Action4Canada Again Lying To Donors, No Amended Claim Ever Filed

As many are aware, Courts typically make information available online for the public to look up. The Courts in British Columbia do this, and allow documents to be directly downloaded. It’s great for researchers and journalists.

This will likely be the last post on the subject, since there’s no realistic prospect of having new material to cover. Put simply: donors were lied to, and ripped off.

A few years ago, Action4Canada made national news with their nonsense lawsuit.

Fast forward to today. According to the B.C. Supreme Court in Vancouver, no amended Notice of Civil Claim (or NOCC) has been filed. A quick search with Court Services Online has confirmed that.

The 2023 activity seen above had to do with Action4Canada challenging the costs to be awarded to some of the Respondents. It had nothing to do with fixing the existing pleading.

Brief Timeline Of Events Leading To This

Summer 2020: Action4Canada solicits donations for a promised “Constitutional challenge”, but doesn’t actually deliver anything. Naive donors hand over large amounts of money.

August 2021: The Notice of Civil Claim is eventually filed. It’s a rambling, disjointed and incoherent 391 page document. It obviously doesn’t comply with the Rules of Civil Procedure.

August 2022: The Claim is struck as “bad beyond argument”. However, Justice Ross does allow for a rewrite, which is referred to as “Leave to Amend”.

September 2022: Instead of rewriting the NOCC, the decision is appealed.

February 2023: Action4Canada becomes the laughing stock of the legal profession in B.C. The Law Society of B.C. includes Justice Ross’ decision in their latest training manual for new lawyers. This proceeding is cited as an example of what not to do.

October 2023: After publicly getting called out for delay, Action4Canada does eventually arrange to have the hearing scheduled.

February 2024: The B.C. Court of Appeal hears the case. The Justices appear baffled, and cannot understand the purpose of the Appeal. After all, it was agreed the NOCC was “prolix” and had to be rewritten anyway.

February 2024: The B.C. Court of Appeal dismisses the Appeal. Justice Marchand writes that no “reviewable error” had been identified, and confirms the NOCC wasn’t written properly.

That was February, and this is October.

No Amended Notice Of Claim Was Ever Filed

Despite their Appeal being dismissed, Action4Canada went on to publish that it was somehow a “successful outcome”.

However, we are now into October 2024. Nearly 8 months have passed since the BCCA ruling. There’s no amended Claim on file, and in fact, no activity at all with the file.

Were a new NOCC be filed, it would of course face another Application to Strike. Counsel has repeatedly proven to be unable (or unwilling) to follow Civil Procedure when drafting documents. While Justice Ross did allow a rewrite last time, it won’t happen again, especially with the wasteful Appeal.

Even in the remote possibility that a new — and decent — NOCC is filed, the Statute of Limitations only gives 2 years. Any new allegations prior to October 2022 would likely be disallowed. This is one of the few deadlines that’s strictly enforced by the Courts.

With all of this information taken into account, it’s reasonable to conclude that Action4Canada NEVER intended to go ahead with their case. People were lied to since 2020 to get them to donate.

They call critics “paid agitators” but never meaningfully address the litany of valid criticisms about their litigation. See here, here, here, here and here.

So, that appears to be the end of this case, at least on this site.

Action4Canada lied about this lawsuit, supposedly to take down Bonnie Henry. They wasted hundreds of thousands in donor money, with nothing to show for it. The Claim and Appeal were clearly designed to go nowhere.

These people belong in prison, not given deference as “respected elders”.

Remember: The best way to control the opposition is to lead it ourselves, and to sue our critics.

ACTION4CANADA APPEAL DOCUMENTS:
(1) A4C Notice Of Appeal September 28 2022
(2) A4C Appeal – Notice Of Appearance – VIHA
(3) A4C Appeal – Notice Of Appearance – BC Defendants
(4) A4C Appeal – Notice Of Appearance – Attorney General of Canada
(5) A4C Appeal – Notice Of Appearance – Peter Kwok, Translink
(6) A4C Appeal – Notice Of Appearance – BC Ferries, Brittney Sylvester
(7) A4C Appeal – Appeal Book – Appellant
(8) A4C Appeal – Appeal Book – Respondent VIH And PHC
(9) A4C Appeal – Appeal Record – Stand Alone Respondents VIHA
(10) A4C Appeal – Appeal Record – Stand Alone
(11) A4C Appeal – Factum – Appellant
(12) A4C Appeal – Factum – Respondent Attorney General Of Canada
(13) A4C Appeal – Factum – Respondent BC Ferries and Brittney Sylvester
(14) A4C Appeal – Factum – Respondent HMK -Provincial Defendants
(15) A4C Appeal – Factum – Respondent Peter Kwok and Translink
(16) A4C Appeal – Factum – Respondent VIHA and Providence Health
(17) A4C Appeal – Consent Order – Factum, Time Limits
(18) A4C Appeal – Change In Representation – BC Defendants
(19) A4C Appeal – Notice Of Hearing February 2024
(20) CanLII Decision In Action4Canada Appeal

ACTION4CANADA BCSC DOCUMENTS:
(1) A4C BCSC – Notice Of Civil Claim
(2) A4C BCSC – Response to Civil Claim (Health Authority Defendants)
(3) A4C BCSC – Response to Civil Claim (Provincial Defendants)
(4) A4C BCSC – Affidavit No 1 of Rebecca Hill
(5) A4C BCSC – Notice of Application (AG and RCMP applies to strike)
(6) A4C BCSC – Notice of Application (Provincial Defendants applies to strike)
(7) A4C BCSC – Notice of Application (Translink applies to strike)
(8) A4C BCSC – Application Response (Health Authority Defendants consent to strike)
(9) A4C BCSC – Application Response (BC Ferries consents to strike)
(10) A4C BCSC – Application Response (AG and RCMP consent to Prov. strike application)
(11) A4C BCSC – Application Response (Translink consents to HA Defendants strike application)
(12) A4C BCSC – Application Response (Translink consents to Prov. strike application)
(13) A4C BCSC – Affidavit No 2 of Rebecca Hill
(14) A4C BCSC – Application Record (to strike)
(15) A4C BCSC – Application Response (all plaintiffs)
(16) A4C BCSC – Amended Application Response (all plaintiffs)
(17) A4C BCSC – Transcript Application To Strike
(18) A4C BCSC – Reasons For Striking NOCC In Its Entirety
(19) A4C BCSC – Order striking pleadings
(20) A4C BCSC – Order striking pleading in its entirety with costs payable forthwith
(21) A4C BCSC – Appointment to assess bill of costs for Kwok and Translink
(22) A4C BCSC – Notice of Discontinuance (Kimberly Woolman & Estate of Jaqueline Woolman)
(23) A4C BCSC – Notice of Discontinuance (Amy Muranetz)
(24) A4C BCSC – Notice of Discontinuance (Federico Fuoco & Fire Productions Ltd.)

