Free Speech In Canada Apparently Worth Just $16,000 (Haverbeck V. Waugh)

A week ago, Ursula Haverbeck died. She was the 96 year old German woman who had gone to prison for publicly denying the Holocaust. While the major media coverage about her is overwhelmingly negative, she chose to stand for her beliefs. It’s really rare to see something like that these days.

Kevin Waugh, a “Conservative” Member of Parliament in Canada, introduced Bill C-250 back in 2022. This would put people in prison for up to 2 years for Holocaust denial. Far from being condemned, his actions were publicly lauded.

Leah Gazan, of the New Democratic Party, introduced Bill C-413 in October 2024. It was heavily modeled on Bill C-250, and would imprison people for up to 2 years for Residential School “denialism”.

At all levels of government in this country, politicians work to strip away freedom of speech under the guise of “fighting hatred”. This cuts across party lines, and isn’t limited to just a few. It also seems that outside influences appear to be guiding these efforts.

According to records from Office of the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner, Waugh, and his wife, Ann, received a trip in 2018 worth $16,244.42 to Israel. This kind of travel is promoted as “fostering professional/cultural understanding, and meeting counterparts”.

Yes, this was just $16,000. The breakdown is as follows:

  • Transportation: $7,503.50
  • Accommodation: $2,928.84
  • Other: $5,812.09

This was sponsored by CIJA, the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs. It’s essentially the Canadian equivalent of AIPAC. Previously, the Canada-Israel Committee organized such annual trips, and their roster is full of prominent names. Believe it or not, this sort of thing isn’t illegal at all. In fact, it appears that Members of Parliament from all parties take part in it. By comparison, Trudeau ended up getting fined for his vacation with Aga Khan.

Waugh met with CIJA on February 15th, 2022. He had introduced Bill C-250 just days earlier, on February 9th. He’d probably deny the connection, but this is extremely unlikely to be any sort of coincidence. The Bill was ultimately abandoned when the substance was embedded into a Budget Bill.

Waugh takes a free trip to Israel in 2018. A few years later, he does the bidding of CIJA to introduce criminal penalties to Holocaust denial. Coincidence?

While it’s certainly true that Canadian politicians accept paid travel to other countries, none appear to even come close to the scale that occurs with Israel.

Germany lost a woman who was willing to go to prison for her beliefs. By contrast, Canadian politicians are implementing similar laws here in return for a free vacation. These people are nothing alike.

Yves-François Blanchet (Bill C-367) and Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe (Bill C-373) of the Bloc Québécois get honourable mentions for their work in eroding religious freedoms.

Maxime “The U.N. needs to shut up” Bernier has been completely silent on these issues, despite reinventing himself as a populist and free speech champion in 2018.

NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 DeBellefeuille, Claude BQ 2007 $8,661.12
2 Dykstra, Rick CPC 2007 $8,602.30 (USD)
3 Godin, Yvon NDP 2007 $4,094.83 (USD)
4 Pearson, Glen LPC 2007 $8,728.18
5 Savage, Michael LPC 2007 $5,612.54
6 Simard, Raymond LPC 2007 $8,188.00 (USD)
7 Smith, Joy CPC 2007 $8,661.12
8 Stoffer, Peter NDP 2007 $8,728.18
9 Sweet, David CPC 2007 $7,374.72 (USD)
10 Van Kesteren, Dave CPC 2007 $8,728.18
11 Warkentin, Chris CPC 2007 $7,973.54
NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 Allison, Dean CPC 2008 $9,411.00
2 Bennett, Carolyn LPC 2008 $7,961.00
3 Breitkreuz, Garry CPC 2008 $7,963.00
4 Brunelle, Paule BQ 2008 $7,961.00
5 Crête, Paul BQ 2008 $10,944.00
6 Dhaliwal, Sukh LPC 2008 $8,758
7 Duceppe, Gilles BQ 2008 $17,577.56
8 Goodyear, Gary CPC 2008 $10,944.00
9 Guimond, Michel BQ 2008 $8,728.18
10 Ignatieff, Michael LPC 2008 $8,602.30
11 Kramp, Daryl CPC 2008 $9,446.00
12 Lunney, James CPC 2008 $7,961.00
13 Martin, Pat LPC 2008 $7,961.00
14 McCallum, John LPC 2008 $10,944.00
15 Ménard, Serge BQ 2008 $7,971.00
16 Mulcair, Thomas NDP 2008 $7,963.00
17 Nash, Peggy NDP 2008 $9,411.00
18 Neville, Anita LPC 2008 $7,961.00
19 Redman, Karen LPC 2008 $11,785
20 Roy, Jean-Yves BQ 2008 $7.961.00
21 Silva, Mario LPC 2008 $7,992.33
22 Sweet, David CPC 2008 $7,961.00
23 Wasylycia-Leis,
Judy
NDP 2008 $7,961.00
NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 Brown, Gord CPC 2009 $6,440.00
2 Cannan, Ron CPC 2009 $9,446.00
3 Coderre, Denis LPC 2009 $10,239.22
4 Cotler, Irwin LPC 2009 $1,439.30
5 Dechert, Bob CPC 2009 $3,983.00
6 Desnoyers, Luc BQ 2009 $5,520.00
7 Devolin, Barry CPC 2009 $9,446.00
8 Garneau, Mar LPC 2009 $7,843.00
9 Glover, Shelly CPC 2009 $7,843.66
10 Hoback, Randy CPC 2009 $7,493.62
11 Hoeppner, Candice CPC 2009 $7,843.00
12 Holland, Mark LPC 2009 $9,446.00
13 Laforest, Jean-Yves BQ 2009 $9,086.22
14 Lemieux, Pierre CPC 2009 $7,493.62
15 Marston, Wayne NDP 2009 $7,493.62
16 Mendes, Alexandra LPC 2009 $7,253.64
17 Oliphant, Robert LPC 2009 $10,602.00
18 Rae, Bob LPC 2009 $3,804.80
19 Uppal, Tim CPC 2009 $7,843.00
NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 Block, Kelly CPC 2010 $8,451.30
2 Del Mastro, Dean CPC 2010 $7,956.22
3 Duncan, John CPC 2010 $6,435.34
4 Fast, Ed CPC 2010 $9,006.68
5 Laforest, Jean-Yves BQ 2010 $9,086.22
6 Paillé, Daniel BQ 2010 $7,904.51
7 Rathgeber, Brent CPC 2010 $9,078.16
8 Saxton, Andrew CPC 2010 $8,684.01
9 Simms, Scott LPC 2010 $8,770.68
10 Thibeault, Glenn NDP 2010 $8,906.68
11 Watson, Jeff CPC 2010 $9,586.18
NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 Adler, Mark CPC 2011 $5,920.31
2 Bezan, James CPC 2011 $10,781.52
3 Brison, Scott LPC 2011 $8,820.48
4 Cotler, Irwin LPC 2011 $5,700.00
5 Cuzner, Rodger LPC 2011 $9,397.33
6 Foote, Judy LPC 2011 $5,030.08
7 LeBlanc, Dominic LPC 2011 $14,680.00
8 Miller, Larry CPC 2011 $10,525.04
9 Murray, Joyce LPC 2011 $8,580.00
10 Ravignat, Mathieu NDP 2011 $7,281.39
11 Shipley, Bev CPC 2011 $5,370.04
NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 Ambler, Stella CPC 2012 $10,238.84
2 Blanchette-Lamothe, Lysane NDP 2012 $9,209.84
3 Caron, Guy NDP 2012 $8,226.84
4 Chisholm, Robert NDP 2012 $10,016.28
5 Cleary, Ryan NDP 2012 $6,030.00
6 Davies, Don NDP 2012 $10,677.68
7 James, Roxanne CPC 2012 $7,059.14
8 Lapointe, François NDP 2012 $11,740.46
9 Larose, Jean-François NDP 2012 $9,031.84
10 Lunney, James CPC 2012 $3,992
11 Nicholls, Jamie NDP 2012 $7,808.28
12 Papillon, Annick NDP 2012 $9,031.84
13 Rafferty, John NDP 2012 $10,161.68
14 Trottier, Bernard CPC 2012 $9,856.28
15 Williamson, John CPC 2012 $9,961.96
16 Young, Terence CPC 2012 $10,389.22
NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 Aspin, Jay CPC 2013 $11,165.60
2 Bateman, Joyce CPC 2013 $7,915.48
3 Bruinooge, Rod CPC 2013 $9,937.98
4 Clarke, Rob CPC 2013 $11,165.60
5 Easter, Wayne LPC 2013 $9,786.96
6 Lamoureux, Kevin LPC 2013 $10,053.40
7 Lunney, James CPC 2013 $5,032.71
8 Menegakis, Costas CPC 2013 $10,490.70
9 Michaud, Élaine NDP 2013 $8,185.48
10 Scott, Craig NDP 2013 $10,892.92
11 Young, Wai CPC 2013 $12,683.80
NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 Bélanger, Mauril LPC 2014 $9,537.50
2 Bennett, Carolyn LPC 2014 $3,981.61
3 Byrne, Gerry LPC 2014 $12,580.74
4 Falk, Ted CPC 2014 $12,450.71
5 Hoback, Randy CPC 2014 $5,092.21
6 Jones, Yvonne LPC 2014 $11,935
7 Morin, Isabelle NDP 2014 $9,782.96
8 Opitz, Ted CPC 2014 $5,026.24
9 Sandhu, Jasbir NDP 2014 $14,679.57
10 Sweet, David CPC 2014 $4,915.36
11 Wilks, David CPC 2014 $8,608.12
NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 Lunney, James INDEPENDENT 2015 $3,285.89
NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 Albas, Dan CPC 2016 $12,750
2 Blaney, Steven CPC 2016 $5,616.78
3 Di Iorio, Nicola LPC 2016 $6,930.36
4 Dubé, Matthew NDP 2016 $12,342.24
5 Fillmore, Andy LPC 2016 $10,294.97
6 Fuhr, Stephen LPC 2016 $11,207.65
7 Garrison, Randall NDP 2016 $7,800.22
8 Genuis, Garnett CPC 2016 $12,650.80
9 Gladu, Marilyn CPC 2016 $9,394.06
10 Godin, Joël CPC 2016 $11,929.56
11 Grewal, Ra LPC 2016 $9,391.15
12 Lefebvre, Paul LPC 2016 $10,236.50
13 Levitt, Michael LPC 2016 $9,393.35
14 Longfield, Lloyd LPC 2016 $11,379.11
15 Mendicino, Marco LPC 2016 $6,714.00
16 O’Regan, Seamus LPC 2016 $11,186.79
17 Raitt, Lisa CPC 2016 $8,643.72
18 Rankin, Murray NDP 2016 $9,495.06
19 Rayes, Alain CPC 2016 $10,705.65
20 Rempel, Michelle CPC 2016 $6,296.13
21 Richards, Blake CPC 2016 $7,880.54
22 Rioux, Jean LPC 2016 $11,137.02
23 Ruimy, Dan LPC 2016 $6,841.14
24 Sorbara, Francesco LPC 2016 $10,350
NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 Brosseau, Ruth Ellen NDP 2017 $11,705.62
2 Calkins, Blaine CPC 2017 $11,492.23
3 Dhillon, Anju LPC 2017 $9,550.21
4 Hardcastle, Cheryl NPD 2017 $9,522.18
5 Harder, Rachael CPC 2017 $7,410.21
6 Maloney, James LPC 2017 $14,116.86
7 McCauley, Kelly CPC 2017 $12,724/81
8 Nuttall, Alexander CPC 2017 $10,423.31
9 O’Connell, Jennifer LPC 2017 $11,375.14
10 Romanado, Sherry LPC 2017 $11,840.21
11 Rusnak, Don LPC 2017 $14,013.00
12 Sarai, Randeep LPC 2017 $11,806.43
13 Schulte, Deborah LPC 2017 $15,238.90
14 Zimmer, Bob CPC 2017 $12,437.04
NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 Amos, William LPC 2018 $11,245.24
2 Brosseau, Ruth Ellen NDP 2018 $2977.22
3 Fergus, Greg LPC 2018 $8,696.85
4 Kusie, Stephanie CPC 2018 $13,390.91
5 McLeod, Cathy CPC 2018 $7,721.70
6 Ng, Mary LPC 2018 $7,355.84
7 Oliver, John LPC 2018 $7,197.11
8 O’Toole, Erin CPC 2018 $7,884,47
9 Schmale, Jamie CPC 2018 $7,286.99
10 Sikand, Gagan LPC 2018 $7,150.00
11 Stubbs, Shannon CPC 2018 $14,212.93
12 Sweet, David CPC 2018 $1,116.22
13 Vandal, Dan LPC 2018 $9,282.93
14 Waugh, Kevin CPC 2018 $16,244.42

Palestinian Authority and the Canadian Palestinian Foundation of Quebec

(2018) Brosseau, Ruth Ellen
(2018) Boulerice, Alexandre
(2018) Caron, Guy
(2018) Casey, Bill
(2018) Chen, Shaun
(2018) Davies, Don
(2018) Genuis, Garnett
(2018) Johns, Gord
(2018) Mathyssen, Irene
(2018) McDonald, Ken
(2018) Ouellette, Robert-Falcon
(2018) Stetski, Wayne
(2018) Tabbara, Marwan
(2018) Tan, Geng

International Democratic Union (IDU)

(2018) Tony Clement

Foreign Affairs Department, The Knesset, Jerusalem

(2018) Sweet, David

NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 ​Lapointe, Linda LPC 2019 $13,552.80

