Category: Identity/Religion

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UN Wants To Ban Criticism Of Islam “GLOBALLY”

1. Important Links

CLICK HERE, for a March 2008 meeting.
CLICK HERE, for an April 2009 press briefing.
CLICK HERE, for a 2009 statement, States obliged to promote religious tolerance.
CLICK HERE, for World Interfaith Harmony Week, February 2010.
CLICK HERE, for a 2010 call for “minority rights”.
CLICK HERE for UN Assistance in Afghanistan meeting in 2012.
CLICK HERE, for a 2012 address from the Turkish Foreign Minister
CLICK HERE, for a 2014 Iranian statement to the UN.
CLICK HERE, for a whitewashing of Islam, October 2014.
CLICK HERE, for a gripe-fest about Islamophobia, August 2017.
CLICK HERE, for Iqra Khalid, Pakistani Muslim, and Liberal MP.

2. Iqra Khalid’s Blasphemy Motion

Text of the Motion
.
That, in the opinion of the House, the government should:
(a) recognize the need to quell the increasing public climate of hate and fear;
(b) condemn Islamophobia and all forms of systemic racism and religious discrimination and take note of House of Commons’ petition e-411 and the issues raised by it; and
(c) request that the Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage undertake a study on how the government could
(i) develop a whole-of-government approach to reducing or eliminating systemic racism and religious discrimination including Islamophobia, in Canada, while ensuring a community-centered focus with a holistic response through evidence-based policy-making, (ii) collect data to contextualize hate crime reports and to conduct needs assessments for impacted communities, and that the Committee should present its findings and recommendations to the House no later than 240 calendar days from the adoption of this motion, provided that in its report, the Committee should make recommendations that the government may use to better reflect the enshrined rights and freedoms in the Constitution Acts, including the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms

Now, this seems harmless enough. After all, it is “non-binding”.

However, efforts are being made regularly, particularly in the United Nations to ban criticism of Islam globally.

Don’t believe me? Check out the links above, and read the quotes below.

3. 2008 Resolution Against Islamophobia

Exerps From a March 2008 Human Rights Council Vote

“…Noting the Declaration adopted by the Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers at its thirty-fourth session in Islamabad, in May 2007, which condemned the growing trend of Islamophobia and systematic discrimination against the adherents of Islam and emphasized the need to take effective measures to combat defamation of religions,

Noting also the final communiqué adopted by the Organization of the Islamic Conference at its eleventh summit, in Dakar, in March 2008, in which the Organization expressed concern at the systematically negative stereotyping of Muslims and Islam and other divine religions, and denounced the overall rise in intolerance and discrimination against Muslim minorities, which constitute an affront to human dignity and run counter to the international human rights instruments,

2. Also expresses deep concern at attempts to identify Islam with terrorism, violence and human rights violations and emphasizes that equating any religion with terrorism should be rejected and combated by all at all levels;

3. Further expresses deep concern at the intensification of the campaign of defamation of religions and the ethnic and religious profiling of Muslim minorities in the aftermath of the tragic events of 11 September 2001;

6. Expresses concern at laws or administrative measures that have been specifically designed to control and monitor Muslim minorities, thereby stigmatizing them and legitimizing the discrimination that they experience;

9. Also urges States to provide, within their respective legal and constitutional systems, adequate protection against acts of hatred, discrimination, intimidation and coercion resulting from the defamation of any religion, to take all possible measures to promote tolerance and respect for all religions and their value systems and to complement legal systems with intellectual and moral strategies to combat religious hatred and intolerance;

10. Emphasizes that respect of religions and their protection from contempt is an essential element conducive for the exercise by all of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion;

15. Invites the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance to continue to report on all manifestations of defamation of religions, and in particular on the serious implications of Islamophobia, on the enjoyment of all rights to the Council at its ninth session;”

Note: Although “non-binding”, this vote succeeded, 21-10.

This is filled with references to Islam being victimised. Again, and again, systematic oppression and discrimination is blamed.

However, there is mention of the intolerance and violence “caused” by Islam and muslims against “Kafirs”. Indeed, there seems to be endless mistreatment, but it is only aimed in one direction.

Although there have been many votes and motions over the years to ban criticism of Islam in the West, they have (for now) failed to pass a binding resolution due to free speech concerns.

4. What Does Turkey Think?

“…He underlined that the recent attacks against the Prophet Muhammad and against Islam were outright provocations that aimed to pit nations and peoples against each other. Turkey condemned all sorts of incitement to hatred and religious discrimination against Muslims and peoples of other faiths. Unfortunately, Islamophobia had become a new form of racism, like anti-Semitism, and it could no longer be tolerated “under the guise of freedom of expression”. Freedom did not mean anarchy, he stressed in that respect; instead, it meant responsibility. At the same time, he condemned the provocation and violence that followed, saying it “cannot be justified under any pretext”. Because of the alarming increase in the number of acts that defame religions, he believed the time had come to establish the denigration of all religions and their followers as a hate crime. He called for a universal policy and legal instrument that, while protecting free expression, should also ensure respect for religion and prevent intentional insults against faiths. “The solution should not be arbitrary,” he added, calling on the United Nations, in particular, to lead that effort and provide the international legal framework.”

1/ Islamophobia is apparently racism. Islam is a race?
2/ Freedom means responsibility (aka censorship)
3/ People wanting free speech are responsible for the violence that ensues?
4/ Calls to prevent insults (aka hurt feelings)
5/ UN should set the legal framework?!?!

Going through the UN archives, there are almost endless reports and meetings of Muslims claiming to be victims and demanding that their ways be respected. Noticeably absent, is anything that says Muslims must respect “other people’s” ways.

A global ban on blasphemy (criticizing Islam) is coming. It is just a matter of time.

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UN Panel On Digital Cooperation

(The UN High-Level Panel on Digital Cooperation)

(Another shot of the panel)

(Digital Cooperation)

(Internet Governance Forum, 2012, in Columbia)

(Arab Internet Governance)

(Internet Governance, Challenges & Opportunities)

(Burnaby South debate. Watch at 7:25 in video)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t_hCHQnwjW0

(Burnaby South Liberal Candidate Richard Lee supports UN regulation of internet)

1. Important Links

(1) http://www.un.org/en/digital-cooperation-panel/
(2) http://www.un.org/en/pdfs/HLP-on-Digital-Cooperation_Press-Release.pdf
(3) High Level Panel On Digital Cooperation Press-Release
(4) https://digitalcooperation.org/
(5) https://www.cepal.org/cgi-bin/getProd.asp?xml=/socinfo/noticias/noticias/4/48074/P48074.xml&xsl=/socinfo/tpl-i/p1f.xsl&base=/socinfo/tpl-i/top-bottom.xsl
(6) https://www.unescwa.org/sites/www.unescwa.org/files/events/files/program.pdf
(7) Arab Internet Governance Forum
(8) https://www.unescwa.org/sub-site/arabDIG
(9) https://www.unescwa.org/publications/internet-governance-challenges-and-opportunities-escwa-member-countries

2. Quotes From Website

Purpose
The scale, spread and speed of change brought about by digital technology is unprecedented, and the current means and levels of international cooperation are unequal to the challenge. Digital technologies make a significant contribution to the realisation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and cut uniquely across international boundaries, policy silos and professional domains. Cooperation across domains and across borders is therefore critical to realizing the full social and economic potential of digital technologies, mitigating the risks they pose, and curtailing any unintended consequences.

The High-level Panel on Digital Cooperation was convened by the UN Secretary-General to advance proposals to strengthen cooperation in the digital space among Governments, the private sector, civil society, international organizations, academia, the technical community and other relevant stakeholders.

The Panel is expected to raise awareness about the transformative impact of digital technologies across society and the economy, and contribute to the broader public debate on how to ensure a safe and inclusive digital future for all, taking into account relevant human rights norms.

A number of questions here:
1/ Is this “global cooperation” being used to advance Agenda 2030?
2/ Social potential as in what?
3/ Why strengthen cooperation? Is this a form of policing?
4/ Safe and inclusive digital future? Does this mean that opinions or ideas that don’t make people feel “safe and inclusive” will be banned?
5/ Human rights norms as in what? Censoring of ideas? Something like a global M103 (to ban criticism of Islam)?
6/ Seeing how Statistics Canada has no issue with privacy breaches, what kinds of safeguards can we expect here?

Process
The Panel will hold two in-person meetings in September 2018 and January 2019, and will meet virtually as required.
The Panel will also seek to gather the views and proposals of Member States, relevant industries, civil society and academia worldwide through a careful consultation process. It will draw expertise from expert communities across the globe through engagement at existing events, conferences and forums as well as call for contributions from the general public through virtual hubs and online participation platforms. Two regional consultations will be organized in Asia and in Africa.
The Panel will complete its deliberations and submit its final report, including actionable recommendations, within a nine-month period. The report will map trends in digital technologies, identify gaps and opportunities, and outline proposals for strengthening international cooperation in the digital space.

FAQs

Why was the Panel established?
Current means and levels of international cooperation are not commensurate with the scale and rapidity of changes brought about by digital technologies. Digital technologies cut uniquely across international boundaries. Cooperation across sectors and across borders is critical to realizing the full social and economic potential of digital technologies as well as mitigating the risks they could pose.

Why is it called High-level Panel on Digital Cooperation?
The term Digital Cooperation aims to frame discussions on digital issues in a cooperative framework; it also aims to break silos by encouraging thinking and action across domains, and build trust among various stakeholders.

What are the expected outcomes?
The Panel will submit a report that will provide a high-level independent contribution to the broader public debate on digital cooperation frameworks and support Member States in their consultations on these issues.
The report is expected to: 1) raise awareness about the transformative impact of digital technologies across society and the economy, 2) identify policy, research and information gaps as well as ways to improve interdisciplinary action on digital technologies, and 3) present concrete proposals to strengthen cooperation in the digital space in an effective and inclusive manner.
It is expected that the consultation process leading to the report will contribute to stimulating discussion among and between various stakeholder groups on how they can work together to maximize the potential of the digital transformation.

Guess what isn’t mentioned here?
Free speech, privacy.

How is this different from other panels, commissions and international forums on similar topics?
The Secretary-General welcomes the increased focus on the implications of digital technologies for our society and our economy through commissions, conferences and other forums. This signifies that the timing is ripe for the digital policy ecosystem to evolve to the next level of maturity.

The work of all these initiatives can and should be mutually reinforcing. Wherever possible, this Panel will work with other initiatives and seek to identify synergies and complementarities.

Word salad.

How is the Panel supported?
The Panel is supported by a small Secretariat funded by donor resources, and based in New York and Geneva.
How were the Panel members selected?
The Secretary-General invited 20 independent experts with a range of professional and academic backgrounds in fields related to technology and policy. All members serve in their personal capacity, not as representatives of their affiliated institutions.
The Panel’s composition represents a broad mix of disciplines and sectors, geographic, gender and age diversity in an effort to reflect the cross-boundary nature of the digital sphere. Given that young people will be disproportionately affected by the future impact of a digital society, the Panel includes several individuals under the age of 35.

Racial diversity.
Gender diversity.
Age diversity.
No mention of diversity of thought. Perhaps how some person think can be a bad idea.

Contact and More Information
Visit the dedicated website for further information, engagement opportunities and news: www.digitalcooperation.org
For updates about the Panel, follow on Twitter at @UNSGdigicoop or sign up for the mailing list.