OTHER:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/bc/bcsc/doc/2022/2022bcsc1507/2022bcsc1507.html
(2) https://www.lawsociety.bc.ca/Website/media/Shared/docs/becoming/material/civil.pdf
(3) https://www.bclaws.gov.bc.ca/civix/document/id/complete/statreg/168_2009_01#rule3-1
(4) https://justice.gov.bc.ca/cso/index.do
(5) https://www.bclaws.gov.bc.ca/civix/document/id/complete/statreg/120_2022a#division_d0e3656
(6) https://www.canlii.org/en/bc/bcca/doc/2022/2022bcca450/2022bcca450.html#par10

ACTION4CANADA FINANCIAL DOCS:
(A) A4C Docs Profits And Losses 2021-2022
(B) A4C Docs Balance Sheet 2021-2022
(C) A4C-Docs-General-Ledger-2021-2022

Take Action Canada Case Discontinued Back In July 2024

The anti-lockdown group, Take Action Canada, has discontinued their case against the Ontario Government. This was the “Ontario First Responders” case broadly publicized. It challenged the injection pass mandate for about 100 Plaintiffs, primarily police and fire fighters.

For reasons that never made any sense, counsel decided to sue twenty (20) different Municipalities and Cities as well, and the specific employers. This resulted in a small army of lawyers being retained to defend the case. Unsurprisingly, it was to jack up the expenses as well.

The Statement of Claim was horribly deficient, being a replica of Action4Canada and Adelberg, both of which were found to be “bad beyond argument”. The amended version did little to fix those problems. Ontario, like other Provinces, has Rules of Civil Procedure which, among other things, outline how Claims are to be drafted.

There’s also the issue that most (if not all) of the Plaintiffs were either Government workers or unionized, which meant they would be government by a collective bargaining agreement. Such contracts typically outline a grievance process, which almost exclusively leads to arbitration. So jurisdiction was a serious concern.

For background on the case, see Parts: 1, 2, 3 and 4.

The initial filing made national news. But there was never any follow-up, outside of this site. So many of these cases are simply allowed to die off once the cameras are gone. No refunds, naturally. Has this been reported anywhere else?

Realizing that costs would likely exceed initial fees, counsel tried to blackmail the Plaintiffs. Instead of the $1,500 each to pursue the entire case, another $4,500 was demanded. Sources have reported that this was voted down.

There was an aborted hearing back in January 2024. The dozens of lawyers bringing Summary Judgement Motions wanted to schedule dates for a hearing. However, it ended with nothing being determined. Presumably, the Plaintiffs needed time to assess their options.

Now the other shoe (and the case itself) drop. There won’t even be a Motion to Strike or Summary Judgement Motion heard. The case has simply been discontinued.

Good luck Canuck Law defending the legal action by Rocco!

Thing is: Take Action Canada was well aware in advance of the kinds of of problems they’d be having. Sandra Sable testified (against CSASPP) that criticism of counsel threatened the viability of the Claim. Prospective Plaintiffs kept bailing out, and demanding refunds. See original.

They threw clients to the wolves anyway.

Now for a productive suggestion: while Plaintiffs won’t ever get justice against the Ford regime, or their employers, there are other targets. In order to practice law, a lawyer MUST have malpractice insurance. This is not negotiable.

Ashvinder Lamba and Kulvinder Gill were very unhappy with the quality of their legal representation. They had no qualms about trying to take some of that insurance money. Perhaps former Plaintiffs here should consider their options.

Donors, and former clients, should have a serious discussion with Sandy and Vince about where their money has been going. Presumably, no one has received refunds.

(1) https://takeactioncanada.ca/
(2) https://twitter.com/Takeactioncan
(3) Ontario EMS Statement Of Claim
(4) Ontario EMS Amended Statement Of Claim
(5) Ontario EMS Requisition To Amend
(6) Ontario EMS Notice Of Intent To Defend
(7) Ontario EMS Demand For More Money
(8) https://canucklaw.ca/wp-content/uploads/Notice-Of-Application-Police-On-Guard.pdf
(9) https://canucklaw.ca/wp-content/uploads/Take-Action-Canada-Retainer-Essential-First
(10) https://www.canlii.org/en/bc/bcsc/doc/2022/2022bcsc1507/2022bcsc1507.html#par45
(11) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2023/2023fc252/2023fc252.html#par52
(12) https://takeactioncanada.ca/tac911-legal-action-1st-responder-essential-workers-update-dec-survey/
(13) https://canucklaw.ca/wp-content/uploads/CSASPP-RG-Sable-Affidavit.pdf

Rickard/Harrison “Travel Mandates Challenge” Really Just A PRIVATE Suit For Damages

When people are being asked to donate to public cases, a.k.a. public interest litigation, they are entitled to be fully informed about the nature of the suit. As a consumer, honesty and transparency in advertising are obviously important. This applies regardless of industry.

Plaintiffs in a high profile lawsuit filed last year are asking for money. However, it appears they are not being forthcoming about what is really going on. This is, of course, the latest “travel mandates challenge” filed in Federal Court.

Upon reading the Statement of Claim, and the Amended Claim, it appears simply to be a suit requesting damages. There’s no relief sought that would benefit Canadians as a whole. Even if the lawsuit were successful, there’s nothing for the public listed.

It doesn’t look like there’s much of an ideological issue with the injection pass anyway. Starting on paragraph 32, they argue that the Feds were neglient and incompetent in how it was set up. They also try to argue “negligence” and “bad faith” at the same time, despite them being contradictory.

There’s no order being challenged, nor any request that would prevent injection mandates from returning in the future. There’s no money or justice being sought for the “unvaccinated” as a group.

Rickard and Harrison were asked about this, but have refused to provide any answer, other than some insults. It will be interesting to see what happens now.

Brief History On The Proceedings In Federal Courts


The story actually has quite the convoluted history. There were originally 4 Applications filed in Federal Court and heard together. See parts 1, 2, 3 and 4.

The Statement of Claim is the more well known way to start litigation. It typically involves requests for financial compensation, but other orders can be sought as well. By contrast, an Application for Judicial Review has to do with reviewing an existing order, and is meant to be streamlined.

JURISDICTION ACTION JUDICIAL REVIEW STEPS TAKEN
Federal Statement Of Claim Application Motion
Ontario Statement Of Claim Application Motion
British Columbia Notice Of Civil Claim Petition Application
  • December 2021: Rickard/Harrison (T-1991-21)
  • January 2022: Naoum (T-145-22)
  • January 2022: Peckford (T-168-22)
  • February 2022: Bernier (T-247-22)

The Applications were declared “moot” in 2022 by Justice Jocelyne Gagné, but with the caveat that remedies could still be pursued by way of an Action, with a Statement of Claim.