March Of Dimes

(2019) Barlow, John
(2019) Damoff, Pam
(2019) May, Bryan

NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 Aldag, John LPC 2022 $16,695.62
2 Barrett, Michael CPC 2022 $16,209.30
3 Dancho, Raquel CPC 2022 $13,313.79
4 Duncan, Eric CPC 2022 $10,528.25
5 Jeneroux, Matt CPC 2022 $11,453.80
6 Kelly, Pat CPC 2022 $10,760.73
7 Lattanzio, Patricia LPC 2022 $16,903.70
NUMBER NAME PARTY YEAR VALUE
1 Aitchison, Scott CPC 2023 $13,994.14
2 ​Berthold, Luc CPC 2023 $10,227.60
3 ​Blanchette-Joncas, Maxime BQ 2023 $7,524.88
4 Blois, Kody LPC 2023 $23,930.48
5 Bradford, Valerie LPC 2023 $14,007.89
6 ​Chambers, Adam CPC 2023 $18,950.85
7 Champoux, Martin BQ 2023 $18,246.85
8 Chahal, Harnirjodh (George) LPC 2023 $23,744.00
9 Chen, Shaun LPC 2023 $11,563.58
10 ​Findlay, Kerry-Lynne CPC 2023 $23,883.00
11 Fortin, Rhéal BQ 2023 $18,846.85
12 Goodridge, Laila CPC 2023 $18,446.20
13 Hallan, Jasraj Singh CPC 2023 $23,017.04
14 Hepfner, Lisa LPC 2023 $18,644.15
15 Housefather, Anthony LPC 2023 $10,866.91
16 ​Kramp-Neuman, Shelby CPC 2023 $11,728.58
17 Lapointe, Viviane LPC 2023 $7,636.23
18 ​Martel, Richard CPC 2023 $10,894.04
19 Paul-Hus, Pierre CPC 2023 $17,233.40
20 Rempel Garner, Michelle CPC 2023 $12,252.48
21 Scheer, Andrew CPC 2023 $18,446.20
22 ​Schiefke, Peter LPC 2023 $11,316.78

KEVIN WAUGH, CPC MP:
(1) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/44-1/c-250
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Members/en/kevin-waugh(89084)
(3) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=521753
(4) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=111&regId=917368&blnk=1
(5) https://www.conservative.ca/mp-waugh-introduces-legislation-to-prohibit-holocaust-denial/
(6) https://archive.ph/fCnNn

OFFICE OF THE CONFLICT OF INTEREST AND ETHICS COMMISSIONER:
(1) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Pages/SponsoredTravel-DeplParraines.aspx
(2) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2007%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(3) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2007
(4) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2008%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(5) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2008
(6) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2009%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(7) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2009
(8) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2010%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(9) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2010
(10) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2011%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(11) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2012%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(12) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2012
(13) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2013%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(14) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2013
(15) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2014%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(16) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2014
(17) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2015%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(18) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2015
(19) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2016%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(20) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2016
(21) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2017%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(22) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2017
(23) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2018%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(24) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2018
(25) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Pages/travel2019-deplacements2019.aspx
(26) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2019
(27) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Pages/Travel2020-Deplacements2020.aspx
(28) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Pages/Travel2021-Deplacements2021.aspx
(29) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Pages/Travel2022-Deplacements2022.aspx
(30) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2022
(31) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Pages/Travel2023-Deplacements2023.aspx
(32) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2023

Antisemitism Hearings Continue At Canadian Parliament

The House of Commons has resumed hearings into the concerns of the Jewish community in Canada, and to bring forward ideas on what to do about it. To date, there are 23 witnesses scheduled to testify, and 78 briefs filed with Parliament. The hearings began in May 2024.

Officially, the hearings are referred to as: “Antisemitism and Additional Measures that Could be Taken to Address the Valid Fears that are Being Expressed by Canada’s Jewish Community”.

It’s unclear what, if anything, will come as a result. Free speech absolutists will notice the general trend of recommending solutions that involve some form of “re-education” or punishment.

Interestingly, both the Jewish and Islamic lobbies support the implementation of Bill C-63, the Online Harms Act. The vague wording of the text would make it a powerful weapon.

One can’t but notice that the inconsistency of the attitudes of the participants. It seems while free expression is to take a back seat here, it wouldn’t be in similar circumstances. Let’s look at one example, the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs, or CIJA.

CIJA On Jewish “Identity”: Free Speech Must Be Curbed

When it comes to protecting the well being of Jews in Canada, nothing is off the table. Aggressive efforts must be made, even if it limits free speech and free association.

  1. Enforce existing anti-hate laws and provide training to courts, police, government employees and the legal system in antisemitism and hate crimes.
  2. Incorporate the IHRA definition of antisemitism into all government training on Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion.
  3. Ban Vancouver-based group Samidoun for its direct and open ties to terror groups.
  4. Have both Ottawa and the provinces introduce safe access (bubble) legislation around synagogues, Jewish community buildings, and centres of Jewish life.
  5. Pass the Online Harms Act.
  6. Introduce the new Anti-Racism Strategy and ensure no government funding goes to those promoting and platforming hate.
  7. Ban the display of symbols of listed terror organizations.
  8. List the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organization.
  9. Improve the collection and reporting of hate crime data, including how the information is shared with threatened communities.
  10. The Government of Canada should direct the provinces to act clearly to prevent antisemitism in schools, both on university campuses and in K-12.

These are the points introduced by CIJA for these hearings. However, it’s interesting to note that these efforts are not encouraged for all groups. Far from it.

CIJA On Palestinian “Identity”: Free Speech Must Be Protected

Despite the seemingly heavy handed approach favoured to combat antisemitism, it seems a different path is desirable regarding Palestinians.

Ottawa, ON – November 8, 2024 – In response to the announcement made by the Special Representative on Combatting Islamophobia about the Prime Minister’s support of “Anti-Palestinian Racism” (APR), the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA) expressed serious concerns regarding the concept that risks undermining protections for Jewish Canadians and could misuse human rights laws to advance political narratives that silence Jewish voices.

CIJA has engaged directly with the federal government on this issue, calling on the Prime Minister to reject APR and ensure that Canadian policy protects the free expression of all communities without infringing upon Jewish identity or silencing voices within Canada’s Jewish community. CIJA’s engagement has also included correspondence and meetings with key government representatives to advocate for consistent, inclusive, human rights protections.

The concerns are entirely different when it comes to recognizing Palestinians as a race or ethnicity. CIJA summarizes them concisely.

  1. It lacks debate
  2. It is inconsistent with established definitions and redundant under the Charter
  3. It risks sidetracking creation of Islamophobia guides
  4. It challenges freedom of expression
  5. It contravenes Established Government Policies
  6. It is inconsistent with Canadian Foreign Policy
  7. It imposes divisive environment
  8. It silences victims of antisemitism
  9. It silences discussions of terrorism
  10. It invalidates anti-BDS legislation and policy

Recently, CIJA published a paper called: “Ten major concerns with the concept of Anti-Palestinian Racism (APR)”. The main theme is that it undermines legitimate expression, Government policies and is divisive.

It seems more likely that “Anti-Palestinian racism” is opposed as a concept to make it more difficult to declare what Israel does to them as a genocide.

Bernier On Genocide Of Palestinians: U.N. Needs To Shut Up

Maxime Bernier was Foreign Affairs Minister from 2007 until 2008. This is one of the most prestigious positions there is in politics. One would think that he’d have many ideas as to where a future Government could go if he were in power.

However, when running to be the head of the Conservative Party of Canada 2016/2017, his ambitions for foreign policy were very light. He had vague statements about trade and economic growth, but this is his only definitive one:

I won’t aim to please the foreign affairs establishment and the United Nations — a dysfunctional organisation which for years has disproportionately focused its activities on condemning Israel. Instead, I will ensure our country’s foreign policy will be refocused on the security and prosperity of Canadians.

Bernier is no dummy. He knows exactly why the U.N. has been condemning Israel, and the resolutions are very easy to look up. However, he prefers to deflect by referring to the U.N. as “dysfunctional”.

Strange, isn’t it? Bernier was “Mr. Freedom” when it came to Canadians having their rights taken away in 2020 and 2021. But he shilled for a foreign power that did (and still does) worse to its neighbours.