To provide suggestions or comments, contact the High Level Panel Secretariat at: digitalcooperation [at] unops.org
Bios

3. Some Thought

To be frank, the idea that the UN is actually getting together for “digital cooperation” is downright scary. Which ones will be “enhanced” by digital cooperation?

  • UN Global Migration Compact
  • Paris Accord
  • Proposed UN Global Government
  • Agenda 21, Agenda 2030
  • Global Citizen Education Agenda
  • New Development Financing
  • Efforts to ban criticism of Islam
  • Any of the dozens of other initiatives?

Liberal Candidate for the Burnaby by-election, Richard Lee says that he supports having the UN regulate internet activity. And the UN openly supports “digital cooperation”.

Is this the next frontier?

What exactly will they cooperate on? This is disturbingly vague? Will there be “cooperation” to stifle unpopular opinions? Perhaps to censor ideas and beliefs deemed inappropriate? Will this be a way to monitor and prevent criticism of Islam?

Will this be a means to streamline continued mass migration, or to continue financing UN scams like

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Toronto Star Hit-Piece Accidently Makes Alt-Right Seem More Appealing


(Toronto Star Op-Ed from Zachary Kamel, Martin Patriquin, Alheli Picazo)


(“Ensign Hour” Podcast. Judge for yourself.)


(People’s Party Founder Maxime Bernier)

This hit-piece by the Toronto Star actually makes the Alt-Right seem very reasonable.

CLICK HERE, for the actual Toronto Star article. Here are some quotes with rebuttal

“Last Halloween, the hosts of a white nationalist podcast called The Ensign Hour discussed how to propel their ideology into the mainstream of Canadian politics. Although they pined for a “European homeland,” the co-hosts were all too aware of just how unappealing their movement remained to the political mainstream.”

As much as the multicultural crowd wants to rewrite history, Canada “was” founded and grown as a British colony, with strong French influence. As such, those powers had a very strong say in how the nation was formed. It is considered “unappealing” to point this out, since papers like the Toronto Star label truth “racist”. See the British North American Act of 1867. European roots is an actual party of Canadian identity.

“What the country’s tiny cadre of neo-Nazis and the broader alt-right movement needed was a politician who could bridge the gap between the mainstream and the far-right fringe — someone who was an unabashed supporter of “Western values,” who would clamp down on immigration and multiculturalism.

That person, they decided, was Maxime Bernier.
.
Last August, after the long-serving Conservative MP denounced Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s “extreme multiculturalism and cult of diversity,” the Ensign Hour hosts perked up. When Bernier declared “the death of political correctness in Canada” to his more than 65,000 Twitter followers, it was heard as a dog whistle. “

CLICK HERE, for a series of tweets Bernier made in August 2018. Calling for politicians to focus on what unites Canadians, rather than endlessly pandering to what makes us different is far right?

This is a bit confusing: Is Bernier a puppet of the far right? Or is Bernier an independent person who just happens to attract “far-right” views?

This is a dog whistle how exactly? And what is wrong with ending political correctness?

““This sets a precedent. This is a huge step forward. This opens the conversation for our people — the Europeans, the settler class — to give us permission to speak our minds,” said “Cracker Jack,” who later identified himself as Tyler Hall-Kuch on the show after the Star reached out to him for comment. “

So what’s the problem here? Legitimate discussion on Canadian identity and forced multiculturalism has long been silenced by the lunatic left. Cries of “racist, Nazism, white supremacy, etc…” are used whenever difficult topics such as this are brought up.

“In September, about a month after quitting the Conservative Party, Bernier founded the People’s Party of Canada. Pundits and rival politicians dismissed it as a vanity project, the product of Bernier’s bitterness after having lost the Conservative leadership to Andrew Scheer in 2017.”

I would actually agree, up to a point. There was a lot of resentment over the narrow 2017 loss, which saw allegations of phantom members casting ballots, and having those ballots destroyed before an audit could take place. Furthermore, many in the media “did” dismiss it as a vanity project.

Also worth noting is that Maxime Bernier quit over POLICY differences with Andrew Scheer and the CPC. Interestingly, Scheer himself avoids those issues and cites PERSONAL differences in the split. Watch both videos. They are night and day different.

“But in just four months, the PPC signed up more than 33,000 members and has become a thorn in the side of Scheer and the Conservative Party, which has been forced to protect its right flank on issues like immigration and identity. More importantly, the PPC now has electoral district associations in every one of the country’s 338 federal ridings. Considering the party was little more than an angry Twitter feed last fall, the speed of PPC’s rise is notable.”

This is actually true. The Conservative Party “has” had to protect its right flank. Seeing Bernier offer a conservative option while Scheer offered nothing has led to a big loss of support. Also true is the speed at which the People’s Party has actually been formed. Impressive considering how it was shrugged off as a lunatic fringe.

An angry Twitter feed? Am assuming this is a reference to Maclean’s writer Paul Wells commenting that Bernier’s followers “consisted of the stupidest people on Twitter”.

“But that public rejection seems to have done little to deter his alt-right supporters. The co-hosts of the Ensign Hour and others have called on members of the alt-right to infiltrate the PPC, whether the party is willing or not. As the extreme right has done elsewhere, they hope to move an adolescent political party, bit by bit, toward the political extreme, and thereby bring the political extreme toward the mainstream.”

The authors seem to conflate those wanting an all white ethno-state, with those concerned with the direction that mass migration and forced multiculturalism is leading towards. Promoting multiple identities eventually leads to parallel societies. Often, it leads to balkanization and eventual breakup of a country.

Quebec’s 1980 and 1995 sovereignty referendum were largely about protecting its own language and culture (which are forms of ethno-nationalism), but leftists don’t ever point that out. Furthermore, what 2 people choose to say on their own podcast is “their” choice.

Check out the list of 11 items in the box at the top of the article. These are the kinds of initiatives that crop up when globalism starts to creep in and nationalism is condemned. Globalism “has” creeped in at every level in Canada, but that rarely gets mentioned.

Nicola Hanson, who until recently served as the party’s Ontario organizer, disparaged Islam and Muslims in Twitter posts. “Islam is not Canadian. Canada was founded by Christianity. They do not assimilate because they don’t want to. They want to take Canada and every non Muslim country and kill non converters,” she tweeted in December 2017.

Seriously, what is untruthful here?
1/ Canada “was” founded as a Christian nation
2/ Muslims “don’t assimilate, and make endless demands.
Here demanding crosses be removed.
Here, demanding prayer rooms.
Here, demanding segregated swim times.
Here, demanding special rights to face coverings.
Here, demanding segregated lunch times.
These are just a handful. A quick search will reveal thousands more
3/ Muslims “do” want to take over.
See here, see Belgium, see Spain, see Ontario.

“Some in the alt-right see an opportunity in Bernier’s statements about immigration and multiculturalism and hope he may one day be in a position to make anti-immigration policies a reality.”

So is having concerns about immigration and multiculturalism wrong?

“The alt-right is a loose movement of white nationalists, white supremacists and neo-Nazis, self-styled militias and anti-government extremists; anti-immigration, closed-border activists and anti-Muslim fanatics; conspiracists, culture warriors, men’s rights activists, anti-feminists and societal traditionalists.”

A lot to unpack here
1/ So which is it? Is this a loose fractious movement, or is it working towards common goals?
2/ What is wrong with having societal traditions? How does a nation exist without them?
3/ Related to #2, what is wrong with having and maintaining a national culture? Lefties crow about minorities getting cultural rights, but what about there being a dominant culture? You don’t have a nation without it, just balkanization.
4/ Men’s rights activists are sneered at, but don’t you support equality? What exactly is so repulsive about this group? What in their agenda is so bad?
5/ Anti-feminists? Interesting to bring them up, since modern feminism is anti-men. It also promotes free endless abortion, and rails about the non-existent pay gap.
6/ Culture warriors? Again, what is wrong with preserving your culture? Or should it be abandoned in favour of accommodation “every other” culture?
7/ Conspiracists? Read the list of 11 points above. Not really a conspiracy theory when the UN is openly pushing this globalist, anti-national agenda.
8/ Anti Muslim fanatics? So reporting anti-Islam hoaxes? Reporting Islamic violence? Media covering up coordinated Islamic violence?
9/ Anti-immigration? This often cited poll says 1/2 of Canadians want less immigration.
10/ Anti-government extremists? Wanting new options to vote for, or rejecting “traditional” parties is not anti-government. Anti-establishment, yes.
11/ Neo-nazi? I don’t suppose you could name any, or even give an approximate figure?
11/ White nationalist? Okay, to play devil’s advocate here: given how rampant ethnic and cultural pandering are among “minorities” is it any wonder that some white may now do the same? Reap what you sow.

“This restive and fractious bunch share the cause of self-preservation — namely, of Western (read: white) heritage, culture and demographics. They seek a return to “traditional” gender roles and the protection of this culture, which is invariably under attack by a host of alleged enemies: progressive politicians, leftist groups, successive waves of immigration, along with religious and sexual minorities.”

Let’s clear something up:
Those pushing for a greater unity, ETHNO-NATIONALIST, argue that who the people are matters, be it: heritage, culture, common language, traditions, way of life, and often ancestry/ethnicity, are the necessary elements for a cohesive society. EN is commonly thought to be a racial supremacist ideology, but that just isn’t the case.

Those pushing for greater freedom and individuality, CIVIC NATIONALIST, are much more likely to believe in the multicultural way of life. The cohesive unity that ethno-nationalists stress is not nearly as important as more abstract beliefs such as freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of association, and acceptance rather than assimilation of newcomers.

1/ Ethno-nationalists push for a cohesive society, whereas civic nationalist want a freer society. They have very different goals.
2/ The article is surprisingly accurate about describing ethno-nationalism, but acts as if it is a bad thing.
3/ Progressive politicians “are” enemies. They let the culture go to hell in the name of appealing to everyone.
4/ Leftists groups (like the Toronto Star) lie and smear all the time.
5/ Mass immigration “does” change the fabric of society, especially when we are told to be “tolerant”, rather than newcomers to assimilate.
6/ Few people take issue with Buddhists or Pastafarians. The big problem is Islam, and having its ideology forced on other nations.
7/ Few people have a problem with LGBTQ people living their lives. It is pushing that agenda on young children and publicly forcing the issues on people that cause backlash.

“The alt-right found its stride with the election of Donald Trump, glomming onto the removal of Confederate statues in the southern United States as an example of widespread anti-white enmity. But although it had certain successes in broadening its appeal, the alt-right largely remained a street-level phenomenon, albeit one with a prolific online presence. “

Trump’s “America First” policy resonated with many Americans. However, you conflate putting your country first with open racism.

“The alt-right’s attempts to infiltrate mainstream politics is neither surprising nor particularly novel. The Ku Klux Klan did as much in the 1920s by soft-pedalling its violent past and eschewing the anti-Black rhetoric that had come to define the group. Instead, it blamed the “new” wave of immigration to the U.S. — Jews and Catholics from Europe, for the most part — for a host of perceived social ailments.

As with the Klan before them, today’s alt-right sees its future not on the street but within the corridors of power. “White supremacists had become savvy at outwardly masking their real beliefs and intentions while most wrote them off as political innocuous wackos. Having bided their time, they are re-emerging to try and capitalize on a racially recharged political climate,” wrote American sociologists Robert Futrell and Peter Simi in 2017 in the journal Contexts.”