It turned out that none of the Applicants were actually asking for any sort of damages. They were just asking that the injection pass requirement disappear permanently.

[27] Of note, after the IOs/MO were repealed and the Respondent had given notice of its motion for mootness, the Applicants in file T-1991-21 filed a Notice of Motion seeking orders to amend their Notice of Application to assert damages and indicating that their Application would proceed as an Action. On August 3, 2022, Associate Judge Tabib denied the motion, noting “it appears that one of the goals of the proposed amendments is to attempt to insulate the Applicants from the potential consequences of the Respondent’s motion to declare this application moot.” She considered the implications of a dismissal of the motion for mootness and concluded that “I am, accordingly, not satisfied that the dismissal of this application for mootness, if it is ordered, would substantially prejudice the Applicant’s ability to pursue a claim for damages by way of action. More importantly, I am not satisfied that the possibility of a future dismissal, with the resulting costs and inefficiency, justifies, at this time, the extraordinary remedy sought by the Applicants.”

[41] As stated above, these proceedings will have no practical effect on the rights of the Applicants. They have obtained the full relief available to them and a decision of the remaining declaratory relief would provide them no practical utility. If they suffered damages as a result of these IOs/MO being in force, they would have to bring an action against the Crown and have their respective rights assessed in light of all the relevant facts.

[46] Additionally, the rail passenger vaccine mandate is also challenged for breaching sections 2(a), 7, 8 and 15 of the Charter in several actions in damages before this Court (files no. T-554-22 and T-533-22), and the air passenger vaccine mandate in the Alberta Court of King’s Bench (file no. 2203 09246). It is true that none of these proceedings will test the IOs/MO against section 6 of the Charter but, as indicated above, considering that they are no longer in force, the proper vehicle would be an action in damages if the Applicants suffered any damages as a result of these temporary measures. The Court would then have the proper factual background to assess the Applicants’ Charter rights.

The Government lifted the mandates shortly before filing a Motion to declare the cases moot. Yes, this was a cynical ploy, but it was success in obtaining dismissals. The Judge declined to hear the challenges anyway, but gave an alternative path forward.

For reasons that were never made clear, at least not publicly, the Applicants all appealed. They APPEALED a ruling when they could have simply REFILED as an Action. The Federal Court of Appeal threw it out, noting the lawyers didn’t even understand the Standard For Review. (See here)

TYPE OF ERROR STANDARD FOR REVIEW
Error of Fact Overriding, Palpable Error
Error of Pure Law Correctness
Mixed Fact & Law Spectrum, Leaning To Overriding, Palpable Error
Discretionary Orders Overriding, Palpable Error

Justice Gagné’s decision of “mootness” could be challenged by arguing “overriding palpable error”. Granted, this is often harder than “correctness”. But this is very basic, and it’s baffling that senior, experienced lawyers don’t know this.

Then again, why are they appealing at all? Justice Gagné ruled that they could refile as an Action (with a Statement of Claim) if anyone had suffered any damages.

This is “bad beyond argument” level stupid.

[8] Two of the four groups of appellants do not address the standard of review at all in their memoranda of fact and law. The other two argue that the standard of review in these appeals is correctness. However, in oral submissions, the appellants now acknowledge that this Court must follow the appellate standards of review described in the previous paragraph.

Bernier, Peckford and Naoum decided to APPEAL AGAIN, seeking Leave to file with the Supreme Court of Canada. Keep in mind, they still could have refiled their pleadings (as an Action) with the Federal Court. Quite predictably, all Leave Applications were denied.

To their credit, this time, Rickard and Harrison decided to file a Statement of Claim, as had been recommended earlier. However, their suit is so poorly drafted that it’s unlikely to ever go anywhere.

Now we get to the main point of this article.

Rickard/Harrison Claim Is A PRIVATE Lawsuit

1. The Plaintiffs claim the following:

a. Constitutional damages pursuant to Section 24(1) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (the “Charter”), in the amount of $1,000,000, exclusive of interest and costs, for breach of the Plaintiffs’ Section 6, 7 and 15 rights and freedoms as guaranteed by the Charter as a result of government decision-making and action conduct that was rooted in negligence, bad faith and willfully blind to the lack absence of scientific evidence or disconfirming scientific evidence regarding the role, and, in particular, the unknown efficacy, of Covid-19 vaccination in reducing the risk of Covid-19 transmission and infection within the transportation sector;

b. Costs of this action in accordance with the Federal Court Rules, SOR/98-106; and,

c. Such further and other relief as counsel may advise and this Honorable Court deem just.

Both the Statement of Claim and the Amended Claim are available. This is important because it doesn’t match with what’s being claimed. The content of this is quite clearly a private lawsuit for damages. It seeks monetary awards for themselves.

(a) Damages, interest, costs recovered
(b) Costs of the proceeding

While the original Applications were a direct challenge to injectin travel mandates, this case does no such thing. It’s a private lawsuit for money. Even if they were successful, there would be no impact on society at large, as none is being sought.

And by arguing “negligence”, Rickard and Harrison are opening the door for the Government to propose so-called better safeguards.

If Rickard and Harrison wanted donations to finance a lawsuit for their retirements, they can ask. However, they need to be transparent about the nature of the case.

Requests For Donations For “Travel Mandates Challenge”

In his pinned tweet, Rickard promotes this case as “seeking justice for 6-7 million ‘unvaccinated’ Canadians”. However, this is not the case.

The Claim (both original and amended versions) do not ask for any kind of remedy that would aid the public as a whole. There’s no remedy being sought that would benefit 6 or 7 million people. Rickard and Harrison are asking for money for themselves.

True, the original Applications challenged mandates, but this case doesn’t.

Reading the case as a whole, Rickard and Harrison aren’t really even challenging the idea of a “vaccine passport”. Instead, they go on and on about how the Trudeau Government was “negligent” and “reckless” in how it was implemented.

Potentially, a Judge could issue guidance on how to better administer such a system.

Interestingly, Rickard often provides screenshots of the front page of his suit. However, a link to the full document is rarely (if ever) included. A possible reason is that reading the Claim reveals instantly that the “challenge” being described doesn’t exist.

Donations To Be Funneled Through A “Charity”

Also in the pinned tweet, Rickard asks for money for this “historic and incredibly import lawsuit”, offering “charity receipts” to people donating. Now, this charity does exist, and can be found on the C.R.A. site.

Registration can also be found with Corporations Canada. Karl Harrison is listed as a director of the organization.

However, the concern comes in about what is being fundraised. Rickard and Harrison are pitching this lawsuit as public interest litigation, a challenge to the travel mandates.