In fairness, few politicians (anywhere) in the West are willing to call out Israeli occupation of Palestinians. A cynic may wonder if all those free vacations had anything to do with it.

Anyhow, this is Parliament is up to these days — hearing witnesses advocate for measures on behalf of a tiny minority — and all because of events on the other side of the world.

(1) https://www.ourcommons.ca/committees/en/JUST/StudyActivity?studyActivityId=12632914
(2) https://www.cija.ca/government_support_of_anti_palestinian_racism_risks_undermining_canadian_jewish_rights
(3) https://assets.nationbuilder.com/cija/pages/4068/attachments/original/1719952377/2024-06-20_APR_Need_to_know.pdf?1719952377
(4) http://www.maximebernier.com/foreign_policy_must_focus_on_the_security_and_prosperity_of_canadians_not_pleasing_the_dysfunctional_united_nations
(5) Wayback Machine Archive Of Bernier

TAXPAYER FUNDED TRIPS TO ISRAEL (2007-2023):
(1) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Pages/SponsoredTravel-DeplParraines.aspx
(2) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2007%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(3) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2007
(4) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2008%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(5) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2008
(6) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2009%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(7) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2009
(8) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2010%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(9) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2010
(10) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2011%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(11) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2012%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(12) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2012
(13) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2013%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(14) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2013
(15) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2014%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(16) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2014
(17) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2015%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(18) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2015
(19) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2016%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(20) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2016
(21) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2017%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(22) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2017
(23) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Documents/SponsoredTravel/2018%20Sponsored%20Travel%20List.pdf
(24) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2018
(25) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Pages/travel2019-deplacements2019.aspx
(26) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2019
(27) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Pages/Travel2020-Deplacements2020.aspx
(28) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Pages/Travel2021-Deplacements2021.aspx
(29) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Pages/Travel2022-Deplacements2022.aspx
(30) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2022
(31) https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/publications/Pages/Travel2023-Deplacements2023.aspx
(32) CIJA List of Sponsored Travel 2023

Byram Bridle Lawsuit Dropped, Second Anti-SLAPP Motion Terminated

The high profile December 2022 Ontario lawsuit of Byram Bridle has come to an end. The Notice of Discontinuance was recently filed, along with the Consent form. The parties agreed to drop the case with no costs to anyone.

See parts 1, 2, 3 and 4 for more specifics on the case.

Bridle had previously discontinued with respect to David Fisman, but the new document applies to everyone else. The litigation is finished at this point.

While the details of the case remain disputed, at its core, Bridle brought a lawsuit against his employer, the University of Guelph. This was over issues of workplace bullying and harassment. This immediately causes problems, given the union agreement he was subject to.

Specifically, Bridle has the right to grieve and to arbitrate, but not to litigate.

University Of Guelph Faculty Covered By Collective Agreements

Article 40 of Guelph’s Collective Bargaining Agreement delves into dispute resolution. It lays out a process that everyone is expected to follow. In short, it goes: (a) informal resolution; (b) formal grievance; and (c) arbitration as a last resort. And the ruling of an Arbitrator is expected to be final.

However, Bridle didn’t go to arbitration. Instead, he sued everyone involved, including those who handled the initial investigation. He seemed to think that cloaking everything with allegations of “conspiracy” would somehow get around the lack of jurisdiction of the Courts. He must have had poor representation.

Another interesting detail: Bridle filed a police report in Peel over impersonation and identity theft, as a result of a website in his name. The report was filed with the Motion Records. It doesn’t seem like the site was meant to be taken seriously, but just to report on his views and statements. This fed into the “conspiracy” allegations.

The findings from that complaint were to be used to bolster this case, which seems to be a bad faith reason to call the police.

Bridle was also banned from the University after he refused to participate in an investigation alleging threats and possible violence. But this just ties into the narrative pushed by the Defence that the suit is fundamentally about a workplace dispute. It doesn’t somehow grant the Courts the right to hear such a case.

It gets even worse.

Lawsuit Framed (Largely) As Challenge Over Public Views

While the Courts would have no jurisdiction anyway, Bridle ended up framing his lawsuit (mainly) to indicate that he was attacked for his public views and policy positions on viruses and vaccines. This exposed him to an anti-SLAPP Motion, which is exactly what the University ended up doing.

Costs on dismissal
137.1(7) If a judge dismisses a proceeding under this section, the moving party is entitled to costs on the motion and in the proceeding on a full indemnity basis, unless the judge determines that such an award is not appropriate in the circumstances.

Ontario’s anti-SLAPP laws give “full indemnity”, or 100% of costs as the recommendation if lawsuits are dismissed. And given the mentioned lack of jurisdiction, there was already a built in defence to support such a Motion. Hard to believe counsel didn’t explain this to Bridle.

To sum up, Bridle’s poor choice to file such a Claim turned an arbitration hearing into a lawsuit with a full indemnity anti-SLAPP Motion, and no chance of success. Such rulings typically result in cost awards of well over $100,000.

It doesn’t end there.

Bridle apparently wasn’t satisfied filing such a case against his employer. He decided to include David Fisman (yes, that Fisman) over some online comments he made. This was justified by calling everything a “conspiracy”. Unsurprisingly, Fisman responded with an anti-SLAPP Motion of his own.

Suddenly, Bridle was staring down 2 anti-SLAPP Motions, with no real prospects of winning either. Going the distance could have easily set him back a quarter million ($250,000) or more.

The amount of paperwork for these Motion Records can be difficult to grasp. Fisman filed this, this and this. Guelph filed 3 volumes here, here and here. Bridle has a 2,000 page Motion Record of his own.

Ultimately, Bridle negotiated to have both Motions dropped without costs. Presumably, the Defendants’ insurers decided it wasn’t worth pouring more money into a case if Bridle would be unlikely or unable to pay. Hopefully, this doesn’t happen again.

But what’s the result here? Other than burning a lot of bridges, and airing out his dirty laundry, Bridle hasn’t accomplished much.

“Mr. Bad Beyond Argument’s” Record On Covid Cases

The Bridle case doesn’t exist in a vacuum. Here are some other well known cases that were filed in recent years, and all from the same lawyer. Very lackluster, to put it mildly.

  • Abandoned – Vaccine Choice Canada (1st case), Spring 2020
  • Abandoned – Sgt. Julie Evans (Police on Guard), around 2022?
  • Abandoned – Children’s Health Defense Canada, around 2022?
  • Abandoned – Kulvinder Gill/Ashvinder Lamba (right after Appeal launched), March 2022
  • Abandoned – Kulvinder Gill v. Attaran, March 2022
  • Abandoned – Action4Canada (no amended Claim ever filed), August 2022
  • Abandoned – Adelberg (Federal case, no amended Claim ever filed) February 2023
  • Discontinued – Vaccine Choice Canada (2nd case), May 2024
  • Discontinued – Byram Bridle v. David Fisman, June 2024
  • Discontinued – Katanik (Take Action Canada), July 2024
  • Discontinued – Byram Bridle v. University of Guelph, October 2024
  • Never Happened – B.C. Action for Provincial doctors
  • Never Happened – Injection pass case for up to 400 college students
  • Never Happened – Injection injury case for up to 600 Federal workers
  • Never Happened – Public inquiry for Government response

The category of “never happened” includes several causes for which money was raised, that don’t appear to have ever materialized.