What is left out of the article is that the KKK is a LEFT-WING organization. It started about 100 years ago as the military wing of the Democratic Party in the USA. The article also omits BLM (Black Lives Matter), another leftwing group which blames whites for all their problems.

““It’s going to be essential to the extreme right movement to continue to develop what they perceive as legitimate messaging so they can attract people into the movement that would otherwise be put off by violent force.””

Who is the extreme right? People who want their cultures, customs, language and traditions kept intact? As seen above, progressives rail against very reasonable interests of nationalists: protecting their nations.

“Yet the apparent PR push, not to mention Desveaux’s gentle reminder, has sometimes been undermined by Bernier himself. He regularly uses language favoured by the alt-right, calling Trudeau a “hypocritical virtue signaller” and denouncing feminism as “a radical left-wing ideology” like “cultural Marxism.”

Bernier’s shift to identity politics has left some of his former supporters aghast — including at least one of the advisers who worked on his Conservative leadership campaign in 2017. “For a long time a lot of us were sympathetic to Max … We went to work for the guy. We wanted him to win more than anything,” said a former member of Bernier’s leadership team, who didn’t want to be identified for fear of being targeted by Bernier’s supporters.”

Trudeau “does” go out of his way to virtue signal at every turn.
Feminism and cultural Marxism “are” radical ideologies.

““Bernier is essentially a libertarian, except that he knows that if you say you’re a libertarian you get about half a per cent of the votes, so he has to find legitimacy elsewhere,” said Quebec-based conservative pundit Jeff Plante. “It’s normal that the conservative movement would attract the anti-mass-immigration vote in the country. The problem is that Bernier isn’t legit in this. He has no past in it. It’s like he’s throwing ideas around to see what sticks.”

Logically, if you are a Libertarian, you would want little to no immigration. Your small-government ideology is threatened by importing large numbers of people who can eventually outvote you and demands bigger government.

So-called “conservatives” don’t actually conserve anything
A/ They are totally neutral on social issues
B/ They support mass immigration.
C/ They don’t see open borders as a big problem.
D/ They don’t see Canadian culture as worth protecting.
E/ They don’t see Canada’s European heritage as worth protecting.
F/ They don’t see Canada’s Christian roots as worth protecting.
G/ They don’t see the English language as worth protecting.
H/ They don’t see infant life as worth protecting.
I/ They don’t see greenspace or nature as worth protecting.
J/ They don’t see demographics as worth protecting.
K/ They don’t see the economic viability as worth protecting (huge debts).
L/ They don’t see free enterprise as worth protecting.
M/ They don’t see free speech as worth protecting.
N/ They don’t see true democracy as worth protecting.
O/ They don’t see our education as worth protecting.

But, hey, as long as Conservatives are “tolerant”, it’s okay.

“But if he is using identity politics to expand the constituency for the libertarian ideas he has long touted, he is playing a dangerous game, says Daniel Béland, director of the McGill Institute for the Study of Canada.

“[Bernier] would be aware that this kind of rhetoric could attract people who listen to some of the Hitler rhetoric [and] who are associated with the far right. It’s hard to imagine that he would be unaware of the ramifications of these comments,” Beland said. “Simply saying he’s against racism while at the same time attracting these people is … problematic and might turn against him over the next few months if it gets out of control.”

If you followed Bernier for any length of time, he “calls out” identity politics a lot. Important distinction that gets lost. And way to be taken seriously — just drop in the Hitler references.

“For their part, the Ensign Hour hosts have pleaded with Bernier to “drop the libertarian stuff,” as Hall-Kuch put it in a recent podcast, urging him instead to continue his criticism of immigration and multiculturalism.

“The reason why this party received any attention at all was because of its stance on immigration specifically. There was overtures to libertarian economic theory and models and ending supply management. But most people would agree that the reason why they care is because this new party’s alleged stance on immigration,” Garcia said on an Ensign Hour podcast in October.”

This is actually a valid criticism of Libertarianism: that they value “my freedom” over all else. The Nationalism point of view is that the society itself if what needs to be protected. See the above A-O list. It would be nice to see a leader address more of these issues.

This article is such nonsense that the first reaction is to write it off as a trolling piece. However, it seems the authors actually mean it.

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Canada’s Bill C-69: Impact Assessment, Energy Regulation, Navigation Protection Acts

(Canada’s Bill C-69)

(Apparently, science is “Colonial”, in S. Africa anyway)

(Science is so racist, apparently)

(One of the few times “White” science is good)

CLICK HERE, for the bill in its latest form, which is currently undergoing 3rd reading in House of Commons.

CLICK HERE, for 2012 version of Environmental Assessment Act.
CLICK HERE, for the 1985 Navigation Protection Act.
CLICK HERE, for Energy Regulator Handbook.

SUMMARY HERE
If nothing else, take these points away:

-Regulators have wide discretion to shut everything down
-Regulators have wide discretion to hand out fines and penalties
-Gender based analysis is lens which projects to be viewed though
-Indigenous rights ensure that any project can be stopped almost at will
-Advisory Board must include (a) FN; (b) Inuit; (c) Metis
-“White Science” and “Indigenous Knowledge” to both be considered
-“Indigenous Knowledge” is confidential, unless common knowledge
-“Indigenous Knowledge” given to regulator is private unless public interest to disclose.
-“Indigenous Knowledge” is some secret sauce that can shut down projects, but must be kept confidential to protect …. something.
-Special Tribunal can be set up for compensation in pipeline spills

THIS CAN BE CHALLENGED IN FEDERAL COURT

Federal Court

Appeal to Federal Court

138 The Minister or any person or entity to whom an order, as confirmed or varied by a review officer, is directed may, by filing a written notice of appeal within 30 days after the day on which the written reasons are provided by the review officer under section 135, appeal to the Federal Court from the review officer’s decision.

Order not suspended

139 The filing of a notice of appeal under section 138 does not suspend the operation of an order, as confirmed or varied by a review officer.

Injunctions

Court’s power

140 (1) If, on the Minister’s application, it appears to a court of competent jurisdiction that a person or entity has done, is about to do or is likely to do any act constituting or directed toward the commission of an offence under this Act, the court may issue an injunction ordering the person or entity who is named in the application to
(a) refrain from doing an act that, in the court’s opinion, may constitute or be directed toward the commission of the offence; or
(b) do an act that, in the court’s opinion, may prevent the commission of the offence.

Notice

(2) No injunction is to be issued under subsection (1) unless 48 hours’ notice is served on the party or parties who are named in the application or unless the urgency of the situation is such that service of notice would not be in the public interest.

*****************************************

Judicial Review

Grounds

170 Subject to section 168, every decision of a Tribunal is final and conclusive and is not to be questioned or reviewed in any court except in accordance with the Federal Courts Act on the grounds referred to in paragraph 18.‍1(4)‍(a), (b) or (e) of that Act.

Good to know…. this may come in handy later.

Also, there is a section on discrimination. Of course, with this government, no legislation would be complete without it. However, the terms here seem to suggest more of a “price fixing” nature than actual discrimination. Read for yourself.

Discrimination

No unjust discrimination

235 A company must not make any unjust discrimination in tolls, service or facilities against any person or locality.

Burden of proof

236 If it is shown that a company makes any discrimination in tolls, service or facilities against any person or locality, the burden of proving that the discrimination is not unjust lies on the company.

Prohibition

237 (1) A company or shipper, or an officer, employee or agent or mandatary of a company or shipper, is guilty of an offence punishable on summary conviction if they
(a) offer, grant, give, solicit, accept or receive a rebate, concession or discrimination that allows a person to obtain transmission of hydrocarbons or any other commodity by a company at a rate less than that named in the tariffs then in effect; or
(b) knowingly are party or privy to a false billing, false classification, false report or other device that has the effect set out in paragraph (a).

Due diligence

(2) A person is not to be found guilty of an offence under paragraph (1)‍(a) if they establish that they exercised due diligence to prevent the commission of the offence.

Prosecution

(3) No prosecution may be instituted for an offence under this section without leave of the Commission.

Introduction To The Bill
Preamble
Whereas the Government of Canada is committed to implementing an impact assessment and regulatory system that Canadians trust and that provides safeguards to protect the environment and the health and safety of Canadians;

Whereas the Government of Canada is committed to enhancing Canada’s global competitiveness by building a system that enables decisions to be made in a predictable and timely manner, providing certainty to investors and stakeholders, driving innovation and enabling the carrying out of sound projects that create jobs for Canadians;

Whereas the Government of Canada is committed to achieving reconciliation with First Nations, the Métis and the Inuit through renewed nation-to-nation, government-to-government and Inuit-Crown relationships based on recognition of rights, respect, co-operation and partnership;

Whereas the Government of Canada is committed to using transparent processes that are built on early engagement and inclusive participation and under which the best available scientific information and data and the Indigenous knowledge of the Indigen­ous peoples of Canada are taken into account in decision-making;

And whereas the Government of Canada is committed to assessing how groups of women, men and gender-diverse people may experience policies, programs and projects and to taking actions that contribute to an inclusive and democratic society and allow all Canadians to participate fully in all spheres of their lives;

Now, therefore, Her Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate and House of Commons of Canada, enacts as follows:

1/ Safeguards to protect the environment, and H&S of Canadians? Okay, few could disagree with that.
2/ Promoting competitiveness sounds great, if that is what the Bill does.
3/ Committed to reconciliation? Okay, here is where we start to have issues. Will development be blocked or rerouted in the name of “reconciliation”? Or will there be extra “taxes” attached?
4/ Inclusive participation? Isn’t that redundant? And best scientific information and data “and” the Indigenous knowledge of the Indigenous peoples are taken into account?

*** So is there Indigenous knowledge and non-Indigenous science and data? See the above video on “decolonizing science”

5/ Committed to assessing how groups of women, men and gender-diverse people may experience things? Okay, back to the gender obsession. And is “gender diverse” a reference to trannies, or just mixed men/women?
6/ I thought this was a science based approach. Now it’s being infiltrated by (a) Indigenous knowledge and (b) Gender politics.