In reality, it’s a private suit for money — for themselves.

Rickard whines (again, pinned tweet) that the mainstream press in Canada has effectively buried the story. Presumably, he’s not getting the money or attention because everyone’s in bed with Trudeau. It’s quite amusing to see.

Incidently, Rickard and Harrison were contacted about this. They were asked why they were only seeking money for themselves, if they were fundraising for a “travel mandates challenge”. Both have refused to answer.

If there is a legitimate explanation, it would be nice to know. However, it comes across as soliciting funds for a private case, disguised as public interest litigation.

They’re handing out tax receipts to cover donations to their private case, while telling prospective donors that it’s a challenge to injection travel mandates. Not a good look.

FEDERAL COURT APPLICATIONS STRUCK:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fct/doc/2022/2022fc1463/2022fc1463.html

FEDERAL COURT OF APPEAL RULING:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/fca/doc/2023/2023fca219/2023fca219.html
(2) Travel Mandates Appeal Bernier Memorandum
(3) Travel Mandates Appeal Peckford Memorandum
(4) Travel Mandates Appeal Rickard-Harrison Memorandum
(5) Travel Mandates Appeal Respondents Memorandum

SUPREME COURT OF CANADA APPLICATIONS FOR LEAVE:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc-l/doc/2024/2024canlii80713/2024canlii80713.html (Bernier)
(2) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc-l/doc/2024/2024canlii80711/2024canlii80711.html (Peckford)
(3) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc-l/doc/2024/2024canlii80702/2024canlii80702.html (Naoum)

RICKARD/HARRISON STATEMENT OF CLAIM:
(1) Rickard T-2536-23 Statement Of Claim
(2) Rickard T-2536-23 Notice Of Intent To Respond
(3) Rickard T-2536-23 Amended Statement Of Claim
(4) Rickard T-2536-23 Notice Of Motion
(5) Rickard T-2536-23 Motion Strike Statement Of Claim
(6) Rickard T-2536-23 Plaintiff Response To Motion To Strike
(7) Rickard T-2536-23 Motion To Further Amend Claim
(8) Rickard T-2536-23 Further Amended Statement Of Claim
(9) Rickard T-2536-23 Response To Plaintiff Motion To Amend
(10) https://x.com/ShaunRickard67/status/1840070389965128046
(11) https://www.freedomandjustice.ca/donate/
(12) CRA Page Of Institute For Freedom And Justice
(13) Corporations Canada Page

STANDARD OF REVIEW:
(1) https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/2002/2002scc33/2002scc33.html
(2) Housen (Highlighted)

EA Lawsuit: Incompetently Pleaded Claim Leads To Anti-SLAPP Win For Farber, CAHN

Last week, an Ottawa Judge threw out that a defamation case brought against Bernie Farber and the Canadian Anti-Hate Network (CAHN). Justice Bell found that it was a “strategic lawsuit against public participation”, which isn’t allowed under Ontario’s Courts of Justice Act.

Here’s the context.

On February 14th, 2024, a Notice of Action was filed in Ottawa. It named Farber, CAHN, various MPs, members of the police, and banks for what had happened when the Emergencies Act was invoked. Filing this bought them — the Plaintiffs thought — another 30 days to file their Statement of Claim.

How this relates to Farber and CAHN is that their postings are blamed for getting the EA invoked. Remember the infamous “Hate Gate” hoax? Well, this lawsuit may have come as a result of it.

However, because the Plaintiffs’ lawyers apparently know nothing about defamation law, or anti-SLAPP laws, Farber and CAHN are off the hook. CAHN posted about this, and accurately stated the problem: the Claim never identified any specific statements or articles. It just made bald assertions.

While the lawsuit can still proceed with regards to the other Defendants, Plaintiffs should seriously consider retaining new counsel.

There will be the typical rumblings about the system being corrupt, or the Judge being bought off. Those concerns have been made many times before.

Alternatively, it’s worth noting that the Statement of Claim was so poorly and incompetently drafted, that this outcome was easily foreseeable. The firm handling this case is Loberg Ector LLP, which boasts about it on their website

“We Do Commercial Litigation”

Just not very well, it seems.

The contact page on their website lists their address as being in Alberta. That Province doesn’t have anti-SLAPP laws, so it’s possible they didn’t know that Ontario did. Anyhow, let’s get into it.

Claim Failed To Specify A Single Defamatory Statement

Here are the passages which related to CAHN.

207. Leading up to the Unlawful Enactments during the Ottawa Protests, several Defendants, acting together, or acting individually, as the case may be:
a. Made public and widely publicized denigrating and derogatory comments falsely characterizing the nature, scope, beliefs, and motives of the persons participating in the Ottawa Protests including some of the Plaintiffs;
b. Published and widely distributed written material including defamatory comments about the Ottawa Protests knowingly containing false and misleading information about the Ottawa Protests;
c. Conspired with or influenced major Canadian media outlets to publish false reports about the activities of the protestors present at the Ottawa Protests;
d. Made false reports regarding the activities of the protestors present at the Ottawa Protests to Crown officials and made false statements to Crown officials in such a way that promoted the Unlawful Enactments;
e. Sought to harm, injure, or otherwise denigrate the reputations of the Plaintiffs with malicious intent; and
f. Made such further and other public statements and publications which denigrated and harmed the reputations of the Plaintiffs as will be discovered at the trial of this action.

208. The conduct of the Defendants, and the false information which was disseminated by several Defendants to the Canadian media, the Financial Institution Defendants, the Crown and the citizens of Canada influenced and enabled the decision to invoke the impugned Unlawful Enactments.

209. The decisions taken by the individual Defendants, the Police Defendants, the Crown Defendants, the Financial Institution Defendants, and the CAHN Defendants were done cynically, politically, and selfishly without the appropriate consideration for the bests interest of Canada and its citizens and with wanton disregard for the wellbeing of the Plaintiffs.

210. Intelligence reports at the time of the Ottawa Protests from the RCMP, OPS, Police Defendants, and CSIS did not show that the Ottawa Protests were a threat to national security, and indeed consistently corroborated the overall peaceful nature of the Ottawa Protests.

211. While deliberately knowing that the Ottawa Protests was largely a peaceful protest, the Crown Defendants, and in particular Ms. Jody Thomas given her role as the National Security and Intelligence Advisor took it upon themselves to create their own open source intelligence operation to create a new flow of intelligence to the Crown Defendants (the “Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting”) which influenced their decision to invoke the Emergencies Act and Unlawful Enactments.