  • Lost – Gill/Lamba case dismissed under anti-SLAPP laws, February 2022
  • Lost – Action4Canada case struck as “bad beyond argument”, August 2022
  • Lost – Adelberg (Federal case) struck as “bad beyond argument”, February 2023
  • Lost – Law Society of Ontario case struck for no Cause of Action, October 2023
  • Lost – CSASPP defamation case dismissed under anti-SLAPP laws, December 2023
  • Lost – Action4Canada Appeal dismissed, no reviewable error listed, February 2024
  • Lost – Adelberg Appeal (mostly) dismissed as employment claims still barred, June 2024

Both Action4Canada and Adelberg were struck by the Courts, (BCSC and Federal, respectively). Instead of pursuing amended versions — which was allowed — time and money were wasted with frivolous Appeals. This is why they’re classified as both “lost” and “abandoned”.

Guess they don’t make “top Constitutional lawyers” like they used to.

For a rough idea of how much money one lawyer can waste, see this previous compilation with estimates attached. “Mr. Bad Beyond Argument” has poured millions of dollars from donors and clients down the drain. Not one case ever got past a Motion to Strike.

The CSASPP Appeal will be heard in January 2025, and a case called Dorceus is under reserve, pending a Decision on the Motion to Strike. The Adelberg SCC Leave Application will be decided soon. All 3 are unlikely to go anywhere.

Many cases — including Bridle’s — make national news initially, and are never heard from again. They result in headlines, attention, and large donations. That’s because winning isn’t the goal, publicity is. Of course, that isn’t a legitimate reason to sue.

This specific lawsuit was reported in over 25 “alternative” media outlets in December 2022, but it doesn’t look like a single one ever followed up. The Statement of Claim was juicy enough, wasn’t it?

BRIDLE DOCUMENTS:
(1) Byram Bridle Statement Of Claim
(2) Byram Bridle Statement Of Defence
(3) Byram Bridle Statement Reply
(4) Byram Bridle Notice Of Motion Fisman
(5) Byram Bridle Motion Record Fisman 1 Of 2
(6) Byram Bridle Motion Record Fisman Supplemental
(7) Byram Bridle Motion Record Fisman Volume 1 Full
(8) Byram Bridle Motion Record Plaintiff Full
(9) Byram Bridle Notice Of Discontinuance Fisman
(10) Byram Bridle Notice Of Motion Guelph
(11) Byram Bridle Motion Record Guelph 1 Of 3
(12) Byram Bridle Motion Record Guelph 2 Of 3
(13) Byram Bridle Motion Record Guelph 3 Of 3
(14) Byram Bridle Affidavit Of Service MR
(15) Byram Bridle Peel Police Identity Theft
(16) Byram Bridle Consent Dismissal Of Claim
(17) Byram Bridle Notice Of Discontinuance Guelph
(18) Byram Bridle Affidavit Of Service

EXTRA LINKS:
(1) https://www.ontario.ca/page/search-court-cases-online
(2) https://www.uoguelph.ca/facultyrelations/collective-agreements
(3) University Of Guelph, Text Of Collective Bargaining Agreement

$7 Million Defamation Suit Against University Of Ottawa Dropped

Shortly before an anti-SLAPP Motion was to be heard in a Toronto Court, the Plaintiff and Defendants agreed to drop the case. The hearing had been scheduled for October 2nd, 2024.

In March 2021, Kulvinder Gill sued the University of Ottawa, and one of its professors, Amir Attaran, over comments made on Twitter. The Statement of Claim demanded $7 million in addition to costs. And what did the tweets say?

This idiot is a doctor in Ontario. Sort of a female version of Dr. Scott Atlas.

Looks like the flying monkeys are out today for Dr. Gill.
Research shows the Russian military intelligence (the GRU) are behind the anti-science COVID conspiracy social media.
So with love from Canada.

That’s right. Gill sued for millions because she was called an “idiot” on Twitter, and she was apparently trolled about Russian intelligence. Given that Ontario has strong anti-SLAPP laws, the university filed a Motion to have the lawsuit thrown out.

This isn’t Gill’s first rodeo when it comes to suing people for defamation. In February 2022, a $12.75 million case she and Ashvinder Lamba filed was thrown out, with $1.1 million in costs ordered. An Appeal was dismissed as well. Gill and Lamba then (separately) sued their former counsel.

DETAIL FIRST SUIT SECOND SUIT
Filed December 2020 March 2021
Plaintiffs Gill & Lamba Gill only
Defendants 23 2
Value $12.75 million $7 million
Outcome Dismissed Dropped
Appealed? Yes, and lost N/A

Gill had new counsel for this case, who apparently advised her that she’d inevitably lose again if this anti-SLAPP Motion was heard.

Oddly though, Gill did file a 300 page Motion Record to defend against the ongoing Motion. It’s not clear why, as the content was almost entirely irrelevant. The issue wasn’t whether Gill’s views on public health were correct or not, but whether she can silence people who disagree with her. She still doesn’t seem to understand that.

Back in 2020, Gill was one of a limited number of people speaking up against medical martial law. For that, she does deserve respect. Most doctors simply “bent the knee” when they were told to. She didn’t, and it was commendable.

However, it’s squandered by using the legal system as a weapon to silence people who annoy her.

DOCUMENTS
(1) Gill-Attaran Statement Of Claim
(2) Gill Attaran Affidavit Of Service
(3) Gill-Attaran Notice Of Intent
(4) Gill-Attaran Counsel Abandons Plaintiff
(5) Gill-Attaran Plaintiff Responding Motion Record
(6) Gill-Attaran Full And Final Release

OTHER
(1) https://www.ontario.ca/page/search-court-cases-online
(2) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/laws/stat/rso-1990-c-c43/latest/#sec137.1_smooth
(3) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onsc/doc/2022/2022onsc1279/2022onsc1279.html
(4) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onsc/doc/2022/2022onsc6169/2022onsc6169.html
(5) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/laws/stat/rso-1990-c-l12/latest/rso-1990-c-l12.html
(6) https://canucklaw.ca/wp-content/uploads/Notice-of-Appeal-and-Appellants-Certificate-Gill-2.pdf

Incompetently Pleaded Claim Leads To Anti-SLAPP Win For Farber, CAHN

Last week, an Ottawa Judge threw out that a defamation case brought against Bernie Farber and the Canadian Anti-Hate Network (CAHN). Justice Bell found that it was a “strategic lawsuit against public participation”, which isn’t allowed under Ontario’s Courts of Justice Act.

Here’s the context.

On February 14th, 2024, a Notice of Action was filed in Ottawa. It named Farber, CAHN, various MPs, members of the police, and banks for what had happened when the Emergencies Act was invoked. Filing this bought them — the Plaintiffs thought — another 30 days to file their Statement of Claim.

How this relates to Farber and CAHN is that their postings are blamed for getting the EA invoked. Remember the infamous “Hate Gate” hoax? Well, this lawsuit may have come as a result of it.

However, because the Plaintiffs’ lawyers apparently know nothing about defamation law, or anti-SLAPP laws, Farber and CAHN are off the hook. CAHN posted about this, and accurately stated the problem: the Claim never identified any specific statements or articles. It just made bald assertions.