Okay, now we get to “another” preamble,

PART 1 

Impact Assessment Act

Enactment of Act

Enactment

1 The Impact Assessment Act, whose Schedules 1 to 4 are set out in the schedule to this Act, is enacted as follows:

An Act respecting a federal process for impact assessments and the prevention of significant adverse environmental effects

Preamble
Whereas the Government of Canada is committed to fostering sustainability;

Whereas the Government of Canada recognizes that impact assessments provide an effective means of integrating scientific information and Indigenous knowledge into decision-making processes related to designated projects;

Whereas the Government of Canada recognizes the importance of public participation in the impact assessment process, including the planning phase, and is committed to providing Canadians with the opportunity to participate in that process and with the information they need in order to be able to participate in a meaningful way;

Whereas the Government of Canada recognizes that the public should have access to the reasons on which decisions related to impact assessments are based;

Whereas the Government of Canada is committed, in the course of exercising its powers and performing its duties and functions in relation to impact, regional and strategic assessments, to ensuring respect for the rights of the Indigenous peoples of Canada recognized and affirmed by section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, and to fostering reconciliation and working in partnership with them;

Whereas the Government of Canada is committed to implementing the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples;

Whereas the Government of Canada recognizes the importance of cooperating with jurisdictions that have powers, duties and functions in relation to the assessment of the effects of designated projects in order that impact assessments may be conducted more efficiently;

Whereas the Government of Canada recognizes that a transparent, efficient and timely decision-making process contributes to a positive investment climate in Canada;

Whereas the Government of Canada recognizes that impact assessment contributes to Canada’s ability to meet its environmental obligations and its commitments in respect of climate change;

Whereas the Government of Canada recognizes the importance of encouraging innovative approaches and technologies to reduce adverse changes to the environment and to health, social or economic conditions;

And whereas the Government of Canada recognizes the importance of regional assessments in understanding the effects of existing or future physical activities and the importance of strategic assessments in assessing federal policies, plans or programs that are relevant to conducting impact assessments;

Now, therefore, Her Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate and House of Commons of Canada, enacts as follows:

1/ The Government of Canada is committed to sustainability? Okay, sounds nice, but that can get very expensive. See Agenda 21, signed in 1992 by Brian Mulroney, and Agenda 2030, signed in 2015 by Stephen Harper. Interestingly, Mulroney and Harper both “identify” as Conservatives.
2/ Integrating scientific information and Indigenous knowledge? Again, is there a separate set of scientific principles depending on skin colour or ethnicity? Science is so racist.
3/ Committed to public participation, yet this is an omnibus bill rammed though parliament
4/ Fostering reconciliation and inclusion? So will protests be shutting down any projects? Will “payments” be demanded?
5/ You support UN Declaration on Indigenous Rights? Okay, that agreement means that virtually any work can be shut down at any time, for any reason.
6/ Meet it’s international efforts regarding climate change? Silly me, thinking Paris Accord was “non-binding”

Note: There is a preamble for the Energy Regulator Act, and it’s wording is almost identical.

Rights of Indigenous peoples of Canada

3 For greater certainty, nothing in this Act is to be construed as abrogating or derogating from the protection provided for the rights of the Indigenous peoples of Canada by the recognition and affirmation of those rights in section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982.

Again, any project can be shut down on a whim.

Purpose

Purpose of Act

6 The purpose of this Act is to regulate certain energy matters within Parliament’s jurisdiction and, in particular,

(a) to ensure that pipelines and power lines as well as facilities, equipment or systems related to offshore renewable energy projects, are constructed, operated and abandoned in a manner that is safe, secure and efficient and that protects people, property and the environment;
(b) to ensure that the exploration for and exploitation of oil and gas, as defined in section 2 of the Canada Oil and Gas Operations Act, is carried out in a manner that is safe and secure and that protects people, property and the environment;
(c) to regulate trade in energy products; and
(d) to ensure that regulatory hearings and decision-making processes related to those energy matters are fair, inclusive, transparent and efficient.

(a) No problem with this.
(b) No problem with this.
(c) Stop. Government shouldn’t be regulating trade. It just makes things more expensive.
(d) Make decisions that are inclusive? Getting back into the gender politics again?

Mandate

11 The Regulator’s mandate includes

(a) making transparent decisions, orders and recommendations with respect to pipelines, power lines, offshore renewable energy projects and abandoned pipelines;
(b) overseeing the construction, operation and abandonment of pipelines, interprovincial power lines and international power lines and overseeing work and activities authorized under Part 5 as well as abandoned facilities;

(c) making orders with respect to traffic, tolls and tariffs and overseeing matters relating to traffic, tolls and tariffs;
(d) making decisions and orders and giving directions under Part 8 with respect to oil and gas interests, production and conservation;

(e) advising and reporting on energy matters;
(f) providing alternative dispute resolution processes;

(g) exercising powers and performing duties and functions that are conferred on the Regulator under any other Act of Parliament; and
(h) exercising its powers and performing its duties and functions in a manner that respects the Government of Canada’s commitments with respect to the rights of the Indigenous peoples of Canada.

On the surface, this doesn’t look objectionable. However, it is unclear just how much authority the Energy Regulator will have to make unilateral decisions.

Board of Directors

Establishment and composition

14 (1) The Regulator is to have a board of directors consisting of at least five but not more than nine directors, including a Chairperson and a Vice-Chairperson.

Indigenous representation

(2) At least one of the directors must be an Indigenous person.

Of course, it wouldn’t be a Liberal bill without a racial or gender quota.

Matters of law and fact

(3) For the purposes of this Act, the Commission has full jurisdiction to hear and determine all matters, whether of law or of fact.

Power to act on own initiative

33 The Commission may on its own initiative inquire into, hear and determine any matter that under this Act it may inquire into, hear and determine.

Orders and prohibitions

34 The Commission may
(a) order any person to do, immediately or within or at any specified time and in any specified manner, anything that the person is or may be required to do under this Act, under a condition of a document of authorization, or under any order made or direction given by the Commission or a designated officer under this Act; and

(b) prohibit the doing or continuing of anything that is contrary to this Act, to a condition of the document of authorization or to the order or direction.

Okay, now we are getting into some actual enforcement. However it is unclear what all these added levels of bureaucracy will actually accomplish. It just seems to slow things down.

Wasn’t part of this bill to ensure speedy startup and process?

Exercise of Commission’s Powers and Performance of Its Duties and Functions by Designated Officers

Regulations

54 The Governor in Council may make regulations that specify
(a) powers, duties and functions of the Commission that are technical or administrative in nature and may be exercised or performed by designated officers;
(b) any circumstances in which those powers are to be exercised and those duties and functions are to be performed only by designated officers; and
(c) the procedures and practices that apply to the exercise of those powers and the performance of those duties and functions by designated officers.

Good in a way, delegate matters the powers at hand don’t understand to underlings who would know more.
Also a bit concerning. There is no requirement to actually have any education, experience or training in the industry. Wouldn’t this invite mistake from incompetent, politically driven leaders?

Rights and Interests of the Indigenous Peoples of Canada

Duty to consider — Commission

56 (1) When making a decision, an order or a recommendation under this Act, the Commission must consider any adverse effects that the decision, order or recommendation may have on the rights of the Indigenous peoples of Canada recognized and affirmed by section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982.

Duty to consider — designated officers

(2) When making a decision or an order under this Act, a designated officer must consider any adverse effects that the decision or order may have on the rights of the Indigenous peoples of Canada recognized and affirmed by section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982.

Advisory committee

57 (1) The Regulator must establish an advisory committee for the purpose of enhancing the involvement, under Part 2, of the Indigenous peoples of Canada and Indigenous organizations in respect of pipelines, power lines and offshore renewable energy projects as well as abandoned pipelines.

Membership

(2) The membership of the advisory committee must include at least
(a) one person recommended by an Indigenous organization that represents the interests of First Nations;
(b) one person recommended by an Indigenous organization that represents the interests of the Inuit; and
(c) one person recommended by an Indigenous organization that represents the interests of the Métis.

Confidentiality — Indigenous knowledge

58 (1) Any Indigenous knowledge that is provided in confidence to the Regulator under this Act or any other Act of Parliament that confers powers, duties or functions on the Regulator is confidential and must not knowingly be, or be permitted to be, disclosed without written consent.

Exception

(2) Despite subsection (1), the Indigenous knowledge referred to in that subsection may be disclosed if
(a) it is publicly available;
(b) the disclosure is necessary for the purposes of procedural fairness and natural justice or for use in legal proceedings; or
(c) the disclosure is authorized in the circumstances set out in the regulations made under section 59.

Consultation

(2.‍1) Before disclosing Indigenous knowledge under paragraph 2(b) for the purposes of procedural fairness and natural justice, the Regulator must consult the person or entity who provided the Indigenous knowledge and the person or entity to whom it is proposed to be disclosed about the scope of the proposed disclosure and potential conditions under subsection (3).

Further disclosure

(3) The Regulator may, having regard to the consultation referred to in subsection (2.‍1), impose conditions with respect to the disclosure of Indigenous knowledge by any person or entity to whom it is disclosed under paragraph (2)‍(b) for the purposes of procedural fairness and natural justice.

Duty to comply

(4) The person or entity referred to in subsection (3) must comply with any conditions imposed by the Regulator under that subsection.

Protection from civil proceeding or prosecution

(5) Despite any other Act of Parliament, no civil or criminal proceedings lie against the Regulator or the Minister — or any person acting on behalf of, or under the direction of, either of them — and no proceedings lie against the Crown or the Regulator, for the disclosure in good faith of any Indigenous knowledge under this Act or any other Act of Parliament that confers powers, duties or functions on the Regulator or for any consequences that flow from that disclosure.

Regulations

59 The Governor in Council may make regulations prescribing the circumstances in which Indigenous knowledge that is provided to the Regulator under this Act in confidence may be disclosed without written consent.
Once again, this seems designed to fail.

1/ If any indigenous person or group can shut down an entire project, or at least delay it for years, development will come to a standstill.
2/ Duty to consult: Again sounds nice, but written in such a way as to ensure nothing gets through.
3/ Committee must include:
(a) First Nations
(b) Inuit
(c) Metis
So not only is there “one” representative, but there are to be “three” each from different groups.
4/ Indigenous Knowledge provided to regulator is confidential.
What? So it cannot be challenged if we don’t know what it is.
5/ Before “disclosing Indigenous Knowledge”, the Regulator must discuss with person who provided it.
6/ No punishment for disclosing “Indigenous Knowledge” if it was done in good faith? Great, but if this knowledge is so powerful, why “wouldn’t” we want to share it
7/ So where is all this transparency, if “Indigenous Knowledge” is kept secret?

Public Engagement

Public engagement

74 The Regulator must establish processes that the Regulator considers appropriate to engage meaningfully with the public — and, in particular, the Indigenous peoples of Canada and Indigenous organizations — when public hearings are held under section 52 or subsection 241(3).

Participant funding program

75 For the purposes of this Act, the Regulator must establish a participant funding program to facilitate the participation of the public — and, in particular, the Indigenous peoples of Canada and Indigenous organizations — in public hearings under section 52 or subsection 241(3) and any steps leading to those hearings.

Public hearings are good, but the incessant pandering to Indigenous groups gets tiring.

Regulation of Construction, Operation and Abandonment

Orders

95 (1) To promote the safety and security of the operation of a regulated facility, the Commission may, by order, direct the holder to repair, reconstruct or alter part of the regulated facility and direct that, until the work is done, that part of the regulated facility not be used or be used in accordance with any conditions specified by the Commission.

Other measures

(2) The Commission may, by order, direct any of the following persons or bodies to take measures in respect of a regulated facility, an abandoned facility or any work or activity authorized under Part 5 that the Commission considers necessary for the safety and security of persons, the safety and security of the regulated facility or abandoned facility or the protection of property or the environment:

(a) an Indigenous governing body;
(b) the holder or any other person;
(c) the federal government or a federal Crown corporation;
(d) a provincial government or a provincial Crown corporation;
(e) a local authority.

This sounds nice, but in practice, anyone on the list can start making demands and delay or shut down any major project. Again, pandering to Indigenous bodies.

Offence and punishment — duty to assist and orders

112 (1) Every person who contravenes subsection 103(4) or fails to comply with an order under section 109 is guilty of an offence and is liable
(a) on conviction on indictment, to a fine of not more than $1,000,000 or to imprisonment for a term of not more than five years or to both; or
(b) on summary conviction, to a fine of not more than $100,000 or to imprisonment for a term of not more than one year or to both.

Defence — no notice

(2) A person must not be found guilty of an offence for failing to comply with an order under section 109 unless the person was given written notice of the order in accordance with paragraph 109(3)‍(a).