212. The Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting was an unsanctioned, and politically motivated open source intelligence operation which reflected the intentionally biased view of the narrative that Ms. Thomas and the Crown Defendants wanted, rather than the truth about the overall peaceful nature of the Ottawa Protests. This included relying heavily upon false or otherwise one-sided open source information and giving undue emphasis or weight to misleading or otherwise biased narratives including those from the CAHN Defendants or their proxies on social media.

213. For greater certainty, in her role as National Security and Intelligence Advisor, Ms. Thomas had the entire intelligence and security information assets at her disposal to draw upon, including military and defence. Ms. Thomas and her office were authorized to draw upon information and intelligence from at least five different secretariat level sources. These include Emergency Preparedness, Intelligence Assessment, Foreign Policy, Defence Policy, and the National Security Council. In addition to the secretariat level information and intelligence sources, Ms. Jody Thomas had several agencies providing intelligence flows which includes but is not limited to CSIS, the RCMP, the Department of National Defence, the Canadian Armed Forces, and the Communications Security Establishment Canada.

214. None of the intelligence reports or flows of intelligence from the plethora of integrated government-wide perspectives and sources that Ms. Thomas had available to her could be used to justify the invocation of the Emergencies Act, nor did they suggest that the Ottawa Protests were a threat to national security.

215. The Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting was a deliberate attempt to bypass the secretariat level intelligence and the intelligence flows from the numerous agencies that Ms. Thomas and her office had at their disposal. The Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting reflected the views and narratives that she wanted to advance, and it was not the integrated government-wide intelligence perspective that was required.

216. The Crown Defendants, members of Cabinet both named and not named as Defendants in this action, accepted the information contained in the Thomas Open Source Reporting and misinformation from the CAHN Defendants or their proxies either negligently or with malicious intent when they knew or ought to have known that such information was misleading, grossly exaggerated, defamatory, and harmful.

217. Essentially, when all or some of the Crown Defendants were unable to obtain the intelligence required to justify invoking the Emergencies Act or demonstrate that the Ottawa Protests were a threat to national security, they embarked on their own unsanctioned open source intelligence operation by way of the Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting to create a new flow of intelligence to the Prime Minister’s Office and to Cabinet while negligently or intentionally relying upon information that they knew or ought to have known was untrue, exaggerated, misleading, defamatory, and biased.

218. The Court ought to give weight to the above paragraphs as an aggravating factor in the course of this litigation when assessing the appropriate level of damages and financial compensation for the Plaintiffs.

252. The CAHN Defendants in particular, provided false information to several other Defendants and media organizations designed to harm the Plaintiffs. Falsified or otherwise highly exaggerated information was supplied by the CAHN Defendants or their proxies to the Crown Defendants and the Police Defendants in support of the Unlawful Enactments.

253. The statements made by the CAHN Defendants and their proxies defamed the Plaintiffs and influenced the decision to invoke the Emergencies Act.

254. The statements were false and were made with malice to advance the political agenda of the CAHN Defendants. The CAHN Defendants at one point were recipients of funding and financial support from the Government of Canada. The CAHN Defendants as recently as August 2023, have requested further financial funding for themselves and their causes from the Government of Canada requesting taxpayer money in excess of $130 million over the next 5 years. The true extent of the historical and ongoing financial funding of the CAHN Defendants by the Government of Canada is not fully known but will be discovered during this action.

255. The Plaintiffs, any or each of them, suffered damages as a result of the defamatory statements by the CAHN Defendants which were dishonest, deceitful, and exaggerated while done with malicious intent to cause harm including labelling the Ottawa Protestors, including the Plaintiffs, as being racist, accelerationist, far right extremists, falsely accusing supporters of the Ottawa Protestors as being Nazi’s, misogynistic, and disseminating other hateful and defamatory false accusations about the Plaintiffs some of whom are Indigenous peoples, racialized minorities, persons of colour, women, senior citizens, and disabled individuals.

256. The CAHN Defendants have themselves knowingly propagated hatred, sowed division within Canada, fomented distrust, spread misinformation, and have defamed the Plaintiffs with malevolent intent and for cynical purposes to advance a political agenda which has in the past been paid for and funded by the Canadian taxpayers.

257. Furthermore, the Crown Defendants in relying upon the Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting defamed the Plaintiffs when public statements were made repeating the same false information and narratives. In many instances, the Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting relied upon the false information from the Government of Canada funded CAHN Defendants and their proxies in a closed loop as a means to improperly justify the illegal invocation of the Emergencies Act.

258. The Plaintiffs seek compensable damages against the CAHN Defendants and the
Crown Defendants for their injurious falsehoods and defamation.

All of this is from the Statement of Claim.

But do you see the problem? At no point, is there any specific quote of any defamatory statement. Nor are there any specific articles or videos referenced. It should have looked something like this:

On February 6th, 2022, Farber stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

On February 8th, 2022, CAHN published an article which stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

On February 10th, 2022, Farber stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

On February 12th, 2022, Farber stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

On February 14th, 2022, CAHN published an article which stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

On February 16th, 2022, CAHN published an article which stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

On February 18th, 2022, CAHN published an article which stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

And so on.

This is how defamation allegations are supposed to be pleaded in a Statement of Claim. The specific words need to be included, along with information about who spoke or wrote them, when and where. Considering the case against Farber and CAHN was only expression, these needed to be listed.

Instead of this, the Claim goes on about vague and nondescript allegations. This is not how it should be done, and the Claim would have to be rewritten anyway.

But since Ontario has anti-SLAPP laws, there are no rewrites.

Section 137.1 Courts Of Justice Act (Anti-SLAPP)

Order to dismiss
(3) On motion by a person against whom a proceeding is brought, a judge shall, subject to subsection (4), dismiss the proceeding against the person if the person satisfies the judge that the proceeding arises from an expression made by the person that relates to a matter of public interest.

No dismissal
(4) A judge shall not dismiss a proceeding under subsection (3) if the responding party satisfies the judge that,
(a) there are grounds to believe that,
(i) the proceeding has substantial merit, and
(ii) the moving party has no valid defence in the proceeding; and
.
(b) the harm likely to be or have been suffered by the responding party as a result of the moving party’s expression is sufficiently serious that the public interest in permitting the proceeding to continue outweighs the public interest in protecting that expression.

The Courts of Justice Act for Ontario has been quoted many times. But here’s a quick overview as to how it works, and what needs to happen.

(1) Defendants, one or multiple, bring a Motion to dismiss under this provision. A lot of papers are exchanged in the meantime.

(2) Defendant(s) must convince the Court that their expression is “of a public interest concern”. This isn’t to say that it’s good or bad, just that it’s something a segment of the public would be interested in. By design, it’s a very low burden.

(3) If the Defendant(s) are able to do this, the burden then shifts to the Plaintiff(s), and they face a 3-part test. If even one part is failed, the anti-SLAPP Motion is granted, and the case dismissed.