While the lawsuit can still proceed with regards to the other Defendants, Plaintiffs should seriously consider retaining new counsel.

There will be the typical rumblings about the system being corrupt, or the Judge being bought off. Those concerns have been made many times before.

Alternatively, it’s worth noting that the Statement of Claim was so poorly and incompetently drafted, that this outcome was easily foreseeable. The firm handling this case is Loberg Ector LLP, which boasts about it on their website

“We Do Commercial Litigation”

Just not very well, it seems.

The contact page on their website lists their address as being in Alberta. That Province doesn’t have anti-SLAPP laws, so it’s possible they didn’t know that Ontario did. Anyhow, let’s get into it.

Claim Failed To Specify A Single Defamatory Statement

Here are the passages which related to CAHN.

207. Leading up to the Unlawful Enactments during the Ottawa Protests, several Defendants, acting together, or acting individually, as the case may be:
a. Made public and widely publicized denigrating and derogatory comments falsely characterizing the nature, scope, beliefs, and motives of the persons participating in the Ottawa Protests including some of the Plaintiffs;
b. Published and widely distributed written material including defamatory comments about the Ottawa Protests knowingly containing false and misleading information about the Ottawa Protests;
c. Conspired with or influenced major Canadian media outlets to publish false reports about the activities of the protestors present at the Ottawa Protests;
d. Made false reports regarding the activities of the protestors present at the Ottawa Protests to Crown officials and made false statements to Crown officials in such a way that promoted the Unlawful Enactments;
e. Sought to harm, injure, or otherwise denigrate the reputations of the Plaintiffs with malicious intent; and
f. Made such further and other public statements and publications which denigrated and harmed the reputations of the Plaintiffs as will be discovered at the trial of this action.

208. The conduct of the Defendants, and the false information which was disseminated by several Defendants to the Canadian media, the Financial Institution Defendants, the Crown and the citizens of Canada influenced and enabled the decision to invoke the impugned Unlawful Enactments.

209. The decisions taken by the individual Defendants, the Police Defendants, the Crown Defendants, the Financial Institution Defendants, and the CAHN Defendants were done cynically, politically, and selfishly without the appropriate consideration for the bests interest of Canada and its citizens and with wanton disregard for the wellbeing of the Plaintiffs.

210. Intelligence reports at the time of the Ottawa Protests from the RCMP, OPS, Police Defendants, and CSIS did not show that the Ottawa Protests were a threat to national security, and indeed consistently corroborated the overall peaceful nature of the Ottawa Protests.

211. While deliberately knowing that the Ottawa Protests was largely a peaceful protest, the Crown Defendants, and in particular Ms. Jody Thomas given her role as the National Security and Intelligence Advisor took it upon themselves to create their own open source intelligence operation to create a new flow of intelligence to the Crown Defendants (the “Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting”) which influenced their decision to invoke the Emergencies Act and Unlawful Enactments.

212. The Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting was an unsanctioned, and politically motivated open source intelligence operation which reflected the intentionally biased view of the narrative that Ms. Thomas and the Crown Defendants wanted, rather than the truth about the overall peaceful nature of the Ottawa Protests. This included relying heavily upon false or otherwise one-sided open source information and giving undue emphasis or weight to misleading or otherwise biased narratives including those from the CAHN Defendants or their proxies on social media.

213. For greater certainty, in her role as National Security and Intelligence Advisor, Ms. Thomas had the entire intelligence and security information assets at her disposal to draw upon, including military and defence. Ms. Thomas and her office were authorized to draw upon information and intelligence from at least five different secretariat level sources. These include Emergency Preparedness, Intelligence Assessment, Foreign Policy, Defence Policy, and the National Security Council. In addition to the secretariat level information and intelligence sources, Ms. Jody Thomas had several agencies providing intelligence flows which includes but is not limited to CSIS, the RCMP, the Department of National Defence, the Canadian Armed Forces, and the Communications Security Establishment Canada.

214. None of the intelligence reports or flows of intelligence from the plethora of integrated government-wide perspectives and sources that Ms. Thomas had available to her could be used to justify the invocation of the Emergencies Act, nor did they suggest that the Ottawa Protests were a threat to national security.

215. The Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting was a deliberate attempt to bypass the secretariat level intelligence and the intelligence flows from the numerous agencies that Ms. Thomas and her office had at their disposal. The Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting reflected the views and narratives that she wanted to advance, and it was not the integrated government-wide intelligence perspective that was required.

216. The Crown Defendants, members of Cabinet both named and not named as Defendants in this action, accepted the information contained in the Thomas Open Source Reporting and misinformation from the CAHN Defendants or their proxies either negligently or with malicious intent when they knew or ought to have known that such information was misleading, grossly exaggerated, defamatory, and harmful.

217. Essentially, when all or some of the Crown Defendants were unable to obtain the intelligence required to justify invoking the Emergencies Act or demonstrate that the Ottawa Protests were a threat to national security, they embarked on their own unsanctioned open source intelligence operation by way of the Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting to create a new flow of intelligence to the Prime Minister’s Office and to Cabinet while negligently or intentionally relying upon information that they knew or ought to have known was untrue, exaggerated, misleading, defamatory, and biased.

218. The Court ought to give weight to the above paragraphs as an aggravating factor in the course of this litigation when assessing the appropriate level of damages and financial compensation for the Plaintiffs.

252. The CAHN Defendants in particular, provided false information to several other Defendants and media organizations designed to harm the Plaintiffs. Falsified or otherwise highly exaggerated information was supplied by the CAHN Defendants or their proxies to the Crown Defendants and the Police Defendants in support of the Unlawful Enactments.

253. The statements made by the CAHN Defendants and their proxies defamed the Plaintiffs and influenced the decision to invoke the Emergencies Act.

254. The statements were false and were made with malice to advance the political agenda of the CAHN Defendants. The CAHN Defendants at one point were recipients of funding and financial support from the Government of Canada. The CAHN Defendants as recently as August 2023, have requested further financial funding for themselves and their causes from the Government of Canada requesting taxpayer money in excess of $130 million over the next 5 years. The true extent of the historical and ongoing financial funding of the CAHN Defendants by the Government of Canada is not fully known but will be discovered during this action.

255. The Plaintiffs, any or each of them, suffered damages as a result of the defamatory statements by the CAHN Defendants which were dishonest, deceitful, and exaggerated while done with malicious intent to cause harm including labelling the Ottawa Protestors, including the Plaintiffs, as being racist, accelerationist, far right extremists, falsely accusing supporters of the Ottawa Protestors as being Nazi’s, misogynistic, and disseminating other hateful and defamatory false accusations about the Plaintiffs some of whom are Indigenous peoples, racialized minorities, persons of colour, women, senior citizens, and disabled individuals.

256. The CAHN Defendants have themselves knowingly propagated hatred, sowed division within Canada, fomented distrust, spread misinformation, and have defamed the Plaintiffs with malevolent intent and for cynical purposes to advance a political agenda which has in the past been paid for and funded by the Canadian taxpayers.

257. Furthermore, the Crown Defendants in relying upon the Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting defamed the Plaintiffs when public statements were made repeating the same false information and narratives. In many instances, the Thomas Open Source Intelligence Reporting relied upon the false information from the Government of Canada funded CAHN Defendants and their proxies in a closed loop as a means to improperly justify the illegal invocation of the Emergencies Act.