Offence and punishment — obstruction

(3) Every person who contravenes section 106 is guilty of an offence punishable on summary conviction and is liable, for a first offence, to a fine of not more than $100,000 and, for any subsequent offence, to a fine of not more than $300,000.

This is one of many references in the Bill which criminalise certain actions. If nothing else, the bill does have teeth in it.

Pipeline Claims Tribunal

Establishment

Establishment of Tribunal

143 (1) The Governor in Council may, by order, after a designation is made under subsection 141(1), establish a pipeline claims tribunal whose purpose is to examine and adjudicate, as expeditiously as the circumstances and considerations of fairness permit, the claims for compensation made under this Act in relation to the release that occurred from the designated company’s pipeline and specify the location of its head office.

Reasons

(2) However, the Governor in Council may establish a pipeline claims tribunal only if, having regard to the extent of the compensable damage caused by the release, the estimated cost of paying compensation in respect of that damage and the advantages of having claims dealt with by an administrative tribunal, the Governor in Council considers it in the public interest to do so.

Claims treated equitably

(3) A Tribunal must exercise its powers and perform its duties and functions with respect to claims for compensation in an equitable manner, without discrimination on the basis of nationality or residence.

Now adding even more bureaucracy. The Governor in Council may establish a tribunal to specifically rule on pipeline compensation.

This bill goes on and on. Feel free to read the entire document

But the main take away is that it creates more and more levels of bureaucracy for any sort of development projects, such as pipelines. The only plausible explanation is that the Bill seems designed to prevent anything from getting off the ground.

Posted on

A World Parliament by Jo Leinen & Andreas Bummel

(A World Parliament by Jo Leinen & Andreas Bummel)

(1) https://www.democracywithoutborders.org/files/BookContents.pdf
(2) https://canucklaw.ca/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/democracy.without.borders.pdf
(3) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Andreas_Bummel
(4) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jo_Leinen

What is it with Germans wanting to take over the world?

THIS ARTICLE, and THIS ARTICLE may help shed some light on things.

CLICK HERE, for the German version of the book. Google translate or some similar service should be helpful to you non-speakers.

This is not my usual format, but this may be necessary for a glimpse into the mind of someone who can support a “world” parliament.

OUTLINE OF THE BOOK
Detailed Contents
Introduction ……………………………………………………………………. 1

PART I The idea of a world parliament: its history and pioneers
6
1. From the Stoics to Kant: cosmopolitanism, natural law, and the idea of a contract
8 Cosmopolitanism in ancient Greece
8—Cosmopolitan roots in India and China
9— Vitoria’s ‘republic of the whole world’
10—Conceptions of peace under ‘the sovereign power of the state’
12—The idea of the social contract in Hobbes and Locke
13—The social contract and Wolff’s ‘Völkerstaat’ 16—Kant’s cosmopolitan project
17 2. The 18th century: enlightenment, revolutions, and parliamentarism …..
20 The American federal state and representative democracy
20—The historical roots of parliamentarism
22—Cosmopolitanism in the French Revolution
24—Cloots’ ‘republic of humanity’
25—The end of cosmopolitanism
26 3. From Vienna to The Hague: the dynamics of integration and the inter-parliamentary movement
27 Sartorius’ ‘peoples’ republic’
27—Pecqueur’s concept of worldwide integration
28— Pecqueur’s world federation and world parliament
29—Tennyson’s ‘Parliament of Man’
31—The long struggle to extend the right to vote
32—The birth of the inter-parliamentary movement
33—The establishment of the IPU
34—The Hague Peace Conferences as a catalyst
35—Internationalism in the USA
36—An initiative at the IPU
37— Arguments emerging out of the German peace movement
39 4. World War and the League of Nations
42 The programme of the ‘Round Table’ group
42—The theory of sociocultural evolution and a world federation
43—A world parliament on the Versailles agenda
44—The ‘German Plan’ for the constitution of the League
46—Disappointment over the League of Nations
46 5. The Second World War and the atomic bomb: World Federalism in the early days of the UN
50 Federalism under pressure from fascism
50—The growth of world federalism
51— Planning the post-war order
53—Fundamental criticism of the UN, and the shock of Detailed Contents ix the atom bomb
54—Prominent support for a federal world order
55—Reves’ critique of democracy, the nation state and sovereignty
56—Albert Einstein and Albert Camus as advocates
57—The position of the Catholic Church
58—The British initiative of Nov. 1945
59—The issue of a Charter review conference
60—The foundation of the Council of Europe
62—Sohn’s proposal for a parliamentary assembly at the UN
62—Models for a world constitution
63—The Clark and Sohn model
64—CURE’s deliberations and conclusions
65—Parliamentary cooperation for a world federation
66 6. Bloc confrontation and the rise of the NGOs
68 World federalism caught between the fronts in the Cold War
68—The federalist movement and the founding of NATO
68—The declining popularity of world federalism and a world parliament
69—The World Order Models Project
71—The growing importance of NGOs
71—The idea of a ‘second chamber’
73—The issue of weighted voting in the UN General Assembly
74—Bertrand’s report
75— Perestroika and Gorbachev’s initiative
76 7. The end of the Cold War: the democratization wave, and the revitalization of the debate
79 The democratization wave
79—The revitalization of the debate
80—A UN parliamentary assembly as a strategic concept
81—Support for a world parliament and a UNPA
82— The report by the Commission on Global Governance
85—The report by the World Commission on Culture and Development
87 8. Democracy in the era of globalization
88 Globalization and the nation state
88—The theory of ‘cosmopolitan democracy’
90— The Falk and Strauss essays
93—A community of the democracies?
94— Höffe’s federal world republic
95—The call for a WTO parliament and the role of the IPU
97—Other initiatives towards a world parliament and a UNPA
98 9. The ‘War on Terror’, the role of the IPU, and the Campaign for a UN Parliamentary Assembly
102 The ban on landmines, the International Criminal Court and the World Social Forum
102—New contributions on the idea of a global parliament
103—The Lucknow conferences
104—9/11 and global democracy
105—The report by the German Bundestag‘s Enquete Commission
106—The report by the World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization
107—The Ubuntu Forum campaign
108—The Cardoso panel report
108—Growing support for a UNPA
111—The international campaign for a UNPA
114—Calls for a UNPA since 2007
117—The third World Conference of Speakers of Parliament
120—The European Parliament Resolution of 2011
121—The de Zayas recommendations
123—Later developments
124—The report by the Albright-Gambari Commission
126—The election of Trump and ongoing efforts 127

x A WORLD PARLIAMENT PART II Governance and democracy in the 21st century
129
10. The Anthropocene, planetary boundaries, and the tragedy of the commons
132 The era of humankind
132—Earth system boundaries
133—The problem of voluntarism
135—The ‘tragedy of the commons’
137—The management of global common goods
139—The problem of the generations
140—Global majority decision-making
141— The tragedy of international law
143 11. Overshoot, the ‘Great Transformation’, and a global eco-social market economy
144 Overshoot and ecological footprint
144—The end of the Utopia of growth
145—The challenge of global eco-social development
146—‘Political barriers’ as the main obstacle to transformation
147—The process of state formation and the rise of the market economy
148—The ‘double movement’ between market fundamentalism and state interventionism
149—A global eco-social market economy
150 12. Turbo-capitalism, the financial crisis, and countering global deregulation
153 The relevance of the ‘double movement’ and the emancipation question
153—The financial crisis and the continuing systemic risk
154—State intervention to stabilize the financial system
156—The financial system as a ‘priority global public good’
157—The anarchic system of international law
158—Liberalism, Laissez-faire and the question of a world state
159—The global race to deregulate
160—The key role of tax havens and anonymous shell companies
161—The hidden trillions
164—Global state formation as the goal of the counter-movement
165 13. A world currency, global taxation, and fiscal federalism
167 A world currency and a world central bank
167—The impact of national monetary policy and currency wars
168—Recent proposals for a world reserve currency
169—The fiscal race to the bottom
170—Uniform taxation of multinational corporations
172— Rejection by the OECD
173—Global fiscal federalism and the restitution of fiscal sovereignty
174—Ideas for global taxes
175—The management, supervision and expenditure of global tax revenues
176 14. World domestic policy, trans-sovereign problems, and complex interdependence
179 ‘Trans-sovereign problems’
179—The concept of interdependence
180—Transgovernmental networks and the merging of domestic and foreign policy
181—The evolutionary phases of the international order
183—Sovereignty and the era of ‘implosion’
184 Detailed Contents xi 15. The fragility of world civilization, existential risks, and human evolution
187 The potential for worldwide collapse
187—The Genome as part of the heritage of humankind
188—Reprogenetics
189—Transhumanism and artificial intelligence
190— Autonomous weapons systems
191—Bioterrorism, nanobots and new pathogens
193— The need for regulation under global law
194 16. The threat of nuclear weapons, disarmament, and collective security …
196 Nulcear war as ‘the end of all things’
196—The danger of nuclear war
197—The risk of nuclear accidents
198—The unfulfilled commitment to general and complete disarmament
200—The architecture of nuclear disarmament
202—The link between nuclear and conventional disarmament
204—The McCloy-Zorin Accords
206—The unrealized peace concept of the UN Charter, and UN armed forces
207—The four pillars of a world peace order
209—The role of a World Parliament
210 17. Fighting terrorism, ‘blowback’, and data protection
212 The ‘war on terror’ as an end in itself
212—The covert warfare of the USA
212—The consequences of US foreign policy and the ‘war against terror’
213—Human rights violations and the USA’s drone warfare
215—The roots of transnational terrorism and the relevance of a World Parliament
216—The global surveillance system and universal disenfranchisement
219—Global data protection legislation
221 18. A world law enforcement system, criminal prosecution, and the post-American era
223 The need for world police law and a supranational police authority
223—The failure of classical sanctions
224—A supranational police to support the ICC
225—Extending the prosecuting powers of the ICC
227—Strengthening international criminal prosecution and a World Parliament
229—Interpol and accountability
231—A World Parliament as an element of world police law
232—The role and significance of the USA
235 19. Global food security and the political economy of hunger
238 The extent of worldwide hunger and the right to adequate nutrition
238—Population growth and food production
240—The fragility of global food supply
242—Dependence on oil and phosphates
244—Hunger as a problem of political economy
244— The relevance of democracy and the international
245—Agricultural subsidies, the WTO and food security
247—Commodity markets and financial speculation
248— Food security as a global public good and the failure of the G20
249—The FAO, a World Food Board and global food reserves
250—Free trade, food security and a world peace order
252—Democratising global food policy and a World Parliament 253