(a) The Plaintiff(s) must persuade that there is “substantial merit” to the Claim.

(b) The Plaintiff(s) must persuade that there “are no reasonable defences available”.

(c) The Plaintiff(s) must persuade that there is a greater public interest in allowing the proceeding to continue, as opposed to protecting the expression.

If the Judge decides the expression “isn’t of a public concern”, the Motion is to be dismissed, and the case allowed to proceed. Likewise, if the Plaintiff is convincing on all 3 parts of the test, the Motion should fail.

Otherwise, the case is to be dismissed.

How The Anti-SLAPP Motion Played Out In Court

Starting at paragraph 19, Justice Bell explains his reasons.

The expression itself had to do with the invocation of the Emergencies Act, which impacted all Canadians. While not taking sides on the issue, he found that it was a concern to a large segment of the population. As a result, he found that Farber and CAHN met the “public interest threshold”.

Now, the burden shifted to the Plaintiffs, and they had that test to meet. And here’s where the lawyers’ sheer cluelessness about anti-SLAPP laws really showed.

No further steps in proceeding
137.1(5) Once a motion under this section is made, no further steps may be taken in the proceeding by any party until the motion, including any appeal of the motion, has been finally disposed of.

No amendment to pleadings
137.1(6) Unless a judge orders otherwise, the responding party shall not be permitted to amend his or her pleadings in the proceeding,
(a) in order to prevent or avoid an order under this section dismissing the proceeding; or
(b) if the proceeding is dismissed under this section, in order to continue the proceeding

This is part of what makes anti-SLAPP laws in Ontario so powerful. Part (5) “stays” the case, meaning nothing else can happen until this is resolved (and all Appeals).

Part (6) states that a pleading cannot be amended in order to avoid a dismissal, nor can it be after a case is dismissed.

Because the idiot lawyers never specified any defamatory statements here, there is no next time. As a result, Justice Bell found that there was “no substantial merit” to the Claim. (The civil conspiracy allegation also wasn’t pleaded properly.)

Since there’s no “substantial merit”, that should be the end right there.

There was also the open question as to whether the requirement to serve Notice of Libel was met, and whether the 2 year limitation had lapsed anyway. It wasn’t resolved, but still a possibly valid defence.

For the final part, the Judge found there was no evidence of harm to any Plaintiff from Farber or CAHN. Only Vincent Gircys submitted an Affidavit, but the freezing of his bank accounts couldn’t be tied to them.

Farber and CAHN had asked for $20,000 and $10,000 respectively for damages, which was denied.

The Motion was granted, and the case was dismissed (for Farber and CAHN).

Successful Motions Typically Get Full Indemnity (100%) Costs

Costs on dismissal
137.1(7) If a judge dismisses a proceeding under this section, the moving party is entitled to costs on the motion and in the proceeding on a full indemnity basis, unless the judge determines that such an award is not appropriate in the circumstances.

In most circumstances, successful parties only get a portion of their costs back. In Ontario, anti-SLAPP laws refer to “full indemnity” as the default position if the case is dismissed.

This means that Plaintiffs have to pay their lawyers’ costs, and ALL of the Defendants’ lawyers costs. Cost awards typically are well over $100,000.

During the Motion, the Plaintiffs’ lawyers had tried to argue that the suit against Farber and CAHN could be added to and “particularized”. Again, this showed their ignorance about defamation and anti-SLAPP laws.

Now, the case can theoretically still proceed — minus Farber and CAHN — but the Claim will still have to be redrafted anyway. What a waste of time and money.

However, because there are other serious problems with the pleading, it’s possible, and likely, that Motions to Strike will be coming soon.

The Plaintiffs need better lawyers.

Perhaps the Law Societies of Ontario and/or Alberta can assist them in connecting with more competent and experienced help.

(1) https://lobergector.com/
(2) https://lobergector.com/emergencies-act
(3) https://lobergector.com/contact-us
(4) Cornell Notice Of Action
(5) Cornell Statement Of Claim
(6) Cornell Farber CAHN Notice Of Motion Anti-SLAPP
(7) Cornell Farber CAHN Motion Record Anti-SLAPP
(8) Cornell Richard Warman Affidavit Anti-SLAPP
(10) Cornell Vincent Gircys Affidavit Anti-SLAPP
(11) Cornell Factum Of Farber CAHN Anti-SLAPP
(12) Cornell Defendant Cost Submissions Anti-SLAPP
(13) Cornell Plaintiff Cost Submissions Anti-SLAPP
(14) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onsc/doc/2024/2024onsc5343/2024onsc5343.html
(15) https://www.antihate.ca/freedom_convoy_conspiracy_theory_kicked_out_of_court
(16) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/laws/stat/rso-1990-c-c43/latest/rso-1990-c-c43.html#sec137.1_smooth

Diagolon And The Company They Keep: GDL

Sometimes, even when people say some of the right things, you have to wonder if they really have your interests at heart. In their recent “Road Rage Terror Tour”, Diagolon cross-promoted a group called the GDL, or Goyim Defense League, based in the United States.

In the above photo, Derek (Rants) Harrison sports a Goyim TV cap.

Elsewhere in the series:

Parts 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 of the Schill gun grab are here.
Parts 1, 2, 3, 4 of the HateGate scam are available as well.

Considering that Diagolon is “just a meme” and just a joke “based around a podcast community”, it’s rather interesting to promote this group. The GDL has an online platform called Goyim TV.

The GDL’s efforts can accurately be described as “agitation”. Yes, they say a lot of truthful things about foreign influence of the West. However, they conduct themselves in such a way, it seems designed to prevent the masses from taking them seriously.

And that would fit MacKenzie, Harrison, Vriend, etc… to a “T”. Yes, they also address difficult truths on their streams. However, they also say and do a lot of idiotic things. Given how strict hate laws are in this country, it’s interesting that none of them have been charged over it. MacKenzie had all his previous charges disappear, despite being so “persecuted”.

Adam Green, who has streamed with MacKenzie and Harrison, claims to have founded the Goyim Defense League, and to be selling their merchandise.

When trying to persuade people, appearance and presentation do matter a great deal. One cannot be taken seriously if they are loud, abusive, or come across as bullies. These groups present themselves as being almost cartoonish. Is this being done intentionally?

How To Provoke A Backlash, Creating New Censorship Laws

What’s employed here is the classic strategy of: (1) problem; (2) reaction; (3) solution.

(1) Problem – Groups like Diagolon or the GDL go around harassing and/or intimidating people. In the above case, this was a “protest” outside Disney, where children frequent. Minadeo is to the left in the photo.

(2) Reaction – There’s confusion and dismay about what’s going on. Most people just trying to go about their lives probably don’t want to see this.