258. The Plaintiffs seek compensable damages against the CAHN Defendants and the
Crown Defendants for their injurious falsehoods and defamation.

All of this is from the Statement of Claim.

But do you see the problem? At no point, is there any specific quote of any defamatory statement. Nor are there any specific articles or videos referenced. It should have looked something like this:

On February 6th, 2022, Farber stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

On February 8th, 2022, CAHN published an article which stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

On February 10th, 2022, Farber stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

On February 12th, 2022, Farber stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

On February 14th, 2022, CAHN published an article which stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

On February 16th, 2022, CAHN published an article which stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

On February 18th, 2022, CAHN published an article which stated: “…. [insert quote]….”

And so on.

This is how defamation allegations are supposed to be pleaded in a Statement of Claim. The specific words need to be included, along with information about who spoke or wrote them, when and where. Considering the case against Farber and CAHN was only expression, these needed to be listed.

Instead of this, the Claim goes on about vague and nondescript allegations. This is not how it should be done, and the Claim would have to be rewritten anyway.

But since Ontario has anti-SLAPP laws, there are no rewrites.

Section 137.1 Courts Of Justice Act (Anti-SLAPP)

Order to dismiss
(3) On motion by a person against whom a proceeding is brought, a judge shall, subject to subsection (4), dismiss the proceeding against the person if the person satisfies the judge that the proceeding arises from an expression made by the person that relates to a matter of public interest.

No dismissal
(4) A judge shall not dismiss a proceeding under subsection (3) if the responding party satisfies the judge that,
(a) there are grounds to believe that,
(i) the proceeding has substantial merit, and
(ii) the moving party has no valid defence in the proceeding; and
.
(b) the harm likely to be or have been suffered by the responding party as a result of the moving party’s expression is sufficiently serious that the public interest in permitting the proceeding to continue outweighs the public interest in protecting that expression.

The Courts of Justice Act for Ontario has been quoted many times. But here’s a quick overview as to how it works, and what needs to happen.

(1) Defendants, one or multiple, bring a Motion to dismiss under this provision. A lot of papers are exchanged in the meantime.

(2) Defendant(s) must convince the Court that their expression is “of a public interest concern”. This isn’t to say that it’s good or bad, just that it’s something a segment of the public would be interested in. By design, it’s a very low burden.

(3) If the Defendant(s) are able to do this, the burden then shifts to the Plaintiff(s), and they face a 3-part test. If even one part is failed, the anti-SLAPP Motion is granted, and the case dismissed.

(a) The Plaintiff(s) must persuade that there is “substantial merit” to the Claim.

(b) The Plaintiff(s) must persuade that there “are no reasonable defences available”.

(c) The Plaintiff(s) must persuade that there is a greater public interest in allowing the proceeding to continue, as opposed to protecting the expression.

If the Judge decides the expression “isn’t of a public concern”, the Motion is to be dismissed, and the case allowed to proceed. Likewise, if the Plaintiff is convincing on all 3 parts of the test, the Motion should fail.

Otherwise, the case is to be dismissed.

How The Anti-SLAPP Motion Played Out In Court

Starting at paragraph 19, Justice Bell explains his reasons.

The expression itself had to do with the invocation of the Emergencies Act, which impacted all Canadians. While not taking sides on the issue, he found that it was a concern to a large segment of the population. As a result, he found that Farber and CAHN met the “public interest threshold”.

Now, the burden shifted to the Plaintiffs, and they had that test to meet. And here’s where the lawyers’ sheer cluelessness about anti-SLAPP laws really showed.

No further steps in proceeding
137.1(5) Once a motion under this section is made, no further steps may be taken in the proceeding by any party until the motion, including any appeal of the motion, has been finally disposed of.

No amendment to pleadings
137.1(6) Unless a judge orders otherwise, the responding party shall not be permitted to amend his or her pleadings in the proceeding,
(a) in order to prevent or avoid an order under this section dismissing the proceeding; or
(b) if the proceeding is dismissed under this section, in order to continue the proceeding

This is part of what makes anti-SLAPP laws in Ontario so powerful. Part (5) “stays” the case, meaning nothing else can happen until this is resolved (and all Appeals).

Part (6) states that a pleading cannot be amended in order to avoid a dismissal, nor can it be after a case is dismissed.

Because the idiot lawyers never specified any defamatory statements here, there is no next time. As a result, Justice Bell found that there was “no substantial merit” to the Claim. (The civil conspiracy allegation also wasn’t pleaded properly.)

Since there’s no “substantial merit”, that should be the end right there.

There was also the open question as to whether the requirement to serve Notice of Libel was met, and whether the 2 year limitation had lapsed anyway. It wasn’t resolved, but still a possibly valid defence.

For the final part, the Judge found there was no evidence of harm to any Plaintiff from Farber or CAHN. Only Vincent Gircys submitted an Affidavit, but the freezing of his bank accounts couldn’t be tied to them.

Farber and CAHN had asked for $20,000 and $10,000 respectively for damages, which was denied.

The Motion was granted, and the case was dismissed (for Farber and CAHN).

Successful Motions Typically Get Full Indemnity (100%) Costs

Costs on dismissal
137.1(7) If a judge dismisses a proceeding under this section, the moving party is entitled to costs on the motion and in the proceeding on a full indemnity basis, unless the judge determines that such an award is not appropriate in the circumstances.

In most circumstances, successful parties only get a portion of their costs back. In Ontario, anti-SLAPP laws refer to “full indemnity” as the default position if the case is dismissed.

This means that Plaintiffs have to pay their lawyers’ costs, and ALL of the Defendants’ lawyers costs. Cost awards typically are well over $100,000.

During the Motion, the Plaintiffs’ lawyers had tried to argue that the suit against Farber and CAHN could be added to and “particularized”. Again, this showed their ignorance about defamation and anti-SLAPP laws.

Now, the case can theoretically still proceed — minus Farber and CAHN — but the Claim will still have to be redrafted anyway. What a waste of time and money.

However, because there are other serious problems with the pleading, it’s possible, and likely, that Motions to Strike will be coming soon.

The Plaintiffs need better lawyers.

Perhaps the Law Societies of Ontario and/or Alberta can assist them in connecting with more competent and experienced help.

(1) https://lobergector.com/
(2) https://lobergector.com/emergencies-act
(3) https://lobergector.com/contact-us
(4) Cornell Notice Of Action
(5) Cornell Statement Of Claim
(6) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onsc/doc/2024/2024onsc5343/2024onsc5343.html
(7) https://www.antihate.ca/freedom_convoy_conspiracy_theory_kicked_out_of_court
(8) https://www.canlii.org/en/on/laws/stat/rso-1990-c-c43/latest/rso-1990-c-c43.html#sec137.1_smooth

Private Member’s Bill C-413: Jail Time For Residential School “Denialism”

Leah Gazan, New Democrat M.P. for Winnipeg Centre, has made good on an earlier promise. Bill C-413 has now had First Reading in Parliament. If passed, it would ban “Residential School Denialism”, and people could face prison time for doing so.

In case people still think voting matters — for some reason — let’s differentiate between “left wing” politics and “right wing” politics in Canada. Hopefully, this clears things up.

Left Wing Politics: Jail Time For “Residential School Denialism”

Gazan, who is Jewish, touts the “Never Again” motto as a rationale for bringing in this Bill.