xii A WORLD PARLIAMENT 20. Global water policy ………………………………………………………
256 The state of drinking water supply
256—Water security as a global concern
257—The democratic deficit in water governance and a World Parliament
259 21. The elimination of poverty, and basic social security for all
262 Poverty as a key issue
262—Extreme poverty and the right to an adequate standard of living
262—The need for a new approach to international development
265— Economic growth is not enough
266—Social security as the foundation of a planetary social contract
267—A global basic income
268—Universal access to the global commons
270—The dream of a life free from economic compulsion
270 22. Global class formation, the ‘super class’, and global inequality …………
272 The emergence of global class conflicts and the role of the middle class
272—The global precariat
274—The concept of the Multitude
275—The super rich and global power structures
277—The transnational capitalist class
279—A transnational state apparatus 280—The interconnections between transnational corporations
281—The need for a global antitrust authority
282—Global inequality and instability
284— Inequality as the cause of the financial crisis
285—The growth of capital investments and a global tax on capital
286—The need for global public policy instruments and a World Parliament
287—A new global class compromise
289 23. The debate on world government, the age of entropy, and federalism .
290 The global elite and the question of a world government
290—The spectre of a global Leviathan
292—Hierarchical order and complexity
294—Different types of hierarchies
294—The principle of subsidiarity
295—The fragmentation of global governance and international law
296—Coherent world law and a World Parliament
298— The bewildering world order and the ‘age of entropy’
298—The entropic decline of world civilization?
300—World federalism as a means of reducing complexity
301—A world state as a taboo topic
302—The teetering paradigm of intergovernmentalism
303— The standard reactionary arguments
305 24. The third democratic transformation and the global democratic deficit
307 The waves of democratization
307—Economic development and democracy
309—The post-industrial transformation in values
310—Democracy as a universal value
312— The right to democracy
313—The undermining of democracy by intergovernmentalism
315—The influence of transnational corporations
317—The example of the Codex Commission
317—Fragmentation as a problem of democracy
319—The dilemma of scale
320—The concept of a chain of legitimation
320—Output legitimation
321— Accountability to the world’s citizens
323—Equality and representation in international law and world law
324—The third democratic transformation
326— International parliamentary institutions
328 Detailed Contents xiii 25. The development of a planetary consciousness, and a new global enlightenment
330 War and socio-political evolution
331—The decline of violence
333—The development of reason, empathy, and morality
333—The origin of morality in group selection
336— In-group morality and humanity’s crisis of adolescence
337—Sociogenesis and psychogenesis
340—The widening circle of empathy
340—The transition to an integral consciousness
343—Group narcissm and the Promethean gap
345—The problem of cultural lag
347—Global identity and the Other
349—The ‘Overview Effect’ and a planetary worldview
351—Identity, demos, and state formation
353—The progressive attitude of the world population
357—Global history and world citizenship education
359—‘Big History’ as a modern creation story
360—The continuation of the project of modernity
362—The new global Enlightenment 365

PART III Shaping the future: the design and realization of world democracy ….
367 26. Building a world parliament .
369 The example of the European Parliament
369—The proposal for a UNPA
370—The extension of powers and responsibilities
371—Growing democratic challenges
374— The allocation of seats
376 27. Creating world law
379 International law and world law compared
379—A bicameral world legislature
381— A world constitutional court
382 28. The necessary conditions for the transformation
384 The structural conditions for institutional change
384—A cosmopolitan move- ment
386—The role of NGOs
388—A UNPA as a catalyst for change
389—Four factors
391—The stealthy revolution
391—The revolution from below
392—The revolution from above
393—The trigger
394—Anticipating and averting the horror
395— Climate-induced events
396—A democratic China
397—In the beginning 399
Index …………………………………………………………………………. 401

World currency? World bank? World parliament? World courts?
Global identity? New global enlightenment? Global antitrust authority? Global public policy instruments?
Social security as a right?
Supra-national police force?

298— The bewildering world order and the ‘age of entropy’
298—The entropic decline of world civilization?

Entropy? Isn’t that what Trudeau referred diversity as?

This is messed up

Posted on

UN Parliamentary Assembly Proposed (a.k.a Global Government)

(The globalist UN, showing its true colours once again)

(In 2007, the Canadian House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee voted to endorse the idea of the UN Parliament. Stephen Harper was Prime Minister. Self-identified “populist” Maxime Bernier would soon be the Foreign Affairs Minister, and say nothing.)

(Seriously, this was previously approved in 1993?)

(1) https://en.unpacampaign.org/proposal/
(2) http://archive.is/GMgwO
(3) https://en.unpacampaign.org/supporters/survey/
(4) http://archive.is/KpIqW
(5) https://en.unpacampaign.org/supporters/overview/?mapcountry=CA&mapgroup=mem
(6) http://archive.is/P7ZS9

(7) https://en.unpacampaign.org/meetings/november2007/
(8) http://archive.is/NKaj8
(9) http://archive.is/kRdVJ
(10) https://en.unpacampaign.org/meetings/november2008/
(11) http://archive.is/z1jUo
(12) http://archive.is/tNX9Z
(13) https://en.unpacampaign.org/239/establishment-of-a-global-parliament-discussed-at-international-meeting-in-new-york/
(14) http://archive.is/5lMyX
(15) http://archive.is/dXbo6
(16) https://en.unpacampaign.org/265/declaration-calls-for-intergovernmental-conference-on-un-parliament/
(17) http://archive.is/dXbo6
(18) https://en.unpacampaign.org/311/post-2015-agenda-should-include-elected-un-assembly-to-strengthen-democratic-participation/
(19) http://archive.is/xloAX
(20) archive.is/I4Mtb
(21) https://en.unpacampaign.org/files/declaration/en.pdf

To all the conspiracy theorists who believe that the UN is proposing setting up a one world government, your fears just became validation.

The UN formally proposes to do exactly that.

2. Quotes From Site

The proposal of a UN Parliamentary Assembly
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The proposal of a UN Parliamentary Assembly
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In this age of globalization, more and more issues have a global dimension that requires global cooperation. At the UN and other international fora, governments come together to negotiate and decide on policies that affect us all.
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The UN Charter begins on the promising opening words: “We the peoples.” However, one will seek in vain for any clause in the document that specifies a means by which ordinary people can play a role in the organization’s deliberations and decision-making.
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The bodies of the UN and international organizations are occupied by officials who are appointed by the executive branches of national governments. In view of the growing importance of international organizations and their decisions, this is no longer sufficient.
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A United Nations Parliamentary Assembly (UNPA) for the first time would give popularly elected representatives a formal role in global affairs. As an additional body, the assembly will directly represent the world’s citizens and not governments.
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Initially, states could choose whether their UNPA members would come from national parliaments, reflecting their political spectrum and gender equality, or whether they would be directly elected. Eventually, the goal is to have all members directly elected.
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Starting as a largely consultative body, the rights and powers of the UNPA could be expanded over time as its democratic legitimacy increases. The assembly will act as an independent watchdog in the UN system and as a democratic reflection of the diversity of world public opinion.
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In the long run, once its members are all democratically elected, the assembly could be developed into a world parliament which – under certain conditions and in conjunction with the UN General Assembly – may be able to adopt universally binding regulations.
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In short, the UN should evolve from what many believe to be a generally ineffectual “talk-shop” into a viable democratic and legislative body.

Okay, let’s break this down a bit:

”In this age of globalization, more and more issues have a global dimension that requires global cooperation. At the UN and other international fora, governments come together to negotiate and decide on policies that affect us all.”

So what? This seems to deliberately conflate cooperation with sovereignty. Nations can and do discuss and cooperate on issues all the time. This is a solution to an artificial problem.

”The UN Charter begins on the promising opening words: “We the peoples.” However, one will seek in vain for any clause in the document that specifies a means by which ordinary people can play a role in the organization’s deliberations and decision-making.”

Searching in vain for any clause that says ordinary people can play a role in decision making? Is this a good thing? Shouldn’t people have some ability to influence decision making?

”The bodies of the UN and international organizations are occupied by officials who are appointed by the executive branches of national governments. In view of the growing importance of international organizations and their decisions, this is no longer sufficient.”

How so? Do we not want people who are directly chosen by the host nation to be taking part in such discussions?

”A United Nations Parliamentary Assembly (UNPA) for the first time would give popularly elected representatives a formal role in global affairs. As an additional body, the assembly will directly represent the world’s citizens and not governments.”

Logistical question: how do you decide if a leader is ”popularly elected”? Military dictators frequently hold sham elections and win close to 100% of the vote.

Further, what if the values of a block of nations (such as the 50+ members of Islamic nations) democratically overrule nations which believe in human rights?

”Initially, states could choose whether their UNPA members would come from national parliaments, reflecting their political spectrum and gender equality, or whether they would be directly elected. Eventually, the goal is to have all members directly elected.”

If they are not being directly elected by their people, then who is electing them? Should the UN get to decide who ”represents” the Nation of Canada, the US, Australia, or Japan?

”Starting as a largely consultative body, the rights and powers of the UNPA could be expanded over time as its democratic legitimacy increases. The assembly will act as an independent watchdog in the UN system and as a democratic reflection of the diversity of world public opinion.”

Ah, non-binding and consultative bodies which eventually become legally binding? Kind of like the UN Global Migration Compact.

How exactly would there be ”oversight” when this would effectively take away actual representative government from host nations?

”In the long run, once its members are all democratically elected, the assembly could be developed into a world parliament which – under certain conditions and in conjunction with the UN General Assembly – may be able to adopt universally binding regulations

.

In short, the UN should evolve from what many believe to be a generally ineffectual “talk-shop” into a viable democratic and legislative body.”

How would this possibly be democratic? It takes control even further from the public. If you think your MP or MPP or MLA or Senators don’t represent you now, how would you gain more representation from being even further removed.

3. UN Claims To Have Conducted Research

CLICK HERE, for survey results

Survey on a UN Parliamentary Assembly
survey graphic -donought -readyOn behalf of the British Broadcasting Corporation BBC, in 2004/05 the research institute GlobeScan conducted representative surveys in 18 countries representing 61% of the world population.

In one of the questions concerning reforms of the United Nations, participants were asked about their opinion on “creating a new UN Parliament, made up of representatives directly elected by citizens, having powers equal to the current UN General Assembly that is controlled by national governments.”

On average, 63% supported the reform proposal, while only 20% rejected it. For the first time, this survey provides empirical evidence that the world’s citizens overwhelmingly support the establishment of a directly elected world parliament.

Country results
In every surveyed nation the supporters of a UN Parliament significantly outnumbered the opponents. Overall, support to opposition margins show overwhelming majorities in all nations favoring the creation of a UN Parliament.

Let’s see: Only 18 countries were surveyed

UN claims these 18 countries represent 61% of the population.

UN Claims that 63% of populations surveyed support global government
1/ Argentina
2/ Australia
3/ Brazil
4/ Canada
5/ Chile
6/ China
7/ Germany
8/ Great Britain (UK)
9/ India
10/ Indonesia
11/ Italy
12/ Mexico
13/ Phillipines
14/ Poland
15/ Russia
16/ South Korea
17/ Turkey
18/ USA

Assuming the numbers are true, that means that all but 18 countries were left out of the survey

It means that 39% of national populations were not consulted at all

It means that 37% (of consulted nations) oppose the measure.

A better level might be to use (0.63)*(0.61) = .03843 = 38%
(A tad silly, but this research is not representative)

Assuming this research is even accurate, that would mean that only 38% would support such a measure. Of course, the site doesn’t list any of the SAMPLE SIZES, which would help give a more accurate picture.

Were 100 people interviewed in each country? 1,000? 10,000? Can we see the questions that were asked?

Of course, none of this addresses the central question: why is it that there has been no public consultation on us signing away our sovereignty? Shouldn’t we have the final say?

Wait, globalists don’t care what people think. Now it makes sense.

4. Globalist Politicians In Canada

Justin Trudeau, and Elizabeth May are on here. Jagmeet Singh probably would be, if he actually was an M.P.