(3) Solution – The public demands (or is perceived to demand) stronger penalties and consequences for so-called hate crimes and intimidation.

Goyim Defense League, Florida House Bill 269

Recently, Jon Minadeo, head of Goyim TV, left California for Florida, to continue his “activism“. And what was the result of that? New legislation popped up shortly afterwards.

Considering Florida Governor Ron DeSantis’ love for Israel, this cannot be surprising in the slightest. He has even gone abroad to sign legislation that limits free speech.

Public Nuisances: Prohibits person from distributing onto private property any material for purpose of intimidating or threatening owner, resident, or invitee; prohibits person from willfully & maliciously harassing, threatening, or intimidating another person based on person’s wearing or displaying of any indicia relating to any religious or ethnic heritage; requires violations be reported as hate crimes; prohibits display or projection of images onto building, structure, or property without permission; prohibits person who willfully enters campus of state university or Florida College System institution for purpose of threatening or intimidating another person from remaining on such campus after being warned to depart.

To be clear: HB 269 REQUIRES that such acts be reported as hate crimes.

Even a quick search of GDL will flag interesting results. They include protesting outside a Synagogue. While people are free to express their views, the overall conduct seems calculated to cause resentment.

Need a hate-speech Bill passed? Send in these idiots to stir up trouble. Soon enough, the public will be demanding a response. See how easy that is?

Diagolon, Canada Bill C-63 (Online Harms Act)

Recently, this site covered Bill C-63, the Online Harms Act, and the consequences it will have for free speech in Canada. It appears both CIJA and NCCM, the Israeli and Islamic lobbies, have been supportive of this.

This Bill would allow Courts to impose orders on people they suspect might commit harmful acts. Not charged or convicted. Suspicion would be enough to see a Judge. These restrictions may include:

(a) Wearing an electronic monitoring device
(b) Return to and remain at their place of residence at specified times, a.k.a. a curfew
(c) Abstaining from drugs and alcohol
(d) Submitting to drug and alcohol testing
(e) No contact orders
(f) Weapons prohibitions

Yes, this Bill needs to be stopped.

However, how is any of this productive? The public won’t be interested in protecting Vriend’s ability to laugh at tigers killing Indians. There’s no will to protect MacKenzie’s rape “jokes”. Seeing these clowns operate, it seems more likely the public would support some level of restricting their expression.

Above are just a few of their clips. Pretty hard for people to take them seriously when they’re making comments like these. Clownish and goofy.

And done intentionally.

For all MacKenzie and Vriend whine about their “meme” group being taken seriously in Ottawa, this is the logical outcome: using it as an excuse to crack down on free speech. Then there’s this:

The internet in Canada is under attack by the Trudeau government — again. The Online Harms Act, Bill C-63 violates our charter rights and would give the government ultimate authority to fine, silence, and criminalize Canadians for freely expressing themselves. If you want to keep your free speech in Canada, then email your members of Parliament right now and demand that they do everything in their power to STOP Bill C-63.

This site was recently set up by Greg Wycliffe, promoting the dangers of Bill C-63. Wycliffe also set up a GiveSendGo (or GSG) account, asking for $50,000. This is done under the pretext of protecting free speech rights in Canada.

By itself, this seems fine, and a good way to get the point across. And although it’s unclear what the $50,000 would be needed for, people can ask for money to finance activism.

Where things get interesting is that Wycliffe pushes the bogus narrative that the Emergencies Act was invoked because of a meme. He claims the RCMP decided to frame MacKenzie, because reasons…. He opposes Bill C-63, yet apparently supports the people who ensure that it will get passed. He’s silent on the obvious agitation.

This may be why Diagolon and the GDL are connected. They seem to have the same goals.

FLORIDA HOUSE BILL 269:
(1) https://www.myfloridahouse.gov/
(2) https://www.myfloridahouse.gov/Sections/Bills/billsdetail.aspx?BillId=76984
(3) https://www.change.org/p/stop-house-bill-269-in-florida
(4) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C0FaUaZNt70
(5) https://x.com/jnewsgabe/status/1597348747851153409
(6) https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/neo-nazi-groups-spew-hate-disney-world-orlando-officials-say-rcna103186
(7) https://www.wsmv.com/2024/07/17/nashville-synagogue-calls-police-after-neo-nazi-group-shows-up/
(8) https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/2024-election/ron-desantis-signs-bill-combat-hate-crimes-israel-rcna81799

CANADA BILL C-63:
(1) https://www.canada.ca/en/canadian-heritage/services/online-harms.html
(2) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/44-1/c-63
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Members/en/arif-virani(88910)
(4) https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/bill/C-63/first-reading
(5) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/advSrch?searchCommand=navigate&time=1709098767406
(6) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=584229
(7) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=111&regId=937469
(8) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=594289
(9) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=358918&regId=946132
(10) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=362688&regId=941750
(11) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=377298&regId=947241
(12) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=375749&regId=944913

(1) https://savefreespeech.ca/
(2) https://www.givesendgo.com/savefreespeech?amp;utm_medium=copy_link&utm_campaign=savefreespeech

HateGate, Part 4: A Look At Hategan’s Book “Race Traitor”

This continues the series on “HateGate”. This is the fake scandal which supposedly showed that the Emergencies Act was invoked because of a meme. More broadly, this ongoing series covers Diagolon, the fed honeypot used as an intelligence gathering operation.

Parts 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 of the Schill gun grab are here.
Parts 1, 2 and 3 of the HateGate scam are available as well.

Followers of this cult repeat the talking point that the group was “vindicated” by the HateGate Report. This was the 85 page document from Caryma Sa’d and Elisa Hategan. The short version is that the RCMP, CSIS and Government relied on speculative reporting (such as from the Canadian Anti-Hate Network), and wrongly sounded the alarm.

Aside from the fact that the “smoking gun” 1,082 page FOIPOP package doesn’t support this, there’s a lot of background information missing about the story.

Turns out that Hategan, one of the co-authors of the HateGate Report wrote a book years back called Race Traitor. She’s also posted about her desire to lock up “racists“. It’s a little bizarre that she would work to clear people who despise her for being Jewish and a lesbian.

Hategan talks at length about her time with “Heritage Front”, which was a prominent neo-Nazi group back in the 1980’s and 1990’s. She was involved with it as a teenager, even committing illegal acts. She also writes about how one of the co-founders, Grant Bristow, in fact worked for CSIS. As it turns out, CSIS was largely responsible for creating, financing and growing it.

And why? To act as a honeypot to identify and gain intelligence about whites concerned about demographic changes.

The parallels between Heritage Front and Diagolon are striking. Despite this, Sa’d and Hategan go out of their way to avoid asking the obvious question: is Diagolon just another operation?