Interestingly, she rails against war crimes committed in the Middle East, by Israel. However, she seems to support the same kind of censorship laws that Zionists do regarding the Holocaust. This appears to involve some mental gymnastics, especially given her enthusiasm for abortion.

Anyhow, this is what she recently contributed:

Criminal Code
1 (1) Section 319 of the Criminal Code is amended by adding the following after subsection (2.‍1):
Willful promotion of hatred — Indigenous peoples

(2.‍2) Everyone who, by communicating statements, other than in private conversation, wilfully promotes hatred against Indigenous peoples by condoning, denying, downplaying or justifying the Indian residential school system in Canada or by misrepresenting facts relating to it
(a) is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years; or
(b) is guilty of an offence punishable on summary conviction.

(2) Subsections 319(4) to (6) of the Act are replaced by the following:
Defences — subsection (2.‍2)
(3.‍2) No person shall be convicted of an offence under subsection (2.‍2)
(a) if they establish that the statements communicated were true;
.
(b) if, in good faith, they expressed or attempted to establish by an argument an opinion on a religious subject or an opinion based on a belief in a religious text;
.
(c) if the statements were relevant to any subject of public interest, the discussion of which was for the public benefit, and if on reasonable grounds they believed them to be true; or
.
(d) if, in good faith, they intended to point out, for the purpose of removal, matters producing or tending to produce feelings of hatred toward Indigenous peoples.

Forfeiture
(4) If a person is convicted of an offence under subsection (1), (2), (2.‍1) or (2.‍2) or section 318, anything by means of or in relation to which the offence was committed, on such conviction, may, in addition to any other punishment imposed, be ordered by the presiding provincial court judge or judge to be forfeited to His Majesty in right of the province in which that person is convicted, for disposal as the Attorney General may direct.

Exemption from seizure of communication facilities
(5) Subsections 199(6) and (7) apply, with any modifications that the circumstances require, to subsection (1), (2), (2.‍1) or (2.‍2) or section 318.

Consent
(6) No proceeding for an offence under subsection (2), (2.‍1) or (2.‍2) shall be instituted without the consent of the Attorney General.

If the text of Bill C-413 looks familiar, it should. It’s identical to Bill C-250. That was introduced in 2022 by “Conservative” Kevin Waugh to criminalize Holocaust denial. More on that later.

Both this Bill, and the one criminalizing Holocaust denial contain a provision that requires consent from the Attorney General to proceed. While this may be viewed as a safety mechanism, it can also mean that politically motivated cases would be filed only.

The Bill allows for the seizure and forfeiture of “anything in relation to the offence”, which presumably refers to computers and cell phones.

Right Wing Politics: Jail Time For “Holocaust Denial”

The text of Bill C-413 is modelled on Bill C-250, which was started by Kevin Waugh. However, the contents of that Bill were eventually incorporated into a budget, so this became irrelevant. As a result, people who “publicly deny the Holocaust” can now be locked up for 2 years.

This wasn’t just Waugh going rogue. The “Conservative” Party of Canada bragged about this being brought in, at least initially. Although the article was scrubbed, an archive of it is still available.

Things didn’t stop there. Yves-François Blanchet and Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, both part of the Bloc Québécois, introduced Bills C-367 and C-373, respectively. These identical pieces of legislation were aimed at removing the “religious exemption” defence of Holocaust denial.

Back in July 2018, Kevin Waugh took a taxpayer funded trip to Israel. He billed $16,200 for this. It’s apparently commonplace to bring Members of Parliament (and spouses) each year to “foster cultural understanding”. To be fair, it seems to be commonplace that MPs are travelling to other countries at taxpayer expense.

Waugh, Blanchet and Brunelle-Duceppe were all lobbied by CIJA prior to their respective Bills being introduced. This is the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs, the Canadian equivalent of AIPAC.

This is the left v.s. right political framework in Canada. There doesn’t seem to be any principled protection or dedication to free speech. Instead, special rules are brought in, depending on the political leanings of the people involved.

Time after time, we are seeing hate speech laws being brought for the protection of a specific group. But, will we ever see any legislation that prohibits the “willful promotion of hatred” against whites? Don’t count on it.

GAZAN’S BILL C-413:
(1) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/44-1/c-413
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Members/en/leah-gazan(87121)
(3) https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/bill/C-413/first-reading

WAUGH’S BILL C-250:
(1) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/44-1/c-250
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Members/en/kevin-waugh(89084)
(3) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=521753
(4) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/vwRg?cno=111&regId=917368&blnk=1
(5) https://www.conservative.ca/mp-waugh-introduces-legislation-to-prohibit-holocaust-denial/
(6) https://archive.ph/fCnNn

BLANCHET’S BILL C-367:
(1) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/44-1/c-367
(2) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Members/en/yves-francois-blanchet(104669)
(3) https://www.parl.ca/diplomacy/en/groups/cail
(4) https://www.parl.ca/documentviewer/en/IIA/constitution/8385503
(5) https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/bill/C-367/first-reading
(6) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=584234

BRUNELLE-DUCEPPE’S BILL C-373:
(1) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/overview
(2) https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/44-1/c-373
(3) https://www.ourcommons.ca/Members/en/alexis-brunelle-duceppe(104786)
(4) https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/bill/C-373/first-reading
(5) https://lobbycanada.gc.ca/app/secure/ocl/lrs/do/cmmLgPblcVw?comlogId=592585

Private Member Bills In Current Session:
(1) Bill C-206: Decriminalizing Self Maiming To Avoid Military Service
(2) Bill C-207: Creating The “Right” To Affordable Housing
(3) Bill C-219: Creating Environmental Bill Of Rights
(4) Bill C-226: Creating A Strategy For Environmental Racism/Justice
(5) Bill C-229: Banning Symbols Of Hate, Without Defining Them
(6) Bill C-235: Building Of A Green Economy In The Prairies
(7) Bill C-245: Entrenching Climate Change Into Canada Infrastructure Bank
(8) Bill C-250: Imposing Prison Time For Holocaust Denial
(9) Bill C-261: Red Flag Laws For “Hate Speech”
(10.1) Bill C-293: Domestic Implementation Of Int’l Pandemic Treaty
(10.2) Bill C-293: Concerns Raised In Hearings Over Food Supplies
(11) Bill C-312: Development Of National Renewable Energy Strategy
(12) Bill C-315: Amending CPPIB Act Over “Human, Labour, Environmental Rights”
(13) Bill C-367: Removing Religious Exemptions Protecting Against Antisemitism
(14) Bill C-373: Removing Religious Exemptions Protecting Against Antisemitism 2.0
(15) Bill C-388: Fast Tracking Weapons, Energy, Gas To Ukraine
(16) Bill C-390: Expanding Euthanasia Into PROVINCIAL Frameworks
(17) Bills C-398/C-399: Homeless Encampments, Immigration “Equity”
(18) Bill S-215: Protecting Financial Stability Of Post-Secondary Institutions
(19) Bill S-243: Climate Related Finance Act, Banking Acts
(20) Bill S-248: Removing Final Consent For Euthanasia
(21) Bill S-257: Protecting Political Belief Or Activity As Human Rights
(22) Bill S-275: Adding “Sustainable And Equitable Prosperity” To Bank Of Canada Act