Members of Parliament from Canada
Diane Bellemare
Senator, economist and politician from Quebec, Canada

(2013-12-17)

Carolyn Bennett
MP, Canada
(2009-07-07)

Sheri Benson
Member of Parliament for Saskatoon West, Canada
(2017-03-10)

Daniel Blaikie
MP, Canada
(2017-03-06)

Rachel Blaney
MP, Canada
(2016-10-26)

Sean Casey
Member of Parliament, Canada
(2011-09-01)

François Choquette
MP, Canada
(2011-06-09)

David Christopherson
Member of Parliament, Canada
(2011-06-21)

Jane Cordy
Senator, Canada
(2018-01-19)

Jane Cordy
Senator, Canada
(2018-01-31)

Nathan Cullen
MP, Canada
(2010-10-05)

Julie Dabrusin
Member of Parliament for Toronto-Danforth, Canada
(2017-04-18)

Don Davies
MP, elected 2008; Lawyer, trade union representative, Canada
(2007-05-25)

Fin Donnelly
MP, Canada
(2010-04-19)

Julie Dzerowicz
MP, Canada
(2017-03-16)

Wayne Easter
MP, Canada
(2012-02-09)

Art Eggleton
Canadian Senator, Canada
(2009-04-28)

Ali Ehsassi
MP, Canada
(2017-04-07)

Nathaniel Erskine-Smith
Canada
(2016-05-12)

Hedy Fry
MP, Canada
(2009-06-15)

Marc Garneau
MP; first Canadian in outer space; President, Canadian Space Agency (2001-2006), Canada
(2012-03-24)

Randall Garrison
MP, Canada
(2012-02-24)

Pamela Goldsmith-Jones
MP for West Vancouver-Sunshine Coast-Sea to Sky Country. Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of International Trade, Canada

(2017-05-17)

Claude Gravelle
Member of Parliament, Nickel Belt, Canada
(2010-07-29)

Laurie Hawn
Member of Parliament since 2006 Privy Councillor Royal Canadian Air Force Veteran, Canada
(2012-02-16)

Carol Hughes
MP, Canada
(2012-02-16)

Mobina Jaffer
Member of the Canadian Senate, representing British Columbia, Canada
(2009-12-18)

Janis G. Johnson
Senator, Canada
(2009-05-01)

Peter Julian
MP, Canada
(2008-02-25)

Frances Lankin
Senator, Canada
(2016-11-15)

Dr. Hélène Laverdière
Foreign Affairs Critic for the New Democratic Party of Canada and MP for Laurier – Ste-Marie, Canada
(2012-02-27)

Dominic LeBlanc
MP, Canada
(2012-03-01)

Hélène LeBlanc
MP, Canada
(2012-02-28)

Alistair MacGregor
MP, Canada
(2018-02-09)

Brian Masse
MP, Canada
(2009-04-30)

Irene Mathyssen
Canada
(2012-03-12)

Elizabeth May
MP; Leader, Green Party of Canada, Canada

(2007-05-11)

Dr. John McCallum
Canada

(2012-03-13)

The Honourable John McKay P.C., M.P.
Canadian Member of Parliament for the Riding of Scarborough-Guildwood., Canada

(2012-02-28)

Alexandra Mendes
MP, Canada
(2009-04-28)

Don Meredith
Senator, Canada
(2017-03-01)

Maryann Mihychuk
Canada
(2018-02-14)

Wilfred P. Moore
Senator, Canada
(2011-06-21)

Isabelle Morin
MP, Canada
(2012-02-28)

Joyce Murray
MP, Canada
(2009-05-09)

Thanh Hai Ngo
Senator, Canada
(2018-01-22)

Robert Oliphant
MP, Canada
(2009-06-15)

John Oliver
Member of Parliament , Canada
(2018-03-01)

Joe Peschisolido
Canada
(2018-02-21)

Rose-May Poirier
Senator, Canada
(2010-07-02)

Tracey Ramsey
MP, Canada
(2018-02-08)

Murray Rankin
MP, Canada
(2018-01-26)

Pablo Rodriguez
MP, Canada
(2010-05-03)

Dan Ruimy
MP, Canada
(2018-05-07)

Nancy Ruth
Senator, Canada
(2009-05-01)

Francis Scarpaleggia
MP, Canada
(2010-08-19)

Judy Sgro
MP; Canadian Member of Parliament for the Riding of York West, Canada
(2012-04-05)

Scott Simms
MP, Canada
(2012-02-28)

Wayne Stetski
MP, Canada
(2018-04-25)

Dr. Kennedy Stewart
MP, Canada
(2012-02-22)

Justin Trudeau
Member of Parliament, Canada
(2010-07-21)

David Wells
Senator, Canada
(2016-11-22)

Borys Wrzesnewskyj
MP, Canada
(2009-05-01)

Kate Young
MP, Canada
(2018-05-03)

5. First UNPA Int’l Meeting in 2007

First international meeting on a UNPA
Palais des Nations, Geneva, November 2007
The first international meeting on a UNPA was held in November 2007 at the Palais des Nations in Geneva under the patronage of former UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali and was hosted by the Society for Threatened Peoples International.
Parliamentarians, representatives of non-governmental organizations and other activists of the UNPA campaign from 18 countries gathered for an exchange on the UNPA concept and the Campaign strategy.
The meeting reiterated the principles laid down in the international appeal for a UNPA such as the gradual approach which allows first steps beneath the threshold of UN Charter reform. It was also stressed, however, that at the same time the eventual goal of a world parliament should be communicated.
While some questions were vividly debated, the meeting also concluded, among other things, that a UNPA should be open for participation of regional parliamentary assemblies and should offer innovative ways for strong NGO participation.
Read more

Conclusions regarding policies of the Campaign for a UN Parliamentary Assembly
At its meeting on 19-20 November 2007 in the “Palais des Nations” in Geneva, the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly (UNPA) has reiterated the policies laid down in the “Appeal for the Establishment for a Parliamentary Assembly at the United Nations” and notes in particular that:
-the Campaign pursues a politically pragmatic and gradual approach to achieve the eventual long-term goal of a world parliament;
-in a first step the Campaign advocates the establishment of a UNPA by means which do not require a change of the UN Charter;
-the Campaign’s appeal states that a consultative UNPA initially could be composed of national parliamentarians and that this statement does not exclude the option to advocate the participation of other entities. For example, the Campaign also advocates the participation of regional parliamentary assemblies in a UNPA, such as the European Parliament and the Pan-African Parliament, and consideration may be given for the inclusion of local authorities in the consultative UNPA ;
-the aforementioned statement also does not exclude to advocate a flexible approach to the mode of elections. The Campaign supports the approach that already in the first step the UNPA’s Statutes should allow the participating states to opt for direct elections of their delegates if they wish to do so;
-the Campaign advocates a UNPA which is inclusive and open to all UN member states. However, direct elections of the UNPA’s delegates are regarded as a precondition for vesting the body with legislative rights.
the Campaign policy clearly embraces the demand that a UNPA has to provide for strong and efficient ways to include civil society, in particular NGOs, and local administrations into its work;
-the Campaign’s policy pursues the goal that the UNPA, once established, would advocate and facilitate a reform of the present system of international institutions and global governance;
-the Campaign understands that whereas the appeal refers to “the UN and the organizations of the UN system,” that this could be interpreted to include the Bretton Woods Institutions.

Some takeaways from this:
(a) Yes, this is about a world government
(b) Changes to UN Charter may not be needed
(c) NGO/Civil Societies to be given roles to work

6. Second UNPA Int’l Meeting in 2008

Second international meeting on a UNPA
European Parliament, Brussels, November 2008
The second international meeting on a UNPA was held on November 4-5, 2008, at the European Parliament in Brussels and was hosted by European deputy Jo Leinen.
Representatives of non-governmental organizations and stakeholders of the UNPA campaign from around 15 countries gathered for an exchange on the campaign’s progress within the past year, an outlook onto the coming activities and to discuss political questions. The meeting included a Round Table consultation and an evening reception with invited guests.
In a welcome message published on the occasion of the meeting, the President of the European Parliament affirmed the parliament’s support for a UNPA.
One of the conclusions reached at the meeting was that a UNPA would be complementary to the Inter-Parliamentary Union’s work.
Read more
The establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly and the Inter-Parliamentary Union

The establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly and the Inter-Parliamentary Union
At its meeting on 4-5 November 2008 in the European Parliament in Brussels, the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly (UNPA) deliberated on the relation between the proposed UNPA and the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and the possible roles and functions of the two parliamentary bodies.
The Campaign concluded that the proposed UNPA and the IPU would be complementary institutions. A UNPA would not replace or duplicate the IPU’s functions. Quite the contrary, a UNPA would provide a response to the democratic deficit in global governance which the IPU in its current structure is unable to offer.
The Campaign noted in particular:
(1) The IPU is an association of national parliaments. One of its activities is to provide for a “parliamentary dimension to international cooperation”. The IPU’s goal in this context is to strengthen the ability of national parliaments to exercise their oversight functions at the national level in matters of international nature. The Campaign underlines the importance of this dimension.
(2) The purpose of a UNPA is to exercise parliamentary functions directly at the international level in its own right. One of the goals is to make the UN executives and its institutions accountable to a global parliamentary body. The IPU has no such capacity and currently also does not aspire to develop such an oversight function.
(3) The IPU’s purpose is to be a facilitator for the work of national parliaments. In contrast, a UNPA would be composed of individual parliamentarians who would be called upon to take a global view.
(4) The precedent of the Pan-African Parliament and the African Parliamentary Union shows that the UNPA and the IPU need not be mutually exclusive.
(5) In the long run, a UNPA could be composed of directly elected members. The precedent of the European Parliament and the Conference of Community and European Affairs Committees of Parliaments of the European Union shows that a largely directly elected UNPA and the IPU would be complementary and indeed both necessary.
(6) The Campaign supports the work of the IPU and appreciates any and all active contributions from the IPU and IPU members in the efforts for the establishment of a UNPA.

7. Third UNPA Int’l Meeting in 2009

Third international meeting on a UNPA
New York, October 2009
The third international meeting on a UNPA was held in October 2009 across the United Nations headquarters in New York. Around 60 participants from 19 countries, among them 12 Members of Parliament and numerous representatives of non-governmental organizations who are part of the Campaign for a UN Parliamentary Assembly attended the event in order to exchange experiences and views. Participants in the meeting generally felt that the campaign has gathered considerable political momentum over the past two and a half years since its launch in April 2007.