Summary Of Hategan’s Book: Race Traitor

Hategan’s book is available online. Unsurprisingly, it’s a biography, told in first person. To avoid any frivolous claims of copyright infringement, the text won’t be included. However, here are some of the more interesting sections, with page numbers.

(Page 5) The Prologue starts. Hategan is quite open and upfront that Heritage Front was in fact created and partially funded by CSIS, and that Grant Bristow was a CSIS agent. She also testified in Court about several of the members.

(Page 48) Hategan gets into details about recruitment of Heritage Front, and about how its goals included preventing what was already underway in Europe with illegals invading.

(Page 92) Hategan has discussions about the books: (a) The Turner Diaries; and (b) Day of the Rope. Incidently, those books are also promoted by Jeremy MacKenzie and Diagolon.

(Page 110) Hategan talks about going to rallies with Heritage Front. She also acknowledges that media attention helped make the group a household name. Didn’t the same thing happen with MacKenzie and Diagolon?

(Page 124) Hategan talks about efforts to infiltrate the Reform Party, led by Preston Manning at the time. Interestingly, the same claim is made today about Poilievre and Bernier’s organizations. Hategan admits that had Bristow been charged then, a lot of people wouldn’t have been harassed.

(Page 131) Hategan goes into detail about surveillance and intelligence gathering methods used by Heritage Front. These included:

  • Cracking answering machine passwords
  • Using phone books and pretext phone calls to get addresses
  • Impersonating the targets
  • Impersonating journalists
  • Attending rallies in disguise
  • Using utility records and voting registries to get addresses
  • General stalking

Now, considering Diagolon’s “Road Rage Terror Tour” over the summer, can one see how it might be used to gather information on supporters?

(Page 161) Hategan talks about a complaint filed with the Human Rights Commission, which was designed to shut down the “Heritage Hotline” that had been in operation.

(Page 191) Hategan talks about the names and addresses of members that she’d handed over to authorities. She also laments that she picked up an additional criminal charge — s.319 (inciting hate). While rich “Nazis” would be able to delay Court matters for years, she’d have to answer for it.

(Page 210) Hategan was now gathering intelligence on international “hate groups”, all of which she would be turning over to authorities.

(Page 248) Hategan talks about being the star witness for the Canadian Human Rights Commission in their case against Heritage Front.

(Page 306) Hategan claims that the Government essentially whitewashed the operation, including the full scale of what Grant Bristow had been involved with. Bristow’s conduct amounted to harassment, intimidation, threatening and stalking of activists. He wasn’t charged with any of it.

There’s also a lot of personal backstory included, some of it relevant.

This is by no means the complete book, just some of the highlights. Hategan also comes across as very bitter that Bristow was placed in witness protection, while she was not. She reasons that her testimony directly led to people being locked up, while he didn’t.

In any event, this took up years of Hategan’s life. It’s inconceivable that she wasn’t aware (or at least very suspicious) of the rise of MacKenzie and Diagolon. There are simply too many parallels.

While it’s true that “podcast culture” wasn’t a thing in the 1990’s, the tactics used then eerily resemble what’s been going on today.

They All Had To Have Known Ahead Of Time

Back in January 2021, Hategan posted on Twitter some biographical information. An even earlier post (2017) has her bragging about “sending racists to jail”.

Even further back, in 2020, Hategan posted on Twitter that she had directly caused 3 white supremacists to go to jail. She also published that she had produced some 30 Affidavits for the police (actually, the Ontario Provincial Police) to help them with gun related crime.

Hategan had a “continuous relationship with law enforcement”.

Isn’t that what Jeremy MacKenzie stated he was interested in having?

So, why were there no questions about the HateGate Report that she co-authored? In fact, she’s claimed several times to have been the main author of it. Why then, would Diagolon members be celebrating the work of a police informant who would have them locked up for their views?

As an aside, Hategan threatened to sue Derek (Rants) Harrison over him including her in his (satire?) book called “Meme Kampf”. One would think that this would cause him to look a bit deeper into the people who supposedly “cleared” his organization. But apparently not. It takes effort to be this uninterested in the truth.

When the Report was released in September 2023, Hategan posted this online. While promoting this book, she quite openly stated that CSIS played a large role in creating Heritage Front.

One then has to ask the obvious question: why downplay or minimize the obvious connection that Diagolon could also be a Government honeypot? If it was done once, who says it couldn’t be again?

Misrepresenting Content Of 1,082 Page FOIPOP

Ever wonder why this “smoking gun” FOIPIP package is never released? Hategan bragged about how this was real investigative journalism. This was supposed to be the proof of gross police incompetence and coverup, remember?

Most likely, it’s because the full package doesn’t support their conclusions. Instead, a few cherry-picked emails are used as the basis of this conspiracy.

The FOIPIP request didn’t act for all records related “to the invocation of the Emergencies Act”. It just asked for records on Diagolon itself. From there, Sa’d and Hategan made the assumption that this was a complete record of everything that transpired.

So-called alternative media such as Viva Frei and Harrison Faulkner apparently never bothered to do any digging into the story. If they had, they’d have uncovered all kinds of holes. But it’s not just the mainstream press that can’t be trusted.

Questions for “Diagolon” members:

(1) Does it concern you at all that the primary author of the HateGate Report was a law enforcement asset? She cooperated with police over a long period of time.

(2) Does it concern you she was working for a CSIS honeypot?

(3) Are you at concerned about the reliability of your HateGate Report, considering Hategan has publicly stated that she wants to see racists jailed? And by “racists”, she means the kind of people who tune in to see the Raging Dissident.

(4) Does it concern you that Hategan would write a book outlining all this information, and people either never knew, or never cared?

(5) Do any of the parallels between Heritage Front and Diagolon alarm you?

HATEGAN TWEETS:
(1) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1348702631653474306
(2) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/844242243989004292
(3) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1701729593147732412
(4) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1703824776999940260
(5) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1099915146732978176
(6) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1758258494740832409
(7) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1709587192715124829
(8) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1757851798147117192
(9) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1762255316429803597/
(10) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1798395395887997146
(11) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1797682910516195560
(12) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1734060656960090558
(13) https://x.com/elisahategan/status/1783193060005818703

HATEGATE FOIPOP PACKAGE (FULL RELEASE):
(0.1) Previously Published Documents
(0.2) A-2022-06987 Release Section Of 2nd Package
(1) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 1
(2) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 2
(3) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 3
(4) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 4
(5) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 5
(6) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 6
(7) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 7
(8) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 8
(9) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 9
(10) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 10
(11) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 11
(12) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 12
(13) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 13
(14) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 14
(15) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 15
(16) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 16
(17) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 17
(18) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 18
(19) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 19
(20) A-2022-06987 Release Package Part 20
(21) A-2022-06987 Release package Part 21