. This is largely opinion, but he implies that it was directed for non-civilian use.

Because when compounded with the information we’d already had, and now it was quite clear that they were starting to develop their in-person meetings to include shooting and what we had interpreted as militia-type training, our concern was strictly public safety and whether we had a private militia forming within the region.

Keep in mind, this is a hearing over a gun licence, not a criminal trial. While most of this testimony wouldn’t have been permitted in other settings, it is here.

Carmichael then gets into the topic of Schill’s arrest for assault causing bodily harm, along with the arrest of his (now) ex-wife. Electronic devices were seized during a search. Schill had 3 guns, all legally owned and safely stored. However, he had ammunition which didn’t appear to fit any of them.

The hearing continued the next day, and more on that.

If there is one takeaway here, it’s that the police are arguing that Diagolon is more than just edgy podcasting, racism, and memes. Carmichael is trying to convince the Judge that it’s an actual group and a threat to the public. He’s trying to show that this is an extremist group with a violent agenda.

People reading this transcript may — reasonably — think that it’s full of speculation, innuendo and hearsay. And they’d be right. However, this isn’t a criminal charge, and the standard is much, MUCH lower.

The Public Emergency Order Commission (PEOC) Report and Mosley decision have laid the groundwork for what’s coming. Followers of “Diagolon” really have no clue what’s been going on. This case is the first of what will likely be many gun seizures.

SCHILL HEARING:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/oncj/doc/2024/2024oncj249/2024oncj249.html
(2) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 1
(3) Evidence Of Officer Ernest Carmichael, Day 2, Cross Examination

POEC HEARINGS:
(1) https://publicorderemergencycommission.ca/
(2) POEC Report, Volume 1: Overview
(3) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 1 Overview
(4) POEC Report, Volume 2: Analysis (Part 1)
(5) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 2 Analysis Part 1
(6) POEC Report, Volume 3: Analysis (Part 2)
(7) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 3 Analysis Part 2 Recommendations
(8) POEC Report, Volume 4: Process and Appendices
(9) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 4 Process And Appendices
(10) POEC Report, Part 5: Policy Papers
(11) Public Order Emergency Report Volume 5 Policy Papers

MOSLEY DECISION:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2024/2024fc42/2024fc42.html#par41