Establishment of a global parliament discussed at international meeting in New York
30. October 2009
The progress of the international efforts for the establishment of a global parliamentary assembly was discussed at a meeting across the United Nations headquarters in New York. Around 60 participants from 19 countries, among them 12 Members of Parliament and numerous representatives of non-governmental organizations who are part of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly (UNPA) attended the event on Monday in order to exchange their different experiences and views.
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In her welcome remarks Senator Sonia Escudero, Secretary-General of the Latin-American Parliament, pointed out that the United Nations, established in 1945, “reproduces an age old international order.” Said Senator Escudero: “One of the challenges that the United Nations will have to face in order not to become obsolete is its own reform. It is imperative to undertake an integral reform of the United Nations taking into account that any representative institution, that is to say democratic institution, should have an structure that honours this characteristic. It is clear that the establishment of a UN Parliamentary Assembly would be a decisive step towards the democratic consolidation in the United Nations system.”
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Jo Leinen, Member of the European Parliament, stressed the long-standing support of the European Parliament for the creation of a UNPA. The most recent resolution was adopted in June 2005. Mr Leinen noted that a new effort to reiterate the parliament’s support will be taken in the current new legislature. A representative of the Argentine Chamber of Deputies, Fernando Iglesias, reported on a resolution calling for a UNPA adopted by his parliament in August this year. Mr Iglesias promoted that the participants in the campaign reach out intensively to civil society and the academic world as well in order to build a broader base of public awareness. This approach was endorsed by Mike Sebalu, Member of the East African Legislative Assembly, saying that “it is crucial to reach critical mass of supporters from all walks of life.”
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Presenting a report adopted by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) on the reform of the United Nations a few weeks ago, Andreas Gross, a Swiss Member of Parliament and leader of the Socialist Group in PACE, pointed out that the modernization of the UN should include by necessity a parliamentary dimension. Giving the example of the Council of Europe, Gross stressed that the UN runs the risk of becoming irrelevant in the long-term if no Parliamentary Assembly is established. “If the Council of Europe were a government organization alone, without a parliamentary body, its importance would have diminished completely by now,” Gross said.
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The afternoon session concentrated, among other things, on a debate on the concept of a UN Parliamentary Assembly and, more in particular, models for the possible distribution of seats in a UNPA. The Chair of the Committee for a Democratic U.N., Andreas Bummel, presented a paper on the subject. He outlined that the report shows the feasibility of the proposal and that there are realistic and pragmatic options on the table. Joseph Schwartzberg, Professor emeritus of the University of Minnesota, presented his own incremental approach for the creation of a UNPA and elaborated on his suggestion to distribute seats according to population, equality, and share in UN membership dues. Andrew Strauss, Professor of Law at the Widener University School of Law, argued that a UNPA should be established through a stand-alone treaty rather than as a subsidiary body of the UN General Assembly.
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Participants in the meeting generally felt that the campaign has gathered considerable political momentum over the past two and a half years since its launch in April 2007. The event was filmed by a crew led by Lisa Russell who recently won an Emmy Award and works on a documentary on U.S.-UN relations.

Okay, this is getting to be much more than theoretical. There are actual discussions on how the seats should be distributed should this Parliament ever become a reality.

8. Fourth UNPA Int’l Meeting in 2010

Declaration calls for intergovernmental conference on UN Parliament
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5. October 2010
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An international meeting of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly in the Senate of Argentina in Buenos Aires has called on the United Nations and its member states to initiate a “preparatory process towards an intergovernmental conference for the purpose of establishing a Parliamentary Assembly at the United Nations.“ A declaration adopted by around 50 participants from 20 countries, among them ten Members of Parliament and representatives of 20 civil society organizations, states that “the need to democratize global governance is one of the greatest political challenges of our times. It calls on individual world citizens, and
.
Group picture of the participants
Image: Democracia Global
especially parliamentarians, governments, the international donor community, and civil society to make a commitment to democratic global change.”
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At the opening session the Argentinian deputy Fernando Iglesias reiterated the need for global democratization through a UN Parliamentary Assembly. As a guest speaker Olivier Giscard d’Estaing, former Member of Parliament from France, voiced his disappointment over the enduring failure to bring about any substantial reform of the United Nations. Mr. Giscard d’Estaing called for the creation of “new world institutions dealing with world problems, including a world parliament.” The Executive Director of the World Federalist Movement-Institute for Global Policy, William Pace, severely criticized the G8 and G20. “These informal governance mechanism have failed dramatically,” Mr. Pace stated. “Our goal is to replace the brutality of imperialism with constitutional and parliamentary principles at the global level,” he said.
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In a written welcome note to the meeting, the parliamentarian and former Prime Minister of Malta, Alfred Sant, stated that “the goal of establishing a UN Parliamentary Assembly may appear to be far away down the road, but global realities are changing so fast that the relevance of an Assembly may become salient much sooner than is now supposed.” The European parliamentarian Jo Leinen noted in a message that “the proposal now has to be taken up by a group of like-minded governments”.
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In the plenary session, participants deliberated on the outcome document and on their activities in the previous year. In the afternoon, parallel workshops were held. The former clerk of the Pan-African Parliament, Werunga Murumba, now at the Centre for Parliamentary Studies and Training of the Kenya National Assembly, spoke about lessons learned from the creation of existing international parliamentary assemblies. Other workshops were held on the next steps in the Latin-American region and on the creation of a UN Parliamentary Assembly and UN Charter reform.
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The event that was held in the premises of the Senate of Argentina on Monday was the fourth meeting of an international campaign that was launched in April 2007. The head of the Campaign’s Secretariat, Andreas Bummel, noted that in this time span around 900 Members of Parliament from over 90 countries expressed their support, representing over 100 million people from their constituencies. Around 750 are currently in office.
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The meeting was preceded by a seminar of the Latin-American Parliament on regional integration and the reform of international institutions that was held in the previous week. One of the sessions was devoted to the proposal of a UN Parliamentary Assembly. The UNPA-Campaign meeting was part of a ten-day programme in Buenos Aires coordinated by the Argentinian non-governmental organization Democracia Global.

Again, more talks about how the logistics of such a proposal would work. Not a question of whether we should be doing this, or what the public might say. Rather, we agree, now let’s talk details.

9. Fifth UNPA Int’l Meeting in 2013

Fifth international meeting on a UNPA
European Parliament, Brussels, October 2013
The fifth international meeting on a UNPA was held on 15-16 October 2013 in the European Parliament in Brussels and was hosted by the Members of the European Parliament Elmar Brok, Jo Leinen, Isabella Lövin, and Graham Watson from the four largest political groups European People’s Party EPP, Socialists and Democrats S&D, the Greens, and the liberal ALDE group respectively.
In a final declaration, participants from around thirty countries unanimously expressed concern that “no adequate measures have been taken to address the democratic deficit of global governance in general and of the United Nations in particular.” The conference suggested that “a global democratic body of elected representatives” should be established “to bring global governance in the pursuit of post-2015 development goals” closer to the world’s citizens.

Post-2015 Agenda should include elected UN Assembly to strengthen democratic participation
22. October 2013
5th International Meeting of the Campaign for a UN Parliamentary Assembly concludes with declaration / Strong support from key Members of the European Parliament
The fifth international conference on a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly held in the European Parliament in Brussels on 16th and 17th October called on the United Nations and the international community to make democratic participation a key

One of the conference panels
Image: European Parliament
element of the Post-2015 Development Agenda.
In a final declaration, participants from around thirty countries unanimously expressed concern that “no adequate measures have been taken to address the democratic deficit of global governance in general and of the United Nations in particular.” The conference suggested that “a global democratic body of elected representatives” should be established “to bring global governance in the pursuit of post-2015 development goals” closer to the world’s citizens.

Conference hosted in the European Parliament
The conference was hosted by the Members of the European Parliament Elmar Brok, Jo Leinen, Isabella Lövin, and Graham Watson from the four largest political groups European People’s Party EPP, Socialists and Democrats S&D, the Greens, and the liberal ALDE group respectively. At the opening of the conference, Elmar Brok who serves as chairman of the European Parliament’s Commission on Foreign Affairs stated that a consultative UN Parliamentary Assembly would “allow world civil society to be directly associated in the global decision-making process.”

Jo Leinen who is a co-chair of the advisory board of the international campaign for a UN Parliamentary Assembly emphasized that until now no formal body exists that would give citizen-elected representatives a say in global governance. At best they had an observer status. “This is not acceptable,” said Mr Leinen. “In a democratic system, the representatives of the citizens are not observers of what the governments do. They should provide oversight and hold the government executives accountable.”
At a panel discussion Isabella Lövin used the example of the global fishery policy to show that the system of international governance is dysfunctional. “It’s still governed by 16th century principles,” she said. Graham Watson pointed out that “there will be times when national interests and global interests collide. A UN Parliamentary Assembly could act as an arbiter and ensure that the voice of the world’s citizens is heard.“

In a message issued on the occasion of the conference, the President of the European Parliament, Martin Schulz, emphasized the longstanding support for the proposal by the European Parliament. In addition, he declared that “The European Parliament may serve as a model for how a UN Parliamentary Assembly could develop over time. What once began as an advisory body composed of national parliamentarians is a directly elected legislature today.”

Consultation with the UN’s Independent Expert
A similar position was taken by the UN’s Independent Expert on the Promotion of a Democratic and Equitable International Order, Alfred de Zayas, who was participating as a special guest. In a statement delivered at a special consultation, he confirmed that “Participation is a hallmark of democratic governance” and that “civil society is entitled to more space.” He said that the establishment of a World Parliamentary Assembly was “a promising avenue” to achieve this and could be modelled according to the example of the European Parliament. Mr de Zayas pointed out that his upcoming report to the UN General Assembly includes the recommendation that it “may consider convening a conference to discuss promising initiatives such as the creation of a World Parliamentary Assembly.”
In a comment following the statement by Mr de Zayas, the Member of the European Parliament and chairperson of Democracy International, Gerald Häfner, said that “We cannot leave the world to decision-making that is in the interest of big money or big powers – but not in the interest of the world’s citizens. A UN Parliamentary Assembly is a first step to establish global democracy.”

The final declaration adopted by the conference welcomes “the decision of the UN’s Human Rights Council to mandate an Independent Expert on the Promotion of a Democratic and Equitable International Order,” and encourages the Independent Expert “to keep considering the question of a UNPA and in particular to examine possible processes towards its creation.”
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Main points of the final declaration
In the discussion the Secretary-General of the campaign for a UN Parliamentary Assembly, Andreas Bummel, emphasized three elements in the final declaration: That it puts the proposal for a UN Parliamentary

Gathering in front of the European Parliament
Image: CEUNPA
Assembly in the context of the Post-2015 Development Agenda, that it highlights the possibility of having a UN Parliamentary Assembly act as a “network of networks” and finally that the document says that “innovative forms of civic participation” in a UNPA through models of electronic democracy could be considered. In its last session, the conference also deliberated on a possible roadmap towards a UN Parliamentary Assembly as well as on the campaign’s goals and strategy.
Other speakers at the conference included, among others, Andrew Strauss from Widener University School of Law in the United States, the UN’s representative in Brussels, Antonio Vigilante, the Member of the European Parliament and President of the Union of European Federalists Andrew Duff, the European Parliament’s Vice-President Anni Podimata, Swiss parliamentarian Daniel Jositsch as well as Juan Behrend as representative of the Global Greens Coordination, Gregory Engels as representative of Pirate Parties International, and Hanno Schedler of the Society for Threatened Peoples.

Week of Action for a World Parliament
The conference was also a kick-off event for the Global Week of Action for a World Parliament that takes place until UN day on 24 October. At the end of the conference participants gathered in front of the European Parliament at Place du Luxembourg in Brussels and displayed the week’s slogan, “World Parliament Now!”

Okay, the United Human Rights Council will have a say in matters here. Considering the members on it, that is not at all encouraging.

Some alleged “research” is presented elsewhere on the website, claiming that there is widespread support across nations for a global government. Seems rather self serving.

10. Duplicity Of “Populist” Maxime Bernier

This wasn’t in the original version, but worth pointing out to the readers.

Maxime Bernier, a self-identified “populist” left the Conservative Party of Canada in August 2018 and started the People’s Party of Canada. Despite its Communist sounding name, it is marketed as a nationalist/populist party.

The problem is that Bernier was Foreign Affairs Minister in 2007, when this issue was being discussed. Very unethical to remain silent for 12 years, and now claim to oppose it.

While this petition seems to be a welcome change, it cannot be taken at face value. Bernier introduces a petition to prevent Canada from joining any such organization, despite his Committee earlier endorsing it.